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LIVES
OP
THE LORD CHANCELLORS
AND
KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL
OF ENGLAND.
VOL. I.
London :
Spottiswoodk and Shaw,
New-street- Square.
THE
LIVES
THE LORD CHANCELLORS
KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL
ENGLAND,
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TILL THE REIGN OF
KING GEORGE IV.
BY
JOHN LORD CAMPBELL, LL.D. F.R.S.E.
IN SEVEN VOLUMES.
VOL. L
THIRD EDITION.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1848.
\J.\ -
THE HONORABLE
WILLIAM FREDERICK CAMPBELL.
My dear Son,
As you are not to inherit from me great posses-
sions, or a name illustrated by long official career,
I inscribe this work to you, in the hope that it may
prove to you a lesson of true labour.
I have hitherto had much reason to rejoice in the
progress of your studies ; and when you return from
viewing foreign cities and manners, I shall hope to
see you struggling to confer benefits on your country,
while you lay the foundation of a lasting reputation for
yourself. Thus I shall be more gratified than by
any power or distinction I myself could have ac-
quired, and you will render contented and happy the
declining years of —
Your ever affectionate Father,
CAMPBELL.
Nov. 1. 18-15.
A 3
PREFACE
THE THIRD EDITION.
In preparing a New Edition of the Lives op the Chan-
cellors, I have availed myself of the numerous obliging
communications which I have recently received suggesting
corrections and additions; — and from the careful revision which
the work has undergone, I hope it may now be found not
unworthy of the public patronage with which it has been
honoured.
Stratheden House,
April 10 1848.
PREFACE
THE FIRST EDITION.
When suddenly freed, in the autumn of 1841, from pro-
fessional and official occupations, I revelled for a while in the
resumption of my classical studies, and in the miscellaneous
perusal of modern authors. By degrees I began to perceive
the want of a definite object : I recollected what Lord Coke
and Lord Bacon say of the debt due from every successful
lawyer to his profession ; and I felt within me a revival of
the aspiration after literary fame, which, in my most busy
days, I was never able entirely to extinguish. Having
amused myself with revising for the press " a Selection of
my Speeches at the Bar and in the House of Commons," I
resolved to write " The Lives of the Chancellors."
It is for others to judge how this work is executed, but I
am more and more convinced that the subject is happily
chosen. " Histories," says Lord Bacon, " do rather set
forth the pomp of business than the true and inward resorts
thereof. But Lives, if they be well written, propounding
to themselves a person to represent, in whom actions both
greater and smaller, public and private, have a commixture,
must of necessity contain a more true, native, and lively re-
presentation."* In writing the lives of those who have suc-
cessively filled a great office there is unity of design as well
as variety of character and incident, and there is no office in
the history of any nation that has been filled with such a
long succession of distinguished and interesting men as the
* Advancement of Learning.
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
oflSce of Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal
of England. It has existed from the foundation of the
monarchy; and although mediocrity has sometimes been
the recommendation for it, — generally speaking, the most
eminent men of the age, if not the most virtuous, have been
selected to adorn it. To an English statesman as well as an
English lawyer the narrative ought to be particularly in-
structive, for the history of the holders of the Great Seal is
the liistory of our constitution as well as of our jurisprudence.
There is even a sort of romance belonging to the true tale of
many of those who are to be delineated, and the strange
vicissitudes of their career are not exceeded by the fictions of
novelists or dramatists.
I foresaw the difiiculties that would beset me — some-
times from the want, and sometimes from the superfluity of
materials. Struggling with these, I have attempted to present
to the reader a clear and authentic account of all who have
held the Great Seal of England from the earliest times —
adapting the scale of my narrative to the varying importance
of what is to be told, and trying as I proceed to give a
glimpse of the most important historical events, and of the
manners of the age.
If I have failed, it will not have been for the want of
generous assistance. I wish to speak with the most heart-
felt gratitude of the kindness which I have experienced. I
have been treated like a shipwrecked mariner cast on a
friendly shore — every one eagerly desirous to comfort and
to cherish him. In not one single instance since I entered
on the undertaking, when I have applied for assistance,
have I met with a rebuff; on the contrary, the most eager
and disinterested disposition has been evinced to oblige me.
Such good offices I have to boast of, not less from political
opponents than from political associates, and my thanks are
peculiarly due to many clergymen of the Church of England
to whom I was personally unknown, and who have devoted
much time and trouble in furnishing me with extracts from
PREFACE TO THE FIKST EDITION. XI
parish registers, copies of epitaphs, and other local in-
formation.
I must be allowed publicly to express my thanks by name
to Lord Langdale, for the use of his valuable collection of
Extracts from the Close Roll, respecting the transfer of the
Great Seal ; — to Earl Fortescue, for the pardon under the
Great Seal of his ancestor by Edward IV. ; — to Lord
Francis Egerton, for many original documents of great in- ^
terest relating to Lord Chancellor Ellesmere ; — to Lord
Hatherton, for an original mandate under the hand and seal
of his kinsman. Lord Keeper Littleton, for raising money to
carry on the war against the Long Parliament ; — to Mr.
DufFus Hardy, for many important writs, proclamations, and
letters, never before published, which he has discovered for
me in the Tower of London ; — to Sir Francis Palgrave,
acquainted with the Anglo-Saxon times more familiarly than
most men are with the reign of George III., for the direc-
tion which he has given to my inquiries whenever I have
been at fault ; — to Mr. M'Queen, author of " The Practice
of the House of Lords," for some difficult researches made by
him on my account into the antiquities of Equity Practice ;
— to Mr. Payne Collier, the learned Editor of Shakspeare,
for various ballads and handbills published at the death of
Lord Chancellor Jeffreys ; — to Mr. Foss, Editor of "'The
Grandeur of the Law," who has amassed a noble collection
respecting all English lawyers in all ages, for helping me
out with dates and facts respecting some of the early Chan-
cellors ; — to Mr. Spence, of the Chancery Bar, for his
communication to me of a large portion of his materials for
the important work in which he is engaged' on the jurisdic-
tion of the Court of Chancery ; — to Mr. Parkes, author of
" The History of the Court of Chancery," for the loan of his
large assortment of tracts on English jurisprudence ; — to
Mr. Purton Cooper, Q. C, one of the Record Commissioners,
for several unpublished MS. treatises on the Practice of the
Court of Chancery in early times ; — to Mr. Panizzi, for
xn PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
the good-humour and intelligence which have laid open to me
all the treasures of the British Museum ; — and to my friend
and pupil, Mr. David Dundas, for his assistance in gleaning
materials for some lives that have become obscure, but which
ought to be known to mankind — particularly that of Lord
Chancellor John Russell.
In rapidly travelling through a period of above a thousand
years, I am well aware that I must have committed many
mistakes, and have passed by, without discovering, much in-
teresting matter. I shall receive very thankfully any inform-
ation with which I may be favoured, either privately or in
print, to enable me to correct errors and to supply omissions.
I hope that I have shown myself free from any party or sec-
tarian bias. The great principles of civil and religious liberty
I ever wish boldly to avow, and resolutely to maintain;
but I believe that I have fairly appreciated the acts and
characters of those whose Lives I have had in hand, without
being swayed by the consideration whether they were Roman
Catholics or Protestants — Whigs or Tories. I must request
the candid reader not to judge by any particular expression,
or any particular Life, but by the whole scope and tendency
of the work.
Horace Walpole seeks to deter all who have ever touched
a Great Seal from engaging in such a task, by observing,
after his criticisms on the historical labours of Sir Thomas
More, Lord Bacon, and Lord Clarendon, " It is hoped no
more Chancellors will write our story till they can divest
themselves of that habit of their profession — apologising
for a bad cause."* My object has been uniformly to re-
probate violence and fraud, and to hold up integrity and
consistency for applause and imitation.
I regret the length into which I have been drawn ; but,
after a careful revision, I have found nothing that I could
omit without injury to my design ; and when due regard is
* Historic Doubts.
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. ^"
had to the number of persons whose history was to be nar-
rated, and to the multitudinous facts to be introduced, I am
not without hopes that I may receive some little credit for
condensation.
It Avill be seen that this " First Series" comes down to the
Revolution of 1688. I was advised to begin with the Chan-
cellors during the eighteenth century, and to travel back, after
the precedent of Hume. Such a plan would have had ad-
vantages, the recent Lives being generally considered the
most interesting ; but as I profess to give the history of our
jurisprudence, I thought that I should best succeed by start-
ing from its sources, and following the course which it has
run.
I calculate that the work will be completed in two ad-
ditional volumes, for which I have already made considerable
preparations, and which, if my life and strength be preserved
to me, I shall ere long lay before the public. Little inter-
ruption to study is offered by the^ political business of the
House of Lords, and although I resolve still regularly to attend
the hearing of Appeals and Writs of Error there, and the
meetings of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, a
considerable portion of the year is left entirely under my own
control. That the " Second Series" may be less defective, I
earnestly request the communication of any scarce tracts or
unpublished MSS. which are likely to be of service to me.
If the work should be worthily finished, my ambition is,
that it may amuse the general reader ; that it may afford
some instruction to those who wish to become well acquainted
with our constitutional history ; and above all, that it may
excite the young student of the law to emulation and indus-
try, and confirm in his mind the liberal and honourable
maxims which ought ever to govern the conduct of an
English Barrister.
Stratheden House,
Not. 1. 1845.
PREFACE
THE SECOND EDITION.
In presenting to the public a Second Edition of my First
Series of the " Lives of the Lord Chancelloes of
England," I would rather expose myself to the imputation
of vanity than of ingratitude ; and I must therefore express
my warm thanks for the favour with which the book has
been received. I may truly say, that within a few weeks
after its publication " it was on every table, and almost on
every toilette." Though founded on historical records, and
having solid instruction for its object, it has been as generally
read as popular works of fiction, aiming at nothing beyond
amusement.
I must especially return my thanks for the kind manner in
which, without regard to politics, the book has been treated
in periodical publications — quarterly, monthly, weekly, and
daily. Gentlemen who have written these criticisms have
done ample justice to any merits which they discovered, and
have forborne to dwell upon mistakes which could not have
escaped them.
This edition will be found not only more correct, but
enriched with several interesting documents which have re-
cently been communicated to me, — particularly a congratu-
latory Epistle to John de Langton on his appointment as
Chancellor by Edward I, ; Richard III.'s Letter to Lord
Chancellor John Russell respecting the marriage of the
XYl PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
Solicitor General with Jane Shore ; a letter to negotiate a
marriage between the daughter of Lord Chancellor Audley
and the son of Sir Anthony Denny ; the courtship of young
Edward Trafford and Margaret Boothe under the decree of
Lord Keeper Sir Nicholas Bacon ; Lord Chancellor Hatton's
address to the Bar on a call of Serjeants ; Lord EUesmere's
decree to punish the prolixity of an equity draughtsman ;
two letters of Lord Keeper Williams, and a very curious
letter to JeiFreys when Recorder of London, showing the
detestation in which he was held even in that period of his
career. I earnestly implore that errors and omissions may
still be pointed out to me.
I have made considerable progress with my Second
Series ; and I trust that Volumes IV. and V. will be pub-
lished before the end of the present year. These will bring
down the Chancellors to the death of Lord Thurlow. A
supplemental Volume, including Lord Loughborough, Lord
Erskine, and Lord Eldon, will complete the work. I then
propose (life and health being preserved to me) to proceed
with the " Lives of the Lord Chancellors of Ire-
land," — among whom are to be found characters as interest-
ing as any I have yet described, — and whose history, I think,
may be made to shed a new light upon the connection
between the two countries.
Stratheden House,
April 22. 1846,
CONTENTS
THE FIRST VOLUME.
INTRODUCTION.
OF THE ORIGIN', FUNCTIONS, AND JURISDICTION OF THE OFFICE OF LORD CHANCELLOR
IN ENGLAND.
Etymology of Word " Chancellor," Page I. Antiquity of the Office in England, 3.
Original Duty of Chancellor to frame Writs, 3. And Royal Grants, 4. Custody
of Great Seal, 4. Chancellor Keeper of King's Conscience, 4. Chancellor for-
merly subordinate Officer, without judicial Power, 4. Common-law Jurisdiction
of Chancellor, 5. Equitable Jurisdiction, 7. Objections to Antiquity of
Equitable Jurisdiction, 7. Definition of Equitable Jurisdiction, 8. Extension
of Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancellor, 9. From Inrolments in Chancery under
Recognisance, 9. Fees, &c., 10. Harmony between Common Law and Equity,
11. Discretion of Chancellor, 11. Appeal from Chancellor as Equity Judge,
13. Habeas Corpus and Prohibitions, 13. Ne exeat Regno, 13. Jurisdiction
over Coroners, 13. Criminal Jurisdiction, 14, Bankruptcy, 14. Lunacy, 14.
Chancellor not ex officio Privy Councillor, 16. Speaker of Lords, 16. Protec-
tion and Precedence, 1 7. Chancellor no Vote or Voice in Lords unless a Peer
17. Anciently addressed two Houses at Meeting of Parliament, 17. Trial of
Peers, and Impeachments, 18. Star Chamber, 18. Trial of the Pyx, 19.
Chancellor appoints Justices of Peace, 19. Patronage, 19. Visitor, 20. Other
Functions, 20. Office of " Keeper of the Great Seal," 20. Lords Commis-
sioners of Great Seal, 22. Present Title of Lord Chancellor, 22. Mode of
Appointment, 22. Tenure of Office, 23. Mode of using Great Seal, 23. Ne-
gotiation of Marriage of Henry VI. under Great Seal, 24. Use of Great Seal
by Edward IV., 25. Times of Tudors and Stuarts, 26. Use of Great Seal
since the Revolution of 1688, 26. Origin of Expression of " The Seals," 26.
Adoption of liew Great Seal, 27. Care in keeping the Great Seal, 27.
Emoluments of Office, 28. Etiquette, 28. In Parliament, 29. When ad-
ministering Oaths to Prince of Wales, 29. To King's younger Son, 29. To
Peers in Chancery, 29. Lord Mayor's Day, 30. Statute respecting Apparel of
Chancellor, 30.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE CHANCELLORS UNDER THE ANGLO-SAXON KINGS.
Merits of the Anglo-Saxons, 31. Augmendus, Chancellor to Ethelbert, 31, St.
SwiTHiN, Chancellor to Egbert and Ethelwulf, 32. Turketel, Chancellor under
Edward the Elder, 34. Athelstan, 35. Rattle of Brunenburgh, 35. Edmund
and Edred, 35. Lord Chancellor Turketel becomes a Monk, 35. Adulphus, 36
VOL. I. a
XYIU CONTENTS.
Alfric, 36. Office of Chancellor divided between three Abbots, 37. Great Seal
of Edward the Confessor, 37. Leofric, Chancellor to the Confessor, 38. Wul-
wius, 38. Reimbaldl's, 38. Vice- Chancellor Swardus, 38. Origin of Masters
in Chancery, 39.
CHAPTER II.
OF THE CHANCELLORS FROM THE CONQUEST TO THE REIGN OE HENRY tl.
Chancellors under early Norman Reigns, 40. Chancellors of the Conqueror, 42.
Maurice, 42. Made Bishop of London, and resigns Great Seal, 42. Conduct
of Ex-chancellor Maurice on the Death of William Rufus, 43. Osmond, 44,
His Character, 44. His literary Works, 44. Arfastus, 45. Baldrick, 45.
Herman, 45. Welson, 46. W. Giffard, Chancellor under three Reigns, 46.
His Character, 46. Conduct of Giffard on Death of Conqueror, 47. Chancellor
to William Rufus, 47. Dismissed, 47. Bloet, Chancellor to William Rufus, 47.
Death and Character of Bloet, 48. Flambard, 49. Oppressions of Flambard,
49. Plot against Flambard, 50. His Preferments, 50. Committed to the
Tower, 51. Exile and Death of Flambard, 51. Giffard, Chancellor the third
time, 52. Dismissal and Banishment of Giffard, 52. Roger, Bishop of Salis-
bury, Chancellor, 53. His Origin and History, 53. Roger's Rise, 53. His
Conduct as Chancellor, 54. Made Chief Justiciar, 54. Roger's Conduct on
Settlement of the Crown, 54. Dismissal of Roger, 55. Roger supports Usurpa-
tion of Stephen, 55. Roger besieged in his Castle, 55. Surrenders, 56. His
Death, 56. His Career described by William of Malmesbury, 56. Other Chan-
cellors of Henry I., 57. Geoffrey Rufus, 57. Bought Office of Chancellor,
57. Ranulphus, 58. Roger, Chancellor to King Stephen, succeeded by his
Nephew Alexander, 59. His Conduct as Chancellor, 59. Character of Alex-
ander, 60. Roger Pauper, Chancellor, 60. Queen Matilda, 60. Fitzgilbert
her Chancellor, 61. Other Chancellors of Stephen, 61.
CHAPTER III.
life of lord chancellor THOMAS a becket.
Parentage, 62. Story of his Mother being the Daughter of an Emir, 62. Birth
and Education, 63. Holds Office under Sheriff of London, 64. Patronised by
Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, 64. Made Archdeacon of Canterbury, 64.
Missions to Rome, 65. Appointed Chancellor, 65. Intimacy with Henry II.,
65. His Duties as Chancellor, 67. Fitzstephen's Account of his Habits, 67.
Story of the King, the Chancellor, and the Beggarman, 68. His Conduct as
Chancellor, 70. Becket Tutor to the Prince, 70. Becket's Embassy to Fiance,
70. Origin of Scutage, 73.* Becket's Military Prowess, 73. Siege of Toulouse,
74. Single Combat with Engleran de Trie, 74. Plis judicial Merits, 75. His
Views and Intentions, 75. Conversation with Prior of Leicester, 76. Death of
Archbishop Theobald, 77. Objection to Becket's Appointment as Archbishop,
on the ground of his being hostile to the Church, 77. Foliot, Bishop of Hereford,
Rival of Becket, 77. Becket elected Archbishop of Canterbury, 78. Becket
consecrated Archbishop, 79. Sudden Alteration in Becket's Character and
Conduct, 79. He resigns the Great Seal, 80. The King and Becket meet and
quarrel, 80. Struggle between Civil and Ecclesiastical Authority, 8J. Con-
ference between the King and the Prelates, 82. Constitutions of Clarendon, 82.
Becket swears to Constitutions of Clarendon, 84. Great Council at Northamp-
ton, 85. Trial of Becket, 85. Found Guilty, 85. Further Proceedings against
him, 85. He escapes to the Continent, 87. Becket takes refuge in the Abbey
of Pontigny, 87. Measures of the King, 88. Becket goes to Rome, 88. Coro-
nation of King's son by Archbishop of York against Papal Bull, 89. Interview
between Becket and Henry at Fereitville, 89. Peace of Fereitville, 91. Henry
refuses Becket the Kiss of Pence, 91. Henry breaks his Engagement, 91.
Becket resolves on Vengeance, 91. Becket returns to England, 92. Reception
CONTENTS. XIX
at Canterbury, 92. Visit to London, 93. Is ordered back to Canterbury, 93.
Excommunicates the three Prelates, 93. Arrival at Canterbury of four Knights
sworn to assassinate Becket, 94. They enter his Presence, 94. Calm and
courageous Conduct of Becket, 95. Assassination of Becket, 96. Horror of
the People, 97. Becket canonised, 97. Quo Warranto by Henry VIII. to un-
saint Becket, 97. Character of Becket, 98. By his Vituperators, 98. By his
Eulogists, 99. Just Estimate of his Character, 101. Result, 101. Whether
Becket Champion of Saxon Race, 101. Becket's Letters, 102.
CHAPTER IV.
CHANCELLORS FROM THE RESIGNATION OF THOMAS a BECKET TO THE DEATH OF
HENRY II.
Obscure Chancellors after Becket, 103. Chancellor John, 103. GEOFFREr Plan-
TAGENET, Chancellor, 104. His Birth and Education, 104. A Bishop, 104.
His Military Exploits, 104. Receives Great Seal, 105. His Conduct as
Chancellor, 105. His filial Piety, 106. State of Law during Reign of
Henry II., 107.
CHAPTER V.
CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGN OP RICHARD I.
Geoffrey made Archbishop of York, 108. Longchamp, Chancellor, 108. Richard I.
sails for the Holy Land, 109. Longchamp imprisons the Bishop of Durham,
109. His Tyranny, 109. His Rapacity, 110. Prince John takes arms against
him, 111. Geoffrey, the Ex-chancellor, invades England, 111. Geoffrey de-
feated and imprisoned, 111. Combination of the Nobles against Longchamp,
112. Saxon Inhabitants of London called in to assist, 112. Longchamp sur-
renders, 1 1 3. Longchamp flies in the Disguise of a female Pedlar, 113. Is
seized by the Mob, 114. Arrives in France, 115. Visits Coeur de Lion in
Captivity, 1 15. Geoffrey Piantagenet again Chancellor, 115. Subsequent Fate
of Geoffrey Piantagenet, 115. His Exile and Death, 116. Longchamp again
Chancellor, 116. Parliament at Nottingham, 116. Longchamp forges Letter
from " The Old Man of the Mountain" to clear Richard of Murder of Marquis
of Montferrat, 116. Resigns Great Seal, 117. His Death, 117. Eustace,
Bishop of Ely, Chancellor, 118. Origin of Vice-chancellors, 118. Vice-chan-
cellors John de Alen9on and Malchien, 118. Vice-chancellor Bennet, 119.
Death of Richard I., 119. Laws of Oleron, 119.
CHAPTER VL
OF THE CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGN OF KING JOHN.
Accession of John, 121. Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, Chancellor, 121.
Death of Lord Chancellor, 123. Great Seal sold to Walter de Gray, 123. His
Conduct, 124. Vice-chancellor Wallys, 124. Surrender of England to the
Pope, 125. De Gray, Bishop of Worcester and Archbishop of York, 126. His
Ignorance, 126. His Death and Character, 126. Richard de Marisco, Chan-
cellor, 126. Magna Charta, 127. Death of King John, 127. Beginning of
Statute Law, 128.
CHAPTER VIL
chancellors during the reign of henry III. TILL THE APPOINTMENT OF QUEEN
ELEANOR AS LADY KEEPER OF THE GREAT SEAL.
Marisco, 129. Confirmation of the Great Charter, 129. Ralph de Neville,
Vice-chancellor, 129. Misconduct of Vice-chancellor De Neville, 130, Letter
of Remonstrance from the Chancellor to the Vice-chancellor, 130. De Neville,
Chancellor, 132. Grant to him of Office of Chancellor for Life, 132. He
a 2
XX CONTENTS.
. islikewise made Chancellor of Ireland, 133. And Guardian of Realm, 133. Dis-
appointed of the Primacy, 13.3. Triumph of Peter de Rupibus, 133. De Neville
deprived of Great Seal, 134. " Simon the Norman," Chancellor, 134. Dis-
missed for Honesty, 135. De Neville restored to the Office of Chancellor, 135.
- His Death, 135. His Character, 135. Statute of Merton, 136. Attempt by
Parliament to acquire Right of appointing Chancellor, 136. Ranulph Briton,
Chancellor, 137. John SIaunsel, Chancellor, 138. Origin of the Dispensing
Power in England, 138. This Chancellor the greatest Pluralist on Record, 138.
John de Lexington, Chancellor, 139. Complaint in Parliament that Chancel-
lor ,not more consulted, 139. Petition to remove him, 139- King's Answer, 139.
CHAPTER VUL
LIFE OF QUEEN ELEANOR, LADY KEEPER OF THE GREAT .SEAL.
Queen Eleanor, Lady Keeper, 140. Her Parentage, 140. Wit and Beauty, 140.
Marriage with Henry, 141. Her Unpopularity, 142. Quarrels with the Citizens
of London, 142. Birth of Edward L, 143. She receives the Great Seal,
6th August, 1253, 143. Her Conduct as Lady Keeper, 143. Her Accouchement,
143. Her Exaction of " Queen Gold," 144. A Parliament, 144. She resigns
the Great Seal, 144. Ballads upon her, 145. Pelted by the London Mob, 145.
She flies abroad, 146. Returns to England, 146. Takes the Veil, 146. Her
Death, 146. Her Character, 146.
CHAPTER IX.
LORD CHANCELLORS FROM THE RESIGNATION OF LADY KEEPER QUEEN ELEANOR
TILL THE DEATH OF HENRY lU.
William de Kilkenny, Chancellor, 148. Reprimand to the Clergj', 148. Kil-
kenny's Resignation, 148. Embassy to Spain, 149. Death, 149. Henry de
Wengham, 149. Mad Parliament, 149. " Provisions of Oxford," 149. Ni-
cholas DE Ely made Chancellor by the Barons, 150. King recovers his Autho-
rity, 150. A Parliament, 150. Walter de Merton, Chancellor, 151. History
of De Merton, 152. Keepers of Seal, 152. Public Confusion, 152. Writs for
Simon de Montfort's Parliament, 49 Henry III , 153. Reference to King of
France, 153. His Award, 154. Battle of Lewes, 154. Meeting of Simon de
Montfort's Parliament, 154. Origin of House of Commons, 155. Thomas de
Cantilupe, Chancellor, 156. His Salary, 156. Battle of Evesham, 157. Death
of Cantilupe, 157. Walter Giffard, Chancellor, 157. Resigns, being made
Archbishop of York, 158. Godfrey Giffard, Chancellor, 158. Removed for
Incompetency, 158. John de Chishull, Chancellor, 159. Richard de Min-
PLETON, Chancellor, 159. Prince Edward in the Holy Land, 160. John de
Kirby, Keeper of Great Seal, 160. Character of Chancellors during Reign of
Henry III., 161. Bracton, Merits of, 162. Abolition of Office of Chief Jus-
ticiar, 162, Disruption of Aula Megia, 163. Chancellor now Head of Law,
163,
CHAPTER X.
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL DURING THE REIGN OF EDWARD I.
TILL THE DEATH OF LORD CHANCELLOR BURNEL.
Walter de Merton, Chancellor, 164. His Conduct and Character, 165. Robert
BuRNEL, Chancellor, 165. Birth and Education, 166. Accompanies Prince
Edward to tlie Holy Land, 166. Law Reform, 167. Statute of Westminster
THE First, 167. Provisionsof the Code, 167. Its Omissions, 168. Conquest of
Wales, 168. Judgment against Llewellyn, 169. Lord Chancellor employed in
' Government of Principality, 169. Parliament held in Chancellor's Castle at
Acton Burnel, 170. His Plan for Government of Ireland, 172. Vice-chancellor
' Kirby, 172. Prosecution by Chancellor of the Judges for Bribery and Cor-
" ruption, 173. Dispute about Succession to Crown of Scotland, 173. Chancellor
CONTENTS. XXI
addresses the Scottish Nobles in French, 173. His Dexterity, 174. Chancellor
gives Judgment in favour of Baliol, 175. Death of Burnel, 175. His Cha-
racter, 1 75.
CHAPTER XI.
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL FROM THE DEATH OF LORD CHAN-
CELLOR BURNEL DURING THE REMAINDER OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD I.
John de Langton, Chancellor, 178. His Origin, 178. Ordinance for Despatch
of Business, 179. Appeal of Earl of Fife v. King of Scots, 1 79. Parliament at
Berwick, 180. King goes abroad, 180. Parliament at Westminster, 181.
" Confirmation of the Charters," 181. " Articuli super Chartas," 181. Chan-
cellor elected Bishop of Ely, 182. Goes to Rome, 182. Resignation of Lang-
ton, 183. Adam de Osgodebey, Keeper of Great Seal, 183. William de
Grenefield, Chancellor, 184. His Family, 184. Attempt in Parliament to
make OfBce of Chancellor elective, 184. Letter to the Pope respecting Inde-
pendence of Scotland, 185. Resignation of De Grenefield, 186. His Journey
to Rome, 186. His Death, 186. William de Hamilton, Chancellor, 187.
Statute " De Tallagio non concedendo," 187. Conviction and Execution of Sir
William Wallace for Treason, 187. Death of the Chancellor, 188. Ralph de
Baldock, Chancellor, 188. His Education and Rise, 189. Death of Edward I.,
189. Accession of Edward IL, 189. Removal of De Baldock, 190. His
Death, 190. Jurisdiction of Chancellor in the Reign of Edward I., 190. Im-
provements in Law, 190. Gratitude to Law Reformers, 190. Law Books
191.
CHAPTER XII.
CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGN OF EDWARD II.
Accession of Edward II., 192. John de Langton Chancellor the Second Time,
192. King abroad, 193. King goes to Boulogne, 193. King himself uses the
Great Seal, 193. Revolution in the Government, 194. The Chancellor resigns,
194. His Character, 194. Office of Chancellor in Abeyance, 195. Walter
Reynolds, Chancellor, 195. Tutor to Edward II., 195. His conduct as Chan-
cellor, 196. His Resignation, 196. Execution of Gaveston, 196. Reynolds,
the Ex -chancellor, made Keeper of the Great Seal, 196. Battle of Bannock-
burn, 197. Q. Whether the Great Seal was taken at the Battle of Bannock-
burn, 197. Council at York, 198. Resignation of Reynolds, 198. His subse-
quent Career, 198. His Death, 198. Chancellor still' Chief of Chapel Royal,
198. John de Sandale, Chancellor, 199- Keepers of Seal concurrently, 199,
De Sandale removed, 199. Epicurism of Lord Chancellor De Sandale, 199.
John de Hotham, Chancellor, 200. Ascendancy of Earl of Lancaster, 200.
Resignation of Chancellor, 201. John de Salmon, Chancellor, 201. Chancel.
lor goes to France with King, 201. Surrender of Great Seal by De Salmon,
202. Great Seal in Custody of Queen Isabella, 202. Isabella not " Lady
Keeper," 202. De Salmon again acts as Chancellor, 203. Chancellor opposes
Earl of Lancaster, 203. Execution of Earl of Lancaster, 203. Edward's incu-
rable Love of Favourites, 203. Resignation of the Chancellor, 203. Robert de
Baldock, Chancellor, 204. Civil War, 204. Landing of Queen, 204. The
Bishop of Exeter beheaded by the Mob, 205. Fate of the Spcnsers, 205. Sen-
tence on jounger Spenser, 205. Chancellor Baldock seized by the Mob, and
thrown into Newgate, 206. Dies of his wounds, 206. Prince Edward chosen
Custos of the Kingdom, 206. Imprisonment of Edward II., 206. King sends
Great Seal to Queen, 207. Queen's Proclamation, 207. Edward 1 1. deposed,
207. Murder of Edward II., 208.-" Adam de Ouleton acts as Chancellor, 208.
His equivocal line respecting the Murder of the King, 208. Origin of Office of
Master of the Rolls, 208. Complaints in Parliament of the Court of Chancery,
209. Jurisdiction of the Court in Reign of Edward II., 209. Letters of
Marque and Reprisals granted by Cliancellor, 210. Year Books, 210. Estab-.
lishment of Inns of Court, 2] 1.
a 3
XXii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIII.
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE
REIGN OF EDWARD III, TILL THE APPOINTMENT OF SIR RICHARD BUURCHIER, THE
FIRST LAY LORD CHANCELLOR.
John de Hotham again Chancellor, 212. His Death and Character, 212. Henry
DE BuRGHERSH, Chancellor, 212. New Great Seal, 21;?. Temporary Ascendancy
of Mortimer, 213. Edward III. seizes the Reins of Government, 214. A Par-
liament, 214, King's Speech, 214. Burghersh dismissed, 214. His exile and
Death, 215. John de Stratford, Chancellor, 215. His Origin and Education,
216. Ambassador to Pope, 216. His Rise till appointed Chancellor, 216.
Punishment of Queen Isabella, 216. Measures to restore internal Tranquillity,
216. Court of Chancery becomes stationary, 216. Marble Chair and Table in
Court of Chancery, 217. A Parliament, 218. Questions put to Parliament by
the Chancellor, 218. Chancellor returns from Embassy, 218. Separation of
Lords and Commons, 219. Great Influence of Parliament under Plantagenets,
219. Chancellor's Speech on Meeting of New Parliament, 219. Keepers of
Great Seal appointed by the Chancellor, 220. Richard de Bury, Chancellor,
220. His Family, 221. Education 221. His College Life, 22i. Tutor to
Edward III. when Prince, 221. His rise on Accession of Edward III., 222.
His Splendour at Court of Rome, 222. Bishop of Durham, 222. His Conduct
as Chancellor, 22.3. A Parliament, 223. Ambassador to Paris, 223. His Re-
tirement, 224. Philobibion, 224. His love of Books, and Mode of collecting
them, 224. His Encouragement to the Study of Greek, 227. His Description
of the Bad Usage of Books, 228. Gross Ignorance of the Laity, 229. Scrip-
tural Authorities for taking great Care of Books, 229. Death and Burial of
Richard de Bury, 230. His Merit, 2.30. Archbishop John Stratford Chancel-
lor the second Time, 230. Claim of Edward III. to the Crown of France, 230.
Resignation of John de Stratford, 231. Robert de Stratford, Chancellor, 231.
Bynteworth, Chancellor, 232. His History, 232. His Death, 233. John de
Stratford, Chancellor the third Time, 233. A Parliament, 233, Resignation
of John de Stratford, and re-appointment of Robert, 233. Administration of the
Stratfords, 234. Their Fall, 234. Embarrassments of the King, 234. His
sudden Return, 234. Imprisonment of the Lord Chancellor, 234. Edward's
Rage against the Priesthood, 234. Advantages and Disadvantages of appointing
Ecclesiastics to Office of Chancellor, 234.
CHAPTER XIV.
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL FROM THE APPOINTMENT OF SIR
ROBERT BOURCHIER TILL THE APPOINTMENT OF WILLIAM DE WICKHAM.
Sir Robert Buurchler, Chancellor, 236. His Birth and military Career, 236.
Retirement and Death of Ex-chancellor Robert de Stratford, 236. Prosecution
of Ex-chancellor John de Stratford, 237. A Parliament, 237. Writ of Sum-
mons refused to the Archbishop, 237. His Remonstrance, 237. His Appear-
ance in Palace Yard, 238. Information against him in Exchequer, 238. Triumphs
over the King, 238. Spirited Conduct of House of Peers, 238. King submits,
239. His death and Character, 239. Conduct of Lord Chancellor Bourchier,
239. King himself uses the Seal, 240. Complaints against Lord Chancellor
Bourchier, 240. Attempts in Parliament to regulate the Appointment of Chan-
cellor, 240. Statute for periodical Resumption of Office of Chancellor, 241.
Oath to observe the Statute, 241. Edward's perfidious Violation of the Statute,
241. Renewed Controversy between the King and Ex-chancellor John de Strat-
ford, 242. King resolves to sacrifice the Chancellor to public Discontent, 243.
Dismissal of Bourchier, 243. Death of Ex-chancellor John de Stratford, 243.
Disadvantages of Lord Chancellor Bourchier, 243. Bourchier's subsequent
Career, 244. Sir Robert Parnynge Chancellor, 244. His legal Studies, 244.
"When Chancellor he continues to study the Common Law, 244. Use of the
Great Seal, 245. King abroad, 245. Commons pray that Chancellor may be a
CONTENTS. XXm
Peer, 245. Sudden Death of Lord Chancellor Parnynge, 246. Robert de
Sadyngton, Chancellor, 247. His Descent, 247. Bad Equity Judge, 247. A
Parliament, 247. Lord Chancellor Sadyngton dismissed, 248. Return to Ec-
clesiastical Chancellors, 248. John de Offord, Dean of Lincoln, Chancellor,
249. Battle of Cressy, 249. Complaints in Parliament against Court of Chan-
cery, 249. Death of Chancellor de OfFord, 251. John de Thoresby, Chancel-
lor, 251. His writings, 251. Statutes of Treason, 251. Attack in Commons
on equitable Jurisdiction of Chancellor, 252. Thoresby, being made Archbishop
of York, resigns the Great Seal, 253. His Death, 253. William de Edington,
Chancellor, 253. Peace of Bretigni, 254. Statute for Use of English Lan-
guage, 254. Refuses the Primacy, 255. Resignation of Lord Chancellor Ed-
ington, 255. Simon de Langham, Chancellor, from being a Monk, 256. His
Rise, ,256. Translated to Canterbury, 256. Quarrels with WicklifFe, 257.
Custom of Chancellor opening Parliament with Discourse from text in Scripture,
257. He retires to Avignon, and aspires to the Popedom, 258. His Death,
258.
CHAPTER XV.
chancellors and keepers of the great seal from the appointment of
william of wickham till the death of edward iil
William of Wickham, 259. His Origin, 259. Education, 259. Introduced to
Edward III., 260. Builds Windsor Castle, 260. Order of the Garter, 261.
Inscription on Castle, 261. Wickham takes Holy Orders, 261. His Prefer-
ment, 262. Engages in Politics, 262. His Income, 262. Made Bishop of
Winchester, 263. Receives the Great Seal, 263. Impropriety of the Appoint-
ment, 263. Wickham an incompetent Judge, 264. Complaints against him in
Parliament, 2(.'4. He is removed from Office, 264. Sir Robert Thorpe, Chan-
cellor, 264. His Birth and Education, 265. His Promotions in the Law, 265.
Popularity of Chancellor, 265. His Death, 265. His Learning and Ability,
266. Sir John Knyvet, Chancellor, 266. His Origin, 267. An excellent
Judge, 267. A Parliament, 267. Chancellor's Speech, 268. The " Good
Parliament," 269. Alice Pierce, 269. Chancellor's Speech to the Parliament,
269. Vote of" Want of Confidence," 270. Prosecution of William of Wick-
ham, 270. Resignation and Death of Lord Chancellor Knyvet, 272. Adam
DE Houghton, Chancellor, 271. A Parliament, 272. Death of Edward III.,
272. His Domestic Government, 272. Jurisdiction of Court of Chancery, 273.
Character of the Chancellors of Edward III., 274. Origin of Parliamentary
Impeachments, 274. Justices of Peace, 274.
CHAPTER XVL
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF 1HE GREAT SEAL FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF
THE REIGN OF RICHARD II. TILL THE SECOND CHANCELLORSHIP OF WILLIAM OF
WICKHAM.
De Houghton continues Chancellor, 276. His Speech to Parliament, 276. Pro-
ceedings of Commons, 277. Parliament at Gloucester, 277. Sir Richard le
ScROPE, Chancellor, 278. Death of Houghton, 278. Rise of Richard le
Scrope, 278. Made a Peer, 279. A Parliament, 279. Removal of Lord Scrope,
and Appointment of Simon de Sudbury as Cliancellor, 280. His Origin and
Education, 280. Made Archbishop of Canterbury, 280. Lord Chancellor, 280.
He proposes the Poll Tax, 281. Wat Tyler's Rebellion, 281. Chancellor seized
in the Tower, 282. Beheaded, 282. Miracles by the deceased Chancellor, 282.
William Courtenay, Chancellor, 282. His illustrious Descent, 283. Disputes
with John of Gaunt, 283. His Behaviour as Judge, 283. Removal on Address
of Commons, 283. Lord le Scrope again Chancellor, 284. Death of Ex-
chancellor Courtenay, 284. King quarrels with Lord le Scrope who is dis-
missed, 284. Robert de Braybboke, Chancellor, 285. Parliament, 285. Wick-
lifFe, 285. The Chancellor's pious Fraud to put down Heresy, 285. Michael dk
la Pole, Chancellor, 286. His Conduct as Judge, 287. In Parliament, 287.
a 4
XXIV CONTENTS.
Chancellor made an Earl, 288. Altercation in the House of Lords between the
Chancellor and the Bishop of Ely, 288. A Parliament, 289. Proceedings
against the Chancellor, 290. The Earl of Suffolk removed from the Office of
Chancellor, 291. Thomas Arundel appointed, 291. Impeachment of the Ex-
chancellor, 291. His Defence, 291. Death of the Earl of Suffolk, 292. His
Character, 293. Thomas Arundel, Chancellor, 293. His Family, 293. Edu-
cation, 293. Misconduct of Richard II., 293. Civil War, 294. A Parliament,
294. Arundel dismissed, 294.
CHAPTER XVII.
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL FROM THE SECOND CHANCELLOR-
SHIP OF WILLIAM OF WICKHAM TILL THE END OF THE REIGN OF RICHARD II.
William of Wickham again Chancellor, 295. His History between his two Chan-
cellorships, 295. A Parliament, 296. The Chancellor lays down his Office in
Parliament and is re-appointed, 296. Resignation of William of Wickham, 297.
His Retirement from public Life, 298. His Death, 298. His Merits, 298.
Thomas de Arundel's second Chancellorship, 298. History of John de Waltham,
299. His Invention of Writ of Subpoena, 299. Proceedings in Parliament
against the Court of Chancery, 300. Chancellor goes with King to Ireland,
300. His Death, 300. Removal of Arundel, 301. Edmund Stafford, Chan-
cellor, 301. Chancellor's Speech on opening Parliament, 301. Ex -chancellor
Arundel impeached and convicted, 301. Family of the Staftbrds, 302. Henry
of Bolingbroke claims the Crown, 303. John Searle, Chancellor, 303. Ex-
chaneellor Arundel accompanies Henry, 304. Deposition of Richard II., 305.
Henry raised to the Throne, 306. New Parliament, 306. Celebrated Speech
for Richard by Bishop of Carlisle, 306. Fate of Richard, 307. Equitable
Jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery in Reign of Richard II., 307. Complaint
against Masters in Chancery, 308.
CHAPTER XVin.
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY IV,
John Searle, nominally Chancellor, 310. A Parliament, 310. Chancellor not
allowed to address the two Houses, 310. Resigns, 310. His Obscurity, 311.
Edmund Stafford restored, 311. Issues of Fact arising in Court of Chancery to
be tried in a Court of Common Law, 311. The Chancellor resigns, 312. His
Retreat and Death, 318. Cardinal Beaufort, Chancellor, 312. His Origin
and early Career, 312. His Conduct as Chancellor, 313. Attempt of House of
Commons to seize Church Property, 313. " Lack-Learning Parliament," 314.
Cardinal Beaufort removed, 315. Thomas Longley, Chancellor, 315. Attempt
to introduce Salic Law into England, 315. Proceedings in Parliament respect-
ing the Court of Chancery, 316, Archbishop Arundel restored to Office of
Chancellor, 317. Chancellor dismissed, 318. Great Seal in custody of Master
of Rolls, 318. Ex-chancellor Beaufort addresses the two Houses, 318. Church
in danger, 319. Sir Thomas Beaufort, afterwards Duke of Exeter, Chancellor,
319. His History and Conduct as Chancellor, 319. His subsequent Career
and Death, 319. Archbishop Arundel Chancellor the fifth Time, 320. Illness
of Henry IV., 320. Character of Chancellors of Henry IV., 320. Conviction
and Execution of an Archbishop, 321.
CHAPTER XIX.
chancellors during the reign of henry v.
Accession of Henry V., 322. Great Seal taken from Archbishop Arundel, and re-
stored to Cardinal Beaufort, 322. Subsequent Career of Ex-chancellor Arundel
CONTENTS. XXV
323. He sentences Lord Cobham to be burnt, 323. Renewed Attempt of the
Commons to seize the Property of the Church, 323. King claims Crown of
France, 324. Chancellor's Speech at the Opening of Parliament, 325. Petition
against the Court of Chancery, 325. Petition negatived, 326. Other Proceed-
ings of Commons against Court of Chancery, 327. Chancellor lends Money to
the King, taking the Crown in pawn, 328. Act against the Irish, 329. Judicial
Conduct of Cardinal Beaufort, 329. Great Seal taken from Cardinal Beaufort,
829. Longley, Chancellor the second Time, 330. A Parliament, 330. Treaty
of Troy es, 330. Death of Henry V., 331. Administration of Justice during
his Reign, 332.
CHAPTER XX.
CHANCELLORS FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REIGN OF HENRY VI. TILL THF.
DEATH OF CARDINAL BEAUFORT.
l^ord Chancellor Longley resigns Great Seal to Infant King, 333. A Parlia^
ment, 333. Longley re-appointed Chancellor, 334. Duke of Gloucester, Pro-
tector, 334. Proceedings in Parliament against the Court of Chancery, 334.
Lord Chancellor's Speech on opening Parliament, 335. Disputes between Duke
of Gloucester and Cardinal Beaufort, 335. Longley deprived of Great Seal, 335.
Cardinal Beaufort Chancellor the third Time, 335. Death and Character of
Ex-chancellor Longley, 336. Henry VI., in Mother's Arms, opens Parliament,
336. Lord Chancellor Beaufort's Speech, 336. Chancellor to grant Licences
for Exportation of Butter and Cheese, 337. Riots in London caused by Chan-
cellor and Protector, 337. Chancellor's Letter to Duke of Bedford, 338. " Par-
liament of Bats," 338. Impeachment of Chancellor, 339. Chancellor and Pro-
tector reconciled, 339. Cardinal Beaufort resigns Great Seal, 340. His
subsequent History, 340. Sits on Trial of Maid of Orleans, 341. Fresh Quarrel
with Duke of Gloucester, 341. Murder of Duke of Gloucester, 342. Death of
Cardinal Beaufort, 342. His Character, 342.
CHAPTER XXI
CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY VI. FROM THE APPOINTMENT OF CAR-
DINAL KEMPE TILL THE DEATH OF LORD CHANCELLOR WAYNFLETE.
Obscure Origin of Lord Chancellor Kempe, 344. His Rise, 344. His Conduct as
Chancellor, 344. Resignation of Cardinal Kempe, 346. John Stafford Chan-
cellor, 346. His Birth and Education, 346. His long Continuance in Office,
346. Act to restrain excessive Jurisdiction assumed by Court of Chancery, 347.
Lord Chancellor Stafford's Style of Eloquence, 347. Repeal of Act for Chan-
cellor to license Exportation, 349. King's Marriage, 350. Disgraceful Treaty
with France, 350. Foundation of Eton College, 350. National Indignation on
discoveiing secret Article in Treaty with France, 350. A Parliament, 351.
Lord Chancellor Stafford dismissed, 351. His Death and Character, 351. Car-
dinal Kempe again Chancellor, 352. Banishment and Death of Duke of Suffolk,
352. Jack Cade's Rebellion, 352. War of the Roses, 353. Death and Cha-
racter of Lord Chancellor Kempe, 354. King's Illness, 355. The Earl of
Salisbury appointed Chancellor by the Duke of York, 356. King's Recovery, 357.
Cardinal Bourchier made Chancellor by the Queen, 357. Great-grandson to
Edward III., 357. His good Qualities, 357. His Rise, 358. Battle of St.
Alban's, 358. Duke of York, Protector, 359. Chancellor seals Writ to super-
sede Duke of York, 359. Seal taken from Archbishop Bourchier, 360. Wil-
liam Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester, Chancellor, 360. His Origin, 361.
Fellow and Provost of Eton, 361. His Conference with Jack Cade, 361. The
Chancellor supports the Lancastrians, 362. His judicial Conduct, 362. Ap-
jiarent Pacification, 363. Hostilities resumed, 363. Battle of Blore Heath, 363.
A Parliament, 363. Yorkists attainted, 364. Battle of Northampton, 364.
Waynflete resigns Great Seal, 364. His subsequent Career, 365. Submits to
XXVI CONTENTS.
Edward IV., 365. Entertains Richard III. at the College founded by him, 365.
His Death and Character, 366.
CHAPTER XXII.
CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGK OF HENRY VI. FROM THE APPOINTMENT OF GEORGE
NEVILLE, BISHOP OF EXETER, TILL THE DEATH OF LORD CHANCELLOR FORTESCCE.
Great Seal in Custody of Archbishop Bourchier, 367. George Neville, Bishop
of Exeter, Chancellor, 367. A Parliament, 367. Duke of York claims Crown,
367. Right to Crown argued at Bar of Lords, 368. Judgment for Duke of
York after Death of King Henry, 368. Battle of Wakefield, 369. Death of
Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, 369. Execution of Ex-chancellor the Earl
of Salisbury, 369. His Children, 369. Q,ua;re, Whether Sir John Fortescue
was ever Chancellor in England ? 370. Supposed to have been only Chancellor
in partihus, 370. His Family, 371. His Rise at the Bar, 371. Chief Justice,
371. While Chief Justice, fights in Battle of Towton, 372. Attainted by Act
of Parliament, 372. Goes into Exile, 372. Writes " De Laudibus," 372.
Submits to Edward IV., 373. Writes in favour of Title of House of York, 373.
He is pardoned, 373. Exemplification of Reversal of the Attainder of Lord
Chancellor Fortescue, 373. Retires to Ebrington, 374. Death, 375. Epi-
taph, 375. His celebrated Judgment on Parliamentary Privilege, 376. Thorpe's
Case, 376. Release of Manor of Ebrington, 376. Equity Lawyer, 378. His
literary Merits, 378. His Character, 378. His Descendants, 378. End of the
Reign of Henry VI., 379. Law against a Queen Dowager marrying without
the Consent of the reigning Sovereign, 379. Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery
during Reign of Henry VI., 379. Rude State of Equity, 380.
CHAPTER XXIIL
CHANCELLORS IN THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.
George Neville again Chancellor, 382. A Parliament, 382. Chancellor's Speech
on opening Session, 382. Acts against wearing piked Shoes, 383. Chancellor
abroad on an Embassy, 384. Edward's Rupture with the Nevilles, 384. Neville
dismissed from Office of Chancellor, 384. Robert Stillington, Chancellor,
385. Subsequent Career of Ex-chancellor Neville, 385. His Death, 386.
Character of Robert Stillington, 386. His Origin, 386. His Speech at Proro-
gation of Parliament, 386. His Speech on opening next Session, 387. Inva-
sion by Earl of Warwick, 388. Henry VI. restored, 388. " The Hundred
Days," 388. Doubtful who was Chancellor on Restoration of Henry VI., 389.
Edward IV. restored, 389. Death of Henry VI., 389. Stillington again
Chancellor, 389. Illness and Resignation of Chancellor, 390. Ex-chancellor
goes on an Embassy, 390. Quaere, Whether he assisted in Usurpation of Richard
III.? 390. Imprisoned by Henry VII. for taking part with Lambert Simnel,
391. His Death, 391. Henry Bourchier, Earl of Essex, Keeper of Great
Seal, 391. His Family, 391. Bred a Soldier, 391. His Resignation, 391.
Knight of the Garter, 391. Lawrence Booth, Bishop of Durham, Chancellor,
391. His Rise, 392. His Incompetency, 392. He is dismissed, 392. Ro-
theram. Bishop of Lincoln, Chancellor, 393. A Parliament, 393. Length of
Parliaments in early Times, 394. Characters of three Chancellors who presided
in one Parliament, 394, John Alcock, Chancellor a short Time, 394. Ro-
theram restored, 395. Chancellor's Speech to Parliament, 395. Statute against
Irishmen, 395. Disputes between King and Clarence, 396 . " Statute of Ker-
queue," 396. Death of Edward IV., 396. Decision of Lord Chancellor
Rotheram, 397. Attempts of Common-law Judges against Injunctions, 397.
Jurisdiction established over Trusts, 398, Equity Pleading, 399.
CONTENTS. XXVU
CHAPTER XXIV.
CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGNS OF EDWARD V. AND RICHARD lU.
Disputes between the Duke of Gloucester and the Queen, 401. Rotheram de-
livers up the Great Seal, 401. Prevails on the Queen to part with her younger
Son, 402. John Russell, Chancellor to Edward V., 402. Final History of
Ex-chancellor Archbishop Bourchier, 403, And Rotheram, 403. Character of
Lord Chancellor Russell, 404. His Origin and Rise, 404. His Conduct on
the Usurpation of Richard III., 404, Russell reappointed Chancellor by
Richard III., 405. Letter of Richard to the Chancellor, 405. Postscript, 406.
A Parliament, 406. Excellent Laws now enacted, 407. Act against " Bene-
volences," 407. Chancellor regulates Treaty with Scotland, 408. Removed
from his Office, 410. His subsequent History, 411. First perpetual Chancellor
of Oxford 411. His Death, 411. His Epitaph, 411. Disposal of Great Seal
at end of Reign of Richard III., 412, Legal Proceedings during Reigas of
Edward V. and Richard III., 413,
CHAPTER XXV.
chancellors and lord keepers FROM THE ACCESSION OE HENRY VIF. TILL THE
APPOINTMENT OF ARCHBISHOP WARHAM AS LORD KEEPER.
Alcock, Bishop of Worcester, first Chancellor to Henry VII., 414. Difficult
constitutional Questions settled, 415. Made Bishop of Ely, 415. Alcock removed
from Office of Chancellor, 415. Death of Ex-chancellor Alcock, 416. Car-
dinal Morton, Chancellor, 416. His Birth and Education, 416. A Lancastrian,
but reconciled to Edward IV., 417. His Conduct under Richard HI., 417.
Strawberry Scene at the Tower of London, 417. Imprisoned by Richard III,,
418. Escapes to Continent, 418. Recalled by Henry VII., 419. His Policy
when Chancellor, 419. His Speech to the two Houses of Parliament, 419. Star
Chamber remodelled, 420, Limitation of Claims to Land, 421. Law protect-
ing Acts under King de facto, 421. " Benevolence" imposed, 422 Cardinal
Morton's " Fork," 423. His Death, 423, Sir Thomas More's Character of him,
424. Henry Deane, Bishop of Salisbury, Lord Keeper, 424. Distinguished
at the University, 425. His subsequent Rise, 425. Conduct as Lord Keeper,
425. Negotiates Marriage between the King of Scots and the Princess Mar-
garet, 426. His Resignation, 426, His Death, 426. Great Seal delivered to
Archbishop Warham, 426.
CHAPTER XXVL
LIFE OF ARCHBISHOP WARHAM, LORD CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND.
Birth and Education, 427. Practises in Doctors' Commons, 427, His Embassy
to Duke of Burgundy, 427, Speech to Duke and Duchess, 427. Made Master
of Rolls and Bishop of London, 428. Lord Keeper and Lord Chancellor, ^28,
His despatch of Business in Chancery, 428. Opposed Marriage between Prince
Henry and Catherine, Widow of Arthur, 428. His Panegyric on Dudley, the
Attorney General, afterwards hanged, 429. Death of Henry VII., 429. Le-
gislation in his Reign, 429. Administration of Justice, 430. Equity Jurisdic-
tion, 430. Accession of Henry VI IL, 431. Warham continued Chancellor,
431. Still opposes Henry's Marriage with Catherine, 431 Improperly joins
in Prosecution of Empsom and Dudley, 432. A Parliament, 432. Chancellor's
Speech to Two Houses, 432. His Advice to Soldiers in the Field, 433. War-
ham's last Address to the Two Houses, 433. Makes a Speech in House of
Commons, 434. Abuse of the Scotch, 434. Dispute as to the Rank of the
XXVIH CONTENTS.
Earl of Surrey in the House of Lords, 434. Warham undermined by Wolsey,
435. Driven to resign, 436. His Character as a Judge, 436. His Occupations
in Retirement, 436. Still insulted by Wolsey, 436. Complains to the King,
436. Fall of Wolsey, 437. Qusere, Whether Warham was again offered the
Great Seal ? 437. Countenances Holy Maid of Kent, 437. His Death, 437.
Conduct on Death-bed, 438. His Friendship with Erasmus, 438. Character of
Warham by lErasmus, 438. Letter of Warham to Erasmus, 440. General Es-
timate of Character of Warham, 441.
CHAPTER XXVIL
LIFE OF CARDINAL WOLSEY FROM HIS BIRTH TILL HIS APPOINTMENT AS LORD
CHANCELLOR.
Wolsey, the Son of a Butcher, 442. Proofs, 442. Sent to the University, 443.
Wolsey " the Boy Bachelor," 443. Fellow of Magdalen, and Schoolmaster,
443. Tutor to Sons of Marquess of Dorset, 443. Wolsey a country Parson, 444.
Wolsey set in the Stocks for Drunkenness and Rioting at a Fair, 444. His
Revenge when Lord Chancellor, 445. Wolsey leaves his Parish, 445. Chaplain
to Archbishop of Canterbury, 446. To the Governor of Calais, 446. Chaplain
to Henry VIL, 446. His Success at Court, 446. Wolsey's Embassy to the
Emperor, 447. Extraordinary Rapidity of his Journey, 448. Rewarded with
the Deanery of Lincoln, 450. Death of Henry VIL, 450. Wolsey introduced
to the new King, 450. Influence gained by Wolsey over Henry VII I., 450.
Wolsey Almoner to the King, 451. Wolsey Prime Minister, 452. Grants and
Preferments, 453. Wolsey Commissary- General to the Army in France, 453.
Appointed Bishop of Tournay, 453. Wolsey made Bishop of Lincoln, 454.
Archbishop of York, &c., 454. Cardinal and Legate a latere, 454. Measures
to disgust Lord Chancellor Warham, 455. Wolsey, Chancellor, 455. Quaere,
Whether Warham resigned voluntarily, and Wolsey was reluctant to take Great
Seal ? 456.
CHAPTER XXVIIL
LIFE OF CARDINAL WOLSEY FROM HIS APPOINTMENT AS LORD CHANCELLOR TILL
HIS FALL.
Homage paid to Wolsey by Foreign Powers, 458. By the University of Oxford,
458. Letters to him from the King's Sisters, 459. Letter to him from the Earl
of Argyle, 460. His splendid Mode of living, 460. Wolsey's Banquets to the
King, 46L His Procession to the Court of Chancery, 462. Jests against him,
464. His Conduct as a Judge, 464. A Parliament, 466. Money Bill originates
in Lords, 466. Wolsey causes Death of Duke of Buckingham, 467. Aims at
the Popedom, 468. Wolsey is disappointed of the Popedom. 469. Again
disappointed, 469. His Love of Education, 470. A new Parliament, 471.
Convocation, 471. Publication of Debates in House of Commons, 471. Wol-
sey's Visit to the House of Commons, 472. Conduct of >'r Thomas More, the
Speaker, 472. Indignation of Wolsey, 474. Wolsey tries to levy a Tax without
Authority of Parliament, 474. Masque at Gray's Inn to expose Wolsey, 474.
Wolsey's Embassy to France, 475. His Journey, 476. His Reception at Calais,
476. Meeting of Wolsey with King and Court of France, 477. His Courage
and Skill as a Diplomatist, 478. Treaty concluded, 479. Relation in Star
Chamber of his Embassy, 479. Arrival of French Embassy, 479. Ratification
of Treaty at St. Paul's, 479. Splendid Entertainment by Wolsey to French at
Hampton Court, 480. Wolsey's Prosperity before his Disgrace, 481. Origin of
Wolsey's Disgrace, 481. Anne Boleyn, 481. Wolsey at first dissuades King's
Marriage wi'h Anne, 482. Afterwards labours for the Divorce, 482. Obtains
conditional Licence from the Pope, 483. Campeggio, 483. Cardinal Campeggio
arrives in England, 483. Near Prospect of Wolsey being elected Pope, 484.
CONTENTS. XXIX
Hearing of the Divorce Suit before Wolsey and Campeggio, 485. King's Anger
at the Delay, 486. Divorce Suit carried before the Pope, 487. The King
makes a Progress in the Country, 487. The Court at Grafton, 487. Wolsey
neglected, 488. His last Interview with Henry, 488. Dialogue between Henry
and Anne respecting Wolsey, 489. Wolsey returns to London, 489 His last
Appearance in the Court of Chancery, 490. Refuses to deliver up Great Seal
without proper Warrant from King, 490. Deprived of his Office and all his
Possessions, 490.
CHAPTER XXIX.
LIFE OF CARDINAL WOLSEY FROM HIS FALL TILL HIS DEATH.
Praemunire Informations filed against Wolsey, 491. Pleads guilty, 491. Proceeds
to Esher, 491. At Putney met by a Messenger from the King, 492. Lord
Chancellor's " Fool," 492. Wolsey's Residence at Esher, 493. Letter from
Erasmus, 493. Returning Kindness of the King, 493. Nocturnal Visit to
Wolsey from Sir John Russell, 493. A Parliament, 494.^ Visit to Wolsey from
the Duke of Norfolk, 494. Impeachment of Wolsey, 49.5. Agreed to by the
Lords, but rejected by the Commons, 495. Wolsey deserted by his former
Friends, 496. Settlement with the King, 497. Permitted to remove to Rieh-
mond, 497. Ordered to York, 497. Journey to the North, 497. Inter-
• view between Wolsey and Judge Shelley, 497. His Installation as Archbishop
appointed, 498. Alarm at Court from his Popularity, 498. He is arrested for
High Treason, 499. His Behaviour, 499. He is carried off a Prisoner, 5C0.
His Stay at Sheffield Park, 500. His Alarm at Prophecy that he should die
near Kingston, 500. His Illness, 501. Arrives at Leicester, 501. Prophesies
the Hour of his Death, 501. He dies, 502. His Burial, 502. His Conduct as
a Judge, 503. His Notions of Equity, 503. Increase of Equity Business, 503.
Establishes auxiliary Courts, 503. His Complaints of the Lawyers, 504. Wolsey
free from Bribery and Corruption, 504. His natural Children, 505. His Re-
pentance, 506.
CHAPTER XXX.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND, FROM HIS BIRTH TILL
THE END OF THE REIGN OF HENRY VII.
Difficulty of appointing a Successor to Wolsey, 507. Sir Thomas More appointed,
508. His Birth, 508. His Education, 509. Page to Cardinal Morton, 509.
Goes to the University, 510. His early Poems, 511. At Inns of Court, 511.
His great Proficiency in Law, 512. Gives Lectures in a Church, 512. Wishes
to become a Monk, 513. On trial dislikes Carthusian Discipline, 513. Resolves
to marry, 514. His Courtship, 514. Happily married, 515. Rapid Progress
in his Profession, 515. He is Under-sheriff of London, 515. Returned to Par-
liament, 516. Excessive Subsidy demanded by Henry to marry his Daughter,
516. Proofs that More held the Office of Under-Sheriff', 516. More's Maiden
Speech against the Subsidy, 517. Indignation of the King, 517. More resolves
to go into Exile, 518. Death of Henry VII., 518.
CHAPTER XXXL
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE FROM THE ACCESSION OF HENRY VIII. TILL HIS
APPOINTMENT AS LORD CHANCELLOR.
More resumes his Practice at the Bar, 519. Introduced to the King and Wolsey,
520. Counsel for the Pope in a great Cause, 520. Enters the Service of the
King, 520. Leaves the Bar, 521. Master of the Requests, &c., 521. His
House at Chelsea, 521. His second Wife, 521. His domestic Life, 522. His
Letter to Peter Giles, 523. Intimacy with the King, 523. Literary Occu-
. pations, 524. Embassies, 524. Residence at Calais, 524. Resigns Office of
XXX CONTENTS.
the Sheriff, 525. Elected Speaker of House of Commons, 525. He disqualifies
himself, 526. His Oration to the King, 527. His laudable Conduct as Speaker,
528. Wolsey's Attempt to send him to Spain, 529. Made Chancellor of
Duchy of Lancaster, 529. King's Visits to him at Chelsea, 529. More's early
Insight into Character of Henry VIII., 530. Morethe Mouthpiece of the King,
530. His literary Reputation, 530. His famous Question to a Pedant at
Bruges, 531. King's Divorce, 531. More conceals his Opinion, 531. Pre-
serves Neutrality, 532. Scene at the Council Table between Wolsey and More,
532. More Ambassador at Cambray, 532. His Loss by Fire, 533. Beautiful
Letter to his Wife, 533. He is made Lord Chancellor, 534.
CHAPTER XXXIL
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE FROM HIS APPOINTMENT AS LORD CHANCELLOE TILL HIS
RESIGNATION.
Installation of the new Chancellor, 535. Duke of Norfolk's Speech, 536. Sir
Thomas More's Speech, 537. More's Appointment applauded Abroad, 539.
The Embarrassments of his Situation, 540. A Parliament, 541. Chancellor's
Speech, 541. Prosecution of Wolsey not creditable to More, 542. Good Laws
passed, 543. Admirable Conduct as Judge in Chancery, 543. Anecdote, show-
ing his Love of Justice and Jesting, 543. His Diligence, 544. Remonstrance
of Son-in-Law against his Impartiality, 544. Decree against his Son-in-Law,
545. His Practice as to Injunctions, 545. Grumbling of Judges, 545. Dinner
to the Judges, 546. His Offer to them about Injunctions, 546. His Criticism
on Judges, 546. His great Dispatch, 547. Entry on Record that there were
no Arrears in the Court of Chancery, 547. Daily receives his Father's Blessing
in the Court of King's Bench, 547. His Father's Death, 548. Simplicity of
his Habits, 548. While Chancellor on Sundays walked to Church and sang
among the Choristers, 548. His Judgment in the great Case of " The Little
Dog," 548. Charge of Persecution of Heretics, 549. Difficulty as to King's
Divorce, 551. Opinion of the Universities, 551. Thomas Cromwell, 552. A
Parliament, 552. Threatened Rupture with Rome, 553. Perplexity of More,
553. Act passed prohibiting Appeals to Rome, 553. More's Speech to House
of Commons on the Divorce, 554. His distressed State of Mind, 554. Scene
with the King respecting the Divorce, 553. He resigns the Great Seal, 556.
CHAPTER XXXIIL
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE FROM HIS RESIGNATION OF THE GREAT SEAL TILL
HIS DEATH.
More's high Spirits on his Resignation, 557. Jesting Mode of announcing it to
his Wife, 557. His " Fool," 557. More's Mode of Life in Retirement, 558.
Sayings of Sir Thomas More's Fool, 558. His Letter to Archbishop Warham,
559. Letter to Erasmus, 560. His Occupations, 560. King's Marriage with
Anne Boleyn, 560. More refuses to be present at her Coronation, 561. Sum-
moned before Privy Council on Charge of Bribery, 562. Accused of Treason in
the Affair of the Maid of Kent, 563. He is heard before a Committee, 563.
Threats used, 564. His Constancy, 564. History of Henry's Treaties against Lu-
ther, 564. More's Joy at finding himself able to act with Courage, .'>65. He escapes
this Peril, 566. Attempts to make him submit, 566. His Prophecy respecting
Anne Boleyn, 566. Oath to the King's Supremacy required, 567. Commis-
sioners appointed to administer the Oath, 567. More summoned before Com-
missioners, £68. Solemn Departure from his House at Chelsea, 568. His
Refusal to take Oath, 568. Committed to Custody of Abbot of Westminster,
569. Sent to Tower, 569. His Reception in the Tower, 569. Jest on that
Occasion, 569. Interview with his Daughter, 570. Visit from his Wife, 571.
Act of Attainder, 572. Farther Proceedings against More, 572. Infamous
CONTENTS. XXXI
Conduct of Rich, the Solicitor General, 573. Trial of More in Westminster
Hall, 573. His Behaviour at Trial, 574. The Attorney General's Address, 574.
No Evidence to support the Charge, 575. Defence, 575. More about to be
acquitted, 576. Rich, Solicitor General, becomes Witness, and commits Perjury,
576- More's Reply on this Evidence, 577. Summing up of Lord Audley, 578.
Verdict of Guilty, 578. Forms observed before Sentence. 579. Sentence of
Death passed, 579. More's Speech to the Judges, 580. Carried back to the
Tower, 580. Affecting Interview with his Daughter on Tower Hill, 581.
Death Warrant issued, 582. His last Letter to his Daughter, 582. Announce-
ment to him of his Execution, 582. Conducted to Scaffold, 583. His Devo-
tions, 583. His Jests, 583. His Death, 583. His Head stolen by his Daugh-
ter, 584. Barbarous Conduct of Henry VIII. to More's Family, 584. General
Horror produced by the Murder of More, 584. More's Person, 585. His Cha-
racter, 585. Merits of the Reformers, 586. More's History of Edward V. and
Richard III., 586. His " Epigrammata," 586. His " Utopia," 589. More's
enlightened Views on Criminal Law, 590. On the Law of Forfeiture, 590. On
Religious Toleration, 591. His Oratory, 592. His Wit and Humour, 592.
Practical Joke, 593. Sir Thomas More compared to liis immediate Successors,
594.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEr.
Sir Thomas Audlev, Lord Keeper, 595. His Character and Conduct, 595. His
Birth, 596. Education, 596. Member of House of Commons, 597. Gains
the Favour of King Henry VIII., 597. Is made Chancellor of the Duchy of
Lancaster, 598. Speaker of the House of Commons, 598. Proceedings of
Commons on Speech in Lords by Bishop of Rochester, 598. Rupture with
Rome, 600. Audley remains Speaker of the House of Commons while Lord
Keeper, 601. Installation as Lord Keeper, 601. Audley made Lord Chan-
cellor, 602. His conduct as a Judge, 603. As a Politician, 603. Commis-
sioners to administer Oath under new Act of Settlement, 603. Act to make
Denial of King's Supremacy High Treason, 603. Presides at Trial of Bishop
Fisher, 604. Evidence of Solicitor General Rich, 604. Solicitor General Rich's
Commentary as Counsel on his own Evidence as Witness, 605. Scandalous
Conduct of the Lord Chancellor and Judges, 606. Lord Chancellor pronounces
Sentence of Death on Bishop Fisher, 606. Trial of Sir Thomas More, 606.
Rise of Thomas Cromwell, 607. Henry VIII. in love with Jane Seymour, 608.
Audley assists in the Prosecution of Anne Boleyn, 609. Audley sits on the
Trial of Anne Boleyn, 609. Marriage of King with Anne Boleyn declared
void from the Beginning, 610. King's Marriage with Jane Seymour, 610. Lord
Chancellor's Speech to the two Houses, 611. Speaker Rich out-flatters the
Chancellor, 612. Act giving King Power to dispose of Crown, &c., 613.
Fresh Contest between Rich and Audley in flattering the King, 614. Chan-
cellor created a Peer, 614. Presides at Trial of Marquess of Exeter and Lord
Montague, 614. The Lord Chancellor solicits a Recompense for the Infamy he
had incurred, 615. Grant in consequence, 616. He is made Knight of the
Garter, 617. A Parliament, 617. Chancellor's Speech, 617. " Bloody Bill of
the Six Articles," 618. Act Regulating Precedence, 619. Act giving King's
Proclamation force of Law, 619. King's Marriage with Anne of Cleves, 619.
Fall of Cromwell, 620. Chancellor's Plan to attaint Cromwell without hearing
him in his Defence, 620. King's Marriage with Anne of Cleves dissolved, 622.
Disgraceful Conduct of Cranmer in Divorce of Anne of Cleves, 623. Eastern
Custom of Prostration introduced, 624. Chancellor dissolves " Long Parlia-
ment," 624. His Impartiality in Persecution, 624. King's Contentment with
Queen Catherine Howard, 624. Her Incontinence discovered, 625. Opinion
of the Judges upon her Case, 625. A Parliament, 626. The Chancellor's
Speech, 626. Bill of Attainder against the Queen, 627. Execution of the
Queen, 628. Act requiring Spinster whom King asks in Marriage, if not Maid,
XXXil CONTENTS.
to disclose her Shame, 629. Terror of young Ladies at Court, 629. King
marries a "Widow, 629. Queen Catherine Par, 629. A Parliament, 630. Suc-
cession to Crown, 630. Audley's last Illness, 631. Resigns the Great Seal, 631.
Letter proposing Marringe between his Daughter and the Son of Sir Anthony
Denny, 63.?. His Death, 633. His Career, 633. His Character, 633. His
Epitaph, 633. His Descendants, 634.
CHAPTER XXXV.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELI-OK WRIOTHESLEY FROM HIS BIRTH TILL THE DEATH OF
HENRY VIII.
Character of new Chancellor, 635. His Descent, 635. Renounces Heraldry, 635.
Is called to the Bar, 635. Obtains Office in Common Pleas, 635. Made
Secretary of State, 635. Opposed to Reformation, 636. Ambassador to ne-
gotiate the King's Marriage, 6S6. Succeeds Cromwell as chief Minister, 636.
His Dismay on the Detection of the Catholic Queen, Catherine Howard ; and
the King's Marriage with the Protestant Queen, Catherine Par, 636. His
Plans against the new Queen, 637. He is made Lord Keeper, 637. His Ab-
juration of the Pope, 638. Lord Chancellor, 639. His Installation, 639. His
Deficiency in Law, 639. A very Incompetent Judge, 639. His Unhappiness,
639. He tries to study Equity, 640. Commission to assist him in hearing
Causes, 640. His relentless Bigotry, 640. Anne Ascue tortured and burnt by
the Lord Chancellor, 640. The Chancellor's offer of Pardon to Anne Ascue,
,642. His Attempt against the Queen, 642. Prosecution ordered against the
Queen, 643. .Her Terror, 643. Her Discretion, 644. King reconciled to her,
644. Chancellor coming to arrest her, is reprimanded, 645. Chancellor made
Knight of the Garter, 645. A Parliament, 645. Appointment of Custos
Rotulorum taken from the Great Seal, 646. King's Speech after Chancellor's,
646. King's Illness, 646. Chancellor makes the King's Will, 647. Prosecution
of Duke of Norfolk and Lord Surrey, 647. Execution of Surrey, 648. Attain-
der of Duke of Norfolk, 648. Death of Henry VIII., 649. Tears of the Chan-
cellor, 649. Juridical Review of Reign of Henry VIII., 649. Statutes, 650.
Commission to hear Causes, 650. Reports, 650.
CHAPTER XXXVL
CONCLUSION OF THE LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY.
Edward VI. proclaimed, 651. Wriothesley expects to retain Great Seal, and to
have the chief Power during King's Minority, 651. Somerset Protector, 651.
Young King's first Appearance in public, 652. Honours conferred by the
Executors on themselves, 653. Wriothesley made Earl of Southampton, 653.
Intrigues in the Council, 653. Charge against Wriothesley for issuing an illegal
Commission, 654. His Defence, 655. He submits, 655. He is deprived of
the Great Seal, and expelled from the Council, 655. New Powers to Protector
656. Wriothesley two Years in Retirement, 656. Unpopularity of Protector,
• 656. Wriothesley restored to the Council, 656. Proceedings against the
Protector, 657. He is committed to Tower, 657. Wriothesley hopes to enjoy
supreme Power, 657. Superseded by Earl of Warwick, 658. He retires from
Public Life, 658. His Death, 658. His Character, 658. His Descendants,
659.
/l
LIVES
LORD CHANCELLOES OP ENGLAND,
INTRODUCTION.
OP THE ORIGIN, FUNCTIONS, AND JURISDICTION OF THE OFFICE
OF LORD CHANCELLOR IN ENGLAND.
Before entering upon the Lives of the individuals who
have successively filled the office of Lord Chancellor in
England, I propose to take a general view of its origin,
functions, and jurisdiction, — reserving for future considera-
tion a more detailed account of the progressive changes which .
it has from time to time undergone.
The etymology of the word " Chancellor " sheds such a Etymology
feeble and doubtful light on the subject of our inquiry, that f, Qj^n
I must decline engaging in the great controversy, whether cellor,"
" Cancellarius " be derived from " cancellare" or " cancelli? "
— from the act of cancelling the king's letters patent when
granted contrary to law, or from the little bars for fencing off"
the multitude from the recess or chancel in which sat the
door-keeper or usher of a court of justice. Of the former
opinion, a distinguished champion is John of Salisbury, wIk)
flourished in the reign of Henry II., and in the verses pre-
fixed to his Polycraticon thus glorifies the Chancellor :
" Hie est qui leges regni cancellat iniquas,
Et mandata pii principis aequa facit." *
So when Lord Chancellor Gardyner, in the reign of Queen
* See 4 Inst. 88. 3 Bl. Com. 47.
VOL. T. B
LORD CHANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
Mary, presiding on the woolsack, in the sight of all the
Lords, cut off from a bill certain clauses to which the
Commons had dissented, he said, "I now do rightly the
office of a Chancellor."*
But more weight will probably be attached to the authority
of Gibbon, who, after exposing the profligate conduct of the
Emperor Carinus in having selected his favourites, and even
his ministers, from the dregs of the populace, and intrusted
a " Chancellor" with the government of the city, observes,
*' This word, so humble in its origin, has by a singular fortune
risen into the title of the first great office of state in the
monarchies of Europe." f
It would likewise be foreign to our purpose (though very
curious) to trace the steps by which, under the later Roman
Emperors, the " Cancellarius," like " the Justice-clerk " in
Scotland, from being a humble scribe or secretary, came
to be invested with high judicial powers. Nor should I be
justified in inquiring how the office passed from the Roman
Emperors to that body ever emulous of imperial state — the
Roman Church, in which every bishop had his " Chancellor,"
— or into the manner in which the office was established,
with a great variety of powers and duties, in the different
states on the continent of Europe founded by the Northern
* « Die Veneris videlicet, 4°. Januarii," (1 &2 Ph. & Mar, 1.554-5.)
" Hodie allatae sunt a Domo Communi tres Billa? : quarum
" Prima. — For the repealing of all outlawries and other attainders had or
made against Richard Pate, Bishop, AVilliam Peytoo, and others.
" Secunda. — That persons dwelling in the country shall not sell divers -wares
in cities and towns corporate, by retail.
" Terlia. — Repealing all statutes, articles, and provisions made against the
See Apostolick of Rome since the 20th year of King Henry the Eighth ; and for
the establishment of all spiritual and ecclesiastical possessions and hereditaments
conveyed to the laity, with two new provisoes added thereto by the Commons ;
and also a request that the two clauses, containing nineteen lines, and concerning
the Bishops of London, &c., and the Lords Wentworthe, &c., should be clearly
put out. Whereof one of the provisoes, for the manner of the penning thereof
being misliked to the House, another to the same effect was commanded to be
drawn, which being three times read, and agreed unto by the whole House,
except the Viscount Montacute and the Bishops of London, and Coven, and
I^ichef , was sent down to the Commons, where being also thrice read and
agreed unto, it was brought up again as an act fully assented unto by both
Houses; nor the said nineteen lines were not razed nor taken out of the Act; hut
the Chancellor, in the sight of all the Lords, ivith a knife, cut them, saying these
words, ' I NOW DO RIGHTLY THE OFFICE OF A CHANCELLOR.'" Lords' JoUmals,
vol. i. p. 484.
f Dec. and Fall, ii. 99. ; and see Casaubon and Salmasius ad Hist. Aug. 253.
INTRODUCTION. 3
invaders, who, clinging to their own institutions, were fond of
borrowing titles from the conquered. Our business here is
exclusively with " the Chancellor of the Kings of England."
This office has existed from the most remote antiquity. Antiquity
The almost fabulous British King Arthur is said to have of office m
=> England.
appointed a Chancellor.* The Anglo-Saxon monarchs, from
Ethelbert downwards, certainly had such an officer, although
we must not therefore assent to the statement of Lord
Coke, that the Chancery dispensed justice as an ordinary
tribunal, in the remote reign of King Alfred. The office
then existed, but, as we shall see hereafter, centuries elapsed
before it assumed the functions of a Court. — How the
office originally sprung up in England, and what it has since
become, it will now be my endeavour to describe.
With us the King has ever been considered the fountain Original
of justice. In very early times, as he could not himself in ^^^_J °L
person decide all controversies and remedy all wrongs, tri- to frame
bunals were constituted, over which deputed judges presided, ^" ''"
to carry the law into execution. Still, applications were
made to him personally by injured parties for redress ; these
were to be referred to the proper forum, and process was to
be made out for summoning the adversary, and directing
that after both sides had been heard, the appropriate relief
should be administered. To assist him in this department
the King employed a secretary, on whom by degrees it was
entirely devolved; and this officer, on a statement of facts
by the complainant, framed writs or letters, in the king's
name, to the judges, by which suits were instituted. Forms
were adopted, to be always followed under similar circum-
stances, and a place was named to which all suitors might
resort to be furnished with the means of obtaining justice.
This was the officina justitioe called Chancery, and the
officer who presided over it was called Chancellor.!
* Mirror of Justices.
f " Every one was to have a remedial writ from the King's Chancery, accord-
ing to bis plaint," of which the following is the most ancient form : —
" Rex, &c." [to the Judge]. " Questus est nobis A. quod B., &c. Et ideo
tibi (vices nostras in hac parte committentcs) pra?cipiinus quod causara illam
audias et legitimo fine decidas." — Mirror of JuKtices, 8. Sec Fritzhert. Nat.
Brevium.
B 2
4 LORD CHANCELLORS OP ENGLAND.
And royal Again, grants of dignities, of offices, and of lands were
granu. ^^^ 1^^ ^j^^ ^^^^ j^ ^^^^ neccssary that these grants should
be framed and authenticated by an officer well versed in the
laws and customs of the kingdom ; and it was found con-
venient to employ for this purpose the same person who
superintended the commencement of suits between subject
and subject. Here we have the other great branch of the
pristine duties of Chancellor.
Custody of These writs and grants in the earliest times were verified
Great ScaL merely by signature. From the art of writing being little
known, seals became common ; and the king, according to
the fashion of the age, adopted a seal with which writs and
grants were sealed. This was called the Great Seal, and
the custody of it was given to the Chancellor.*
Chancellor But how are we to account for the important function
keeper of ^hjch has immemorially belonged to this officer, of " Keeper
king s con- ^ . .
science. of the King's Conscience ? " From the conversion of the
A.D. 596. Anglo-Saxons to Christianity by the preaching of St. Au-
gustine, the king always had near his person a priest, to
whom was intrusted the care of his chapel, and who was his
confessor. This person, selected from the most learned and
able of his order, and greatly superior in accomplishments
to the unlettered laymen attending the Court, soon acted
as private secretary to the king, and gained his confidence in
aifairs of state. The present demarcation between civil and
ecclesiastical employments was then little regarded, and to
this same person was assigned the business of superintending
writs and grants, — with the custody of the great seal.
Chancellor For ages to come the Chancellor had no separate judicial
Subordinate P^^^^'^' ^^^ ^"^^ "^* Considered of very high dignity in the
officer. State, and the office was chiefly courted as a stepping-stone
jli'dic^ial *^ ^ bishopric, to which it almost invariably led. Particular
power. individuals holding the Great Seal acquired a great ascend-
ancy from their talents, but among the Anglo-Saxons the
Chancellor was not generally a conspicuous member of the
government, and in the early Anglo-Norman reigns he ranked
♦ It has generally been supposed that Edward the Confessor was the first
English sovereign who used a seal ; but Dugdale shows that there were some
Rrtnts under seal as far back as King Edgar. Dug. 01? ch. 2.
INTRODUCTION. 5
only sixth of the great officers under the Crown, coming after
the Chief Justiciar, the Constable, the Mareschal, the
Steward, and the Chamberlain. At this time the Chief
Justiciar was by far the greatest subject, both in rank and
power.* He was generally taken from among the high here-
ditary barons ; his functions were more political than judicial ;
he sometimes led armies to battle ; and when the Sovereign
was beyond the sea, by virtue of his office, as regent he
governed the realm.f
The office of Chancellor rose into importance from the
energy of A'Becket, Longchamp, and other ambitious men
who held it| ; but it was only in the end of the reign of
Henry III., or the beginning of the reign of Edward I,, that
its supremacy was established. Till then the Aula Regia
existed, — of which the Chief Justiciar was president, and in
which all causes of importance, of whatever description,
were decided.
The origin of the different courts in Westminster Hall, Common-
as they now exist, may be distinctly traced to the disruption (j-^Jtioii of
of this great tribunal — like the formation of the planetary Chancellor,
system from the nebulous matter of which some philoso-
phers tell us it is composed. The Chancellor always sat as
a member of the Aula Regia, and from his usual duties and
occupations he must have been its chief legal adviser. § In
* Mad. Exch. b. 1.
f Hence comes the title of the " Lords Justices," appointed to represent
the King in England in the reigns of George I. and George II. ; and of the
" Lords Justices" now appointed to act in Ireland in the absence of the Lord
Lieutenant.
There was likewise from very remote times a Grand Justiciar in Scotland
with very arbitrary power. In that country when the Judges going the circuit
approach a royal burgh, the Lord Provost universally comes out to meet
them — with the exception of Aberdeen, — of which there is by tradition this
explanation. Some centuries ago, the Lord Provost, at the head of the ma-
gistrates, going out to meet the Grand Justiciar at the Bridge of Dee, the
Grand Justiciar, for some imaginary offence, hanged his Lordsliip at the end of
the Bridge, — since which the Lord Provost of Aberdeen has never trusted
himself in the presence of a Judge beyond the walls of the city. — Ex relatione
of a very venerable person who has filled the office — now called Lord Justice
General.
;J: The office of Chancellor in Prance appears to have risen into great im-
portance by the same means. " Magnitudinem virorum qui eo munere [Can-
cellarii] fungebantur, vires decusque illi attulisse crediderim, ut ab exiguis
initiis ad tantam majestatem pervenerit." — Paul. Encycl. de rebus c/estis Francon.
p. 104. a.
§ He was wont to act, together with the Chief Justiciar and other great men,
in matters of revenue at the Exchequer, and sometimes with the other jus-
B 3
LORD CHANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
all probability, early in its history, the different branches of
judicial business which came before it were allotted to the
consideration of particular members most conversant with
them ; and while matters of chivalry might be decided by the
opinion of the constable and mareschal, the validity of the
king's grants would be referred to him whose duty it was to
authenticate them, and proceedings by virtue of mandatory
writs or commissions, under the Great Seal, could best be
judged of by the same person who had issued them. So,
questions arising out of " petitions of right," " monstrans de
droit" and " traverses of office," — where a complaint was
made that the King had been advised to do any act, or was
put in possession of any lands or goods, to the prejudice of
a subject, would be naturally referred to " the Keeper of
his Conscience."*
The officer to whom such references were made by degrees
became a separate judge ; and hence the origin of what is
considered the common-law jurisdiction of the Chancellor.
It is certain, that almost immediately after the esta-
blishment of the Court of King's Bench for criminal law,
the Common Pleas for civil suits, and the Exchequer for the
revenue, all extraordinary cases of a juridical nature being
reserved for the King in council, — the Chancellor held a
separate independent court, in which the validity of royal
grants was questioned by scire facias, and the other matters
were discussed which I have supposed to have been previously
referred for his opinion, to guide the decision of the Aula
Regia. To assist in this new separate jurisdiction, officers
were appointed, and they had the privilege of suing and
being sued in all personal actions in the court to which they
were attached. These proceedings were carried on in accor-
dance with the rules and maxims of the common law.
Here then we have the Chancellor with two great occupa-
ticiars itinerant in their circuits. About the beginning of King Henry the
becond's reign, there were pleas in the county of Kent holden » before the King's
Chance or, and before Henry de Essex, the King's Constable," and « before the
L-hancellor and the Earl of Leicester." Amerciaments were set upon several
persons m Worcestershire by «' the Chancellor and Stephen de Segrave :" and
in the counties of Nottingham and Derby by the same persons.— Mzrfd Exch.
cap. 2. p. 42.
• Gilbert's History of the Exchequer, p. 8.
INTRODUCTION.
tioiis : — the first, his earliest one, of supplying writs to
suitors who wished to litigate in other courts ; the second,
the decision of a peculiar class of suits as a judge. Accord-
ing to ancient simplicity, the place where he carried on the
business of his office was divided between the " Hanniper "
or hamper, in which writs were stored up ; and the " Petty-
bag," in which were kept the records and proceedings in the
suits to be decided by himself.* Thus did the Chancellor
decide all matters of law that might arise by his own au-
thority, subject to a writ of error to the King's Bench ; but
he had no power to summon a jury; and issue being joined
on a question of fact, he at once handed over the record to the
King's Bench, where the suit proceeded, and was finally dis-
posed of.f
This " common-law jurisdiction " of the Chancellor has
been generally carried back to the reign of Edward I. — by
some much higher, — and the validity of it has never been
questioned ; — but his " Equitable Jurisdiction," which has
become of infinitely greater importance, has been supposed
to be a usurpation, and not to have been exercised till the
reign of Richard II., upon the introduction of uses and trusts
of real property, and the invention of the writ of subpoena
by John of Waltham, Bishop of Salisbury. After much
investigation, I must express my clear conviction, that the
Chancellor's equitable is as Indubitable and as ancient as his
common-law jurisdiction, and that It may be traced In a
manner equally satisfactory.
The silence of Bracton, Glanvil, Fleta, and other early Objections
juridical writers, has been strongly relied upon to disprove ouit'yof
the equitable jurisdiction of the Chancellor ; but they as little equitable
notice his common-law jurisdiction, most of them writing tion.
* Even now a distinction is made between the " hanniper " side and the
" petty bag" side of the court.
f I have followed the authority of Blackstone (Com. vol. iii. 49.); but
Mr. Macqueen, in his very learned and valuable treatise " On the Appellate
Jurisdiction of the House of Lords," has collected weighty decisions and
arguments to show that the writ of error from the petty-bag or common-
law side in Chancery is directly to Parliament, and that when the issue of fact
has been determined in the King's Bench, the record goes back to the Court of
Chancery, where final judgment ought to be given. See p. 369, et seq. Ideo
qucere.
B 4
8 LOllD CHANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
during the subsistence of the Aula Regia ; and they all speak
of the Chancery, not as a court, but merely as an office for the
making and sealing of writs.* There are no very early
decisions of the Chancellors on points of law, any more than
of equity, to be found in the Year Books, or old Abridg-
ments. It was formerly objected, that there were no Bills or
Petitions in Chancery extant of an earlier date than the time
of Henry VI., but by the labours of the Record Commis-
sioners many have been discovered of preceding reigns. Till
the 17th Richard II., when the statute was made giving the
Chancellor power to award damages or costs to the defendant
on the plaintiff's suggestions being proved to be false, there
was little use in filing or preserving them, and from that era
we have them in abundance.
Definition By " equitable jurisdiction " must be understood the extra-
jumd/c- ^ ordinary interference of the Chancellor, without common-
tion. la^v process, or regard to the common-law rules of proceeding,
upon the petition of a party grieved, who was without
adequate remedy in a court of common-law; whereupon
the opposite party was compelled to appear and to be ex-
amined, either personally or upon written interrogatories ; and
evidence being heard on both sides, without the interposition
of a jury, an order was made secundum (Bquum et bonum,
which was enforced by imprisonment. Such a jurisdiction
had belonged to the Aula Regia, and was long exercised by
Parliament t ; and when Parliament was not sitting, by the
* The first law book which treats of the jiulicial powers of the Lord Chan-
cellor is the " Diversite des Courtes," written in the end of the fifteenth or be-
ginning of the sixteenth century, tit. Chancery, fol. 296.
•(• Audley v. Audley, 40 Edward IIL This, the earliest instance I have found
of a suit for a specific performance, is fully reported in the close roll of that year.
By a deed executed in contemplation of the marriage of Nicholas son of James
Lord Audley, he had covenanted to settle lands in possession or reversion to
the amount of 400 marks. After the marriage, Elizabeth, the wife, petitioned
the King in parliament that Lord Audley should be ordained to perform the
covenant. The King caused the defendant to come before the Chancellor, the
Treasurer, and the justices and other " sages" assembled in the Star Chamber.
ITie Lady Audley " showed forth her grievances ;" that is to say, she de-
clared ihem by word of mouth, and produced the indenture of covenant. A
demurrer put in on the part of the defendant was overruled ; and after various
proceedings before the Chancellor and Treasurer in the Council, performance of
the covenant was at last obtained.
One of the most remarkable examples of Parliament acting as a court of
equity is William Lord Clynton's case, in the 9th of Hen. V., where Wil-
INTRODUCTION. 9
king's ordinary council. Upon the dissolution of the Aula
Regia many petitions, which Parliament or the Council could
not conveniently dispose of, were referred to the Chancellor,
sometimes with and sometimes without assessors. To avoid
the circuity of applying to Parliament or the Council, the
petition was very soon, in many instances, addressed originally
to the Chancellor himself. For some ages these extraordinary
applications for redress were received by the Parliament,
by the Council, and by the Chancellor concurrently. The
Parliament by degrees abandoned all original equitable juris-
diction, acting only as a court of appeal in civil cases, and
taking original cognizance of criminal cases on impeachment
by the Commons ; but it will be found that the Council and
the Chancellor long continued equitably to adjudicate on the
same matters, and that there were the same complaints and
statutes directed against both.
From various causes, however, the equitable jurisdiction Extension
of the Council gradually declined. The proper and imme- jurisdiction
morial business of the Chancellor being the preparation of of Chancel-
writs, where a case occurred to which no known writ was
properly applicable, and in which the common-law- courts
could not grant redress, he took it into his own hands, and
having heard both parties, gave relief. Again, where the
proceedings in the courts of law under writs which he had
issued were grossly defective and inequitable, he was naturally
called upon to review them, and to prevent judgments which
had been fraudulently obtained from being carried into effect.
Another source of equitable jurisdiction to the Chancellor, from in-
of considerable importance, though little noticed, arose from chancerv
the practice of inroUing in Chancery covenants and agree- ""J^^rre-
1 /»•! Ill' c ■^ c cognizance**
raents, releases oi right, and declarations of uses, and of
securing the performance of these deeds by a recognizance
acknowledged before the Chancellor, and entered upon the
close rolls. On applications for writs of execution by reason
liam de la Pole, a feoffee to uses, was compellecl to reconvey his lordship's
estates. This might possibly have proceeded on the ground of parliamentary
privilege. I believe the records of the Court of Chancery, although they
prove the exercise of the equitable jurisdiction of the Chancellor much further
back, do not show any example so early of compelling the execution of a trust.
R. P. 9 H. 5.
10 LORD CHANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
of the alleged forfeiture of the recognizance, the Chancellor
was of course bound to hear both parties, and to make such
decree between them as justice required.
Fees, &c. For the sake of fees to the Chancellor and his officers,
great encouragement was given to suitors resorting to Chan-
cery, and from the distinguished ability of the men presiding
there, who were assisted by the Master of the Rolls and the
other masters, — ecclesiastics well skilled in the civil law, —
the business was more systematically and effectively trans-
acted than before the Council, which has ever been a tribunal
without fixity in its members or regularity in its proceedings.
These various causes combining, the equitable jurisdiction
of the Council fell into desuetude, like that of the Parlia-
ment ; and in the Court of Chancery that admirable system
of equity which we boast of in England, and which with our
common law has been adopted by our brethren in America,
was gradually developed and matured.
It is thus a great mistake to suppose that the clerical
expedient of a conveyance to uses, for the purpose of evading
the statutes of mortmain, gave rise to the equitable juris-
diction of the Chancellor, or that he at first interfered only
in cases of trust binding on the conscience. From the
researches of the Record Commissioners it appears that his
equitable jurisdiction was well established long anterior to
the time when such cases came before him, and that the
earliest applications to- him for relief were from those who
suffered by direct violence and the combinations of great men,
against which they were unable to gain redress by the or-
dinary process of law.* Then followed cases in which it
was necessary to correct the absurdities of the common-law
judges, who in their own courts laid down rules utterly sub-
versive of justice t, — or in which, from multiplicity of
parties, disability to sue, intricacy of accounts, suppression
of documents, facts being exclusively in the knowledge of
• A bill in Chancery still alleges " combination and confederacy," which,
if specially charged, ought to be denied by the answer.
t As, for example, that where a claim was founded on a deed detained in
the hands of another, no action could be maintained ; that if a deed of grant
were lost, the thing granted was lost with it ; and that a man was liable to pay
money due by deed twice over, if on payment he had omitted to take an ac-
quittance under seal.
INTRODUCTION. 1 :
the adverse party, the importance of specific relief, and the
urgent necessity for preventing irremediable damage to pro-
perty, trial by jury and common-law process afforded no
adequate remedy. The maxim of the common-law judges,
that if a man accepted the conveyance of land as a trustee,
they could only look to the legal estate, and they would allow
him to enjoy it discharged of the trust, was not the earliest,
nor for a long time the most usual, ground for seeking relief
in equity.*
I must likewise observe, that there was not by any means Harmony
the constant struggle between the two iurisdictions of com- ^^*"'een
°o ^ ^ «^ ^ common
mon law and equity which is generally supposed. At times, law and
from personal enmity, from vanity, from love of power, and ^l'"*^-
from love of profit. Chancellors and Chief Justices came into
unseemly collision, and in this warfare they resorted un-
sparingly to the artillery of injunctions, attachments, writs
of habeas corpus, indictments, and praemunires. But, gene-
rally speaking, the common-law judges co-operated har-
moniously with the Chancellor, and recognised the distinction
between what might fitly be done in a court of law and in
a court of equity. He sometimes consulted them before
issuing a subpoena to commence the suit. In hearing causes,
if not satisfied with the advice of the Master of the Rolls
and the Masters in Chancery (his ordinary council), he was
from the earliest times in the habit of calling in the assistance
of some of them ; and questions of extraordinary importance
he adjourned into the Exchequer Chamber, that he might
have the opinion of all the twelve, f
For the benefit of the general reader I may here be per-
mitted to make a few observations upon the Chancellor's
supposed prcetorian power, or nobile officium. It is a common
opinion that English equity consists in the judge acting upon
* Even so late as the reign of Charles II. it was vexata questio whether an
action on the case could be maintained by cestuique trust against the trustee.
See Barnardiston v. Soame, 7 St. Tr. 443. ; 1 Vernon, ,344. n.
f From this practice the decrees ran, Per curiam Cancellaria et omnes Justitia-
rios ; sometimes, Per decretum Cancellarii ex assensu omnium Justitiarium ac aliorum
tie Concilii Domini Regis prcesentium. Again, Idea consideratum est per curiam
de assensu Johannis Fortescue, Capitalis Justitiurii Domini Reyis ad phicita tenenda,
et diversorum aliorum Justitiariorum el servicntiu/n ad legem in curice prasentium.
— Seld, Off. Lord. Ch. §3.
12 LORD CHANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
his own notions of what is right, always softening the rigour
of the common law when he disapproves of it, and dispens-
ing with the application to particular cases of common-law
rules allowed to be generally wise, — so that he may reach
justice according to the circumstances of each particular
case, in pursuance of the suggestion of Lord Bacon, —
" Habeant Curiae Praetorias potestatem tam subveniendi
contra rigorem legis quam supplendi defectum legis."* But
with us there is no scope for judicial caprice in a court of
equity more than elsewhere. Our equitable system has
chiefly arisen from supplying the defects of the common
law, by giving a remedy in classes of cases for which the
common law had provided none, and from a universal disre-
gard by the equity judge of certain absurd rules of the com-
mon law, which he considers inapplicable to the whole cate-
gory to which the individual case under judgment belongs, f
In former times unconscientious Chancellors, talking perpe-
tually of their conscience, have decided in a very arbitrary
manner, and have exposed their jurisdiction to much odium
and many sarcasms. \ But the preference of individual opinion
to rules and precedents has long ceased : *' the doctrine of
the court" is to be diligently found out and strictly followed;
and the Chancellor sitting in equity is only to be considered
a magistrate, to whose tribunal are assigned certain portions
of forensic business, to which he is to apply a well-defined
system of jurisprudence, — being under the control of fixed
maxims and prior authorities, as much as the judges of the
courts of common law. He decides " secundum arbitrium
boni viri;" but when it is asked, " Vir bonus est quis?"
* De Augmentis Sclent. Iviii. ; Aphor. 35.
■f Notwithstanding the rudeness and defects of the common Jaw, we should
ever remember its favour to personal liberty, and its admirable machinery for-
separating law and fact, and assigning each to a distinct tribunal ; wherein it
excels all other systems of jurisprudence which have appeared. We should
likewise bear in mind that it offered many specific remedies, which, after the
improvement of equitable jurisdiction, fell into desuetude.
X The most celebrated is the saying of Selden : " Equity is a roguish thing :
for law we have a measure. Equity is according to the conscience of him
who is Chancellor, and as that is larger or narrower, so is equity. It is all one
as if they should make the standard for the measure we call a foot ' a chan-
cellor's foot.' What an uncertain measure would this be? One chancellor
ha-s a long foot ; another, a short foot ; a third, an indifferent foot : it is the same
thing in the chancellor's conscience" — Tahle Talk.
INTRODUCTION. 13
the answer is, " Qui consulta patrura, qui leges juraque
servat." *
There was long great doubt and difficulty with respect Appeal
to the mode of reviewing the decrees of the Lord Chan- cdior^as^"'
cellor on the equity side of the court ; but, after a violent equity
parliamentary struggle, it was at last settled, in the reign of ^" ^^'
Charles II., that an appeal lies from them to the House of
Lords.
There are other judicial functions to be exercised by the Habeas
Chancellor in his own court, which I ought to notice. In <^orpus and
. . . prolubi-
conjunction with the common-law judges, he is a guardian tions.
of personal liberty ; and any one unlawfully imprisoned is
entitled to apply to him for a writ of habeas CORPUS, either
in term or in vacation, f So the Chancellor may at any time
grant Prohibitions to restrain inferior courts from ex-
ceeding their jurisdiction, though he listens with reluctance
to such motions when they may be made to the King's Bench,
whose habits are better adapted to this sort of business. }
The Chancellor has an exclusive authority to restrain a Ne exeat
party from leaving the kingdom, where it appears that he is ""^sno-
purposely withdrawing himself from the jurisdiction of the
court, to the disappointment of honest creditors. This is
effected by the writ " ne exeat regno^'' issuing under the great
seal ; — a high prerogative remedy, which, as it affects per-
sonal liberty, is granted with great circumspection, particu-
larly where foreigners are concerned. §
It is the province of the Chancellor to issue a writ under Jurisdic-
the Great Seal ^"de coronatore eligendo,^'' directed to the sheriff. Coroners.
* " The discretion of a judge is the law of tyrants : it is always unknown ;
it is different in different men ; it is casual, and depends upon constitution,
temper, and passion. In the best, it is oftentimes caprice ; in the worst it
is every vice, folly, and passion, to which human nature is liable." — Lord
Camden.
See 2 Peer Wms. 752. ; 1 Bl. Com. 47. ; Story's Equity, i. 30. ; Haddocks'
Chancery, i. 29. ; Correspondence between Lord Hardwicke and Lord Kames ;
Tytler's Life of Lord Kames, 230. ; Cooper's Letters ; Sur la Cour de la
Chancellerie ; Abuses and Remedies of Chancery, by George Norbury ; Harg.
I^aw Tracts ; and two pieces concerning Suits in Chancery by Subpoena, temp.
H. VIII., likewise in Harg. Law Tracts, and are both exceedingly curious.
f Crawley's Case, 2 Swanst. 6.
X Per Lord Redesdale, 2 Sch. & Lef. 136. See 4 Inst. 81. ; 2 P. Wms. 202.
§ De Carriere v. Calonne, 4 Vess. 577. See Beames' Writ Ne exeat regnOy
and Beames' Chancery Orders, p. 39.
14 LORD CHANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
and requiring the freeholders of the county to choose a
coroner.* He also decides in the Court of Chancery ques-
tions arising as to the validity of the election, f And upon
complaint against a coroner for neglect of duty, or upon an
allegation of incapacity, — as from being confined in prison,
or of incompetency, as from mental derangement or habits
of extreme intemperance, — the Chancellor may remove him
from his office. |
Criminal Anciently the Chancellor took cognizance of riots and
tim. "^ conspiracies, upon applications for surety of the peace ; but
this criminal jurisdiction has been long obsolete, although
articles of the peace still may, and sometimes are, exhibited
before him. §
Bank- The Chancellor has a most important jurisdiction in
r*iptcy. Bankruptcy^ which arose partly from the commissions for
distributing the effects of insolvent traders being under the
Great Seal, and partly from the powers directly given to him
by act of parliament. The proceeding is here generally by
Petition, in which case there is no appeal ; but on questions
of difficulty the Court makes its equitable machinery ancillary
to this summary jurisdiction ; and, a Bill being filed, the
matter may be carried to the House of Lords. The weight
of this branch of business, which was at one time nearly
overwhelming, has been greatly lightened by the appoint-
ment of permanent Commissioners and the Court of Review ;
but the Chancellor still retains a general superintendence over
bankruptcy.
Lunacy. It has bccu a common opinion that the Chancellor has
no jurisdiction whatever in Lunacy by virtue of his office,
and that this jurisdiction is entirely derived from a special
authority under the royal sign manual, which might be con-
ferred on any one else. But I clearly apprehend that a com-
mission " de idiota^'' or " de lunatico inquirendo,'"' would issue
at common law from the Court of Chanceiy under the Great
* F. N. B. 163. ; 1 Black. 347.
t Re Coroner Co. Stafford, 2 Russ. 475.
\ Ex parte Parnell, 1 Jac. & W. 451.; Ex parte Pasley, 3 Drur. & War. 34.
§ Tunnicliffe v. Tunnicliffe, a.d. 1823 ; Williams v. Williams, a.d. 1841.
INTRODUCTION. 15
Sealj and that the Lord Chancellor, without any special dele-
gation for this purpose, would have authority to control the
execution of it, and to make orders for that purpose. The
sign manual takes its origin from stat. 17 Edw. 2. c. 9., by
which the rents and profits of the estates of idiots are given
to the Crown, and form part of the royal revenue. During
the existence of the Court of Wards and Liveries, the ma-
nagement of the estates of idiots and lunatics was intrusted
to it, and since has been delegated to the Chancellor. Being
a fiscal matter, the warrant is countersigned by the Lord
High Treasurer, or Lords Commissioners of the Treasury.*
* I was obliged to investigate this matter during the short time when I had
the honour to hold the great seal of Ireland. By an oversight, the usual war-
rant under the sign manual respecting lunatics had not in the first instance been
delivered to me, but I found that I might safely make some orders in lunacy
before I received it. On such matters, perhaps, the appeal ought to be to the
House of Lords, although the appeal respecting others comprehended in the
special delegation be to the sovereign in council. See 3 Bl. Com. 48. 427. ;
Story's Equity, ii. 542. ; In Re Fitzgerald, 2 Sch. & Lef. 432. 151.
As the form of the warrant throws some light upon the subject, and is
nowhere to be found in print, I subjoin a copy of that which was addressed to
me : —
" Victoria R.
" Right trusty and wellbeloved councillor, We greet you well. Whereas
it belongeth unto us in right of our royal prerogative to have the custody of
idiots, and their estates, in that part of our United Kingdom called Ireland,
and to take the profits thereof to our own use : And whereas such idiots and
lunatics, and their estates, since the erecting of the Court of Wards and Liveries,
*have been in rule, order, and government of that court, and upon the disuse
thereof are now in our immediate care, commitment, and dispose, which doth
occasion multiplicity of suitors and addresses to our own person : We there-
fore, for the ease of ourself, and of the said suitors, from the charge of attendance,
and considering that the writs of inquiry of idiots and lunatics are to issue out
of the Queen's Court of Chancery of that part of our said United Kingdom
called Ireland, and the inquisitions thereupon taken and found are returnable in
that court, have thought fit to intrust you with the care and commitment of the
custody of the said idiots and lunatics, and their estates. And we do by these
presents give and grant unto you full power and authority, without expecting
any further special warrant from us, from time to time to give orders and
warrants for the preparing of grants and custody of such idiots and lunatics,
and their estates, as are or shall be found by inquisition thereof taken or to be
taken, and returnable in our said High Court of Chancery; and thereupon to
make and pass grants and commitments, under our Great Seal of that part of
our United Kingdom called Ireland, of the custodies of all and every such idiots
and lunatics, and their estates, to such person or persons, suitors in that behalf,
as according to the rules of law and the use and practice in those and the like
causes you shall judge meet for that trust, the said grants and commitments to
be made in such manner and form as hath been heretofore used and accustomed,
and to contain such apt and convenient covenants, provisions, and agreements,
on the parts of the committees and grantees to be performed, and such security
to be by them given as shall be requisite and needful. And for so doing,
IQ LORD CHANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
So much may for the present suffice respecting the forensic
character of the Lord Chancellor ; and I now proceed to give
a rapid sketch of his other functions.
Chancellor It is Said by Selden that the Chancellor is a privy coun-
pTiv'""^""' c'^lor by virtue of his office ; but this can only mean that
Councillor, he is entitled to oiFer the king advice, as any peer may do ;
— not that by the delivery of the Great Seal to him he is in-
cidentally constituted a member of the Privy Council, with
the powers lawfully belonging to the office of a privy coun-
cillor ; for no one can sit in the Privy Council who is not by
the special command of the Sovereign appointed a member of
it ; and, as far back as can be traced, the Lord Chancellors
who were not privy councillors previous to their elevation
have been sworn of the Privy Council, like other great officers
of state."*
Speaker of He certainly is ex officio Prolocutor or Speaker of the
House of Lords, whether he be a peer or not. Without
any commission or express authority for the purpose, he
always presides there when present. This privilege is said
to belong to him by prescription, and he has enjoyed it many
centuries, although in the reigns of Richard I., John, and
Henry III. (within time of legal memory) it was exercised
by the Chief Justiciar. The Crown may by commission
name others to preside in the House of Lords in the absence
of the Chancellor ; and, no speaker appointed by the Crown
being present, the Lords of their own authority may choose
one of themselves to act as speaker, — which they now often
do in hearing appeals : — but all these speakers are imme-
diately superseded when the Chancellor enters the House,!
this shall be your wyrant. Given at our palace at Buckingham House, this
16th day of July, 1841. In the fifth year of our reign.
By Her Majesty's command.
" To our right trusty and wellbeloved councillor "j W. Cowper.
John Baron Campbell, our Chancellor of that I J. Baring.
part of our United Kingdom called Ireland. J H. Tufnell.
" Entered at the Signet OfBce, the 16th day of July, 1841.
" Bridges Tavlor, Deputy."
* See Selden's Office of Lord Chancellor, § 3. It has often been said that
the Lord Mayor of London is a privy councillor by virtue of his office, but for
this there is not the slightest pretence, although he is styled "right honour-
able," and on a deniise of the Crown joins with the aldermen and other notables
in recognising the title of the new sovereign.
t Lord Chief Baron Gilbert suggests that the Chancellor sits on the woolsack
INTRODUCTION. it
By 25 Edw. III. c. 2., to slay him in the execution of his Protection
oflfice is high treason. By 31 Hen.YIII. c. 10., he has prece- dence.'^^'^^
dence above all temporal peers, except the king's sons, nephews,
and grandsons, whether he be a peer or a commoner. If he
be a peer, he ought regularly to be placed at the top of the
dukes' bench, on the left of the throne ; and if a commoner,
upon " the uppermost sack in the parliament chamber, called
the Lord Chancellor's woolsack."* For convenience, here he
generally sits, though a peer, and here he puts the question,
and acts as prolocutor ; but this place is not considered within
the House, and when he is to join in debate as a peer, he
leaves the woolsack, and stands in front of his proper seat, at
the top of the dukes' bench.
If he be a commoner, notwithstanding a resolution of Chancellor
the House that he is to be proceeded against for any miscon-
or voice in
duct as if he were a peer, he has neither vote nor deliberative Lords un-
voice f, and he can only put the question, and communicate ^^''^P^^'''
the resolutions of the House according to the directions he
receives. |
From very early times the Chancellor was usually employed Anciently
on the meeting of a new parliament to address the two Houses l^yJ^^^^scs
in the presence of the King, and to explain the causes of at meeting
their being summoned, — although this was in rare instances men^ '^"
as steward of the King's Court Baron, and draws an ingenious but fanciful
parallel between the Court Baron of a manor and the House of Lords. Gilb.
Ev. 42. — By an old standing order of tlie House of Lords, his constant attend-
ance there is required.
* There are woolsacks for the Judges and other assessors, as well as for the
Lord Chancellor. They are said to have been introduced into the House of
Lords as a compliment to the staple manufacture of the realm ; but I believe '
that in the rude simplicity of early times a sack of wool was frequently used
as a sofa — when the Judges sat on a hard wooden bench, and the advocates
stood behind a rough wooden rail, called the bar.
f From the manner in which the journals are kept, it might have been in-
ferred that the Chancellor, or Keeper of the Great Seal, though a commoner,
was considered a member of the House. Thus, in the times of Sir Nicholas
Bacon, his presence is recorded as if he were a peer, under the designation of
" Custos Mag. Sig. ;" and the same entries continued to be made with respect
to Sir N. Wright and Sir R. Henley. So, on the 22d Nov. 1830, there is an
entry in the list of peers present, " Henricus Brovgham Cancellarius," but he
had no right to debate and vote till the following day, when the entry of his
name and office appears in the same place, " Dominus Brougham et Vaux
Cancellarius."
;j: I>ord Keeper Henley, till raised to the peerage, used to complain bitterly
of being obliged to put the question for the reversal of his own decrees, without
being permitted to say a word in support of them.
VOL. I. C
18
LORD CHANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
Trial of
peers, and
impeach-
ments.
Star Chaiii'
ber.
done by the Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and by other
functionaries.*
Whether peer or commoner, the Chancellor is not, like the
Speaker of the Commons, moderator of the proceedings of
the House in which he seems to preside ; he is not addressed
in debate ; he does not name the peer who is to be heard ;
he is not appealed to as an authority on points of order ; and
he may cheer the sentiments expressed by his colleagues in
the ministry, f
On the trial of a peer for treason or felony, either before
the House of Lords or before selected peers Avhen parliament
is not sitting, the presidentship of the Lord Chancellor is
suspended, and a Lord High Steward is specially appointed
pro hac vice by the Crown. This arose from the Lord Chan-
cellor, in early times, being almost always an ecclesiastic,
who could not meddle in matters of blood. Since the Chan-
cellor has been a layman, he has generally been nominated
Lord High Steward ; but then he becomes *' His Grace," and
presides in a different capacity. % On the impeachment of com-
moners (which can only be for high crimes and misdemeanors §)
he presides as in the ordinary business of the House.
The Chancellor was once a most important criminal judge,
by ruling the Court of Star Chamber. Here he alone had
a right to speak with his hat on ; and if the councillors pre-
sent were equally divided, he claimed a double vote, whether
for acquitting or convicting. || While this arbitrary tribunal
flourished in the plenitude of its power under the Tudors and
Stuarts, — with a view to proceedings here rather than in the
Court of Chancery was the Great Seal often disposed of ; —
but since the abolition of the Star Chamber, the Chancellor
• See Elsynge on Parliaments, p. 137.
t This arises from a proper distrust of a Speaker holding his office during
the pleasure of the Crown, and necessarily an active political partisan ; but most
inconvenient consequences follow from there being no moderator in an assembly
which is supposed to be the most august, but is probably the most disorderly
in the world.
% On the late trial of the Earl of Cardigan, Lord Denman was appointed
and acted as Lord High Steward, on account of the temporary illness of Lord
Chancellor Cottenham.
§ So settled in Fitzharris's case, Temp. Car. II. See Lives of Shaftesbury
and North. '
II Hudson's Star Chamber, 2 Coll. Jur. 31. ; 4 Inst. 63.
INTKODUCTION.
19
has been released from taking any part in criminal proceed-
ings, unless on the rare occasions of impeachments, and the
trials of peers.*
Still he presides at "the trial of the Pyx," when a jury Trial of the
of goldsmiths determine whether new coinages of gold and ^^'
silver be of the standard weight and fineness, and the Master
of the Mint be entitled to his quietus.
Since the institution of justices of the peace in the reign Chancellor
of Edward III., instead of the conservators of the peace for- fPP?i"**
' ^ justices of
merly elected by the people, — to the Lord Chancellor has peace,
belonged the power of appointing and removing them
throughout the kingdom, f Upon this important and deli-
cate subject, he generally takes the advice of the Lord Lieu-
tenant, or Gustos Rotulorum, in each county ; but when any
extraordinary case arises, it is his duty, and his practice, to
act upon his own judgment.
He nominates, by his own authority, to many important Tatronage.
offices connected with the administration of justice, and he is
by usage the adviser of the Crown in the appointment to
others still more important, — including the Puisne Judges in
the three superior courts in Westminster Hall|, and the
Masters in Chancery. §
* Various statutes, now repealed, delegated to the Chancellor functions in aid
of the criminal law. Thus by 2 H. 5. st. 1 . c. 29. he was enabled to issue
writs of proclamation in cases of bloodslied ; and by S5 H. 6. c. 1 . the like
power was granted to him for the apprehension of fugitive servants embezzling
the goods of their masters, to be exercised with the advice of the Chief Justice
of either Bench, or of the Chief Baron of the Exchequer. Till the late new
modelling of the courts of error, he likewise, by 31 E. I. c. 12., sat in the
Exchequer Chamber, to decide wTits of error from the Court of Exchequer.
He is now, ex officio, a member of the Central Criminal Court, and of the
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council ; but he is not expected to attend
in the former, and in the latter only in cases of great difficulty. Till the acces-
sion of the present Queen, the Chancellor had a most painful duty to perform,
in advising on the report of the Recorder of London in what cases the law
should be allowed to take its course ; but convictions in the metropolis are
now left as those at the Assizes with the Judges and the Secretary of State.
7 W. 4. & 1 Vic. c. 77.
t See 1 Ed. 3. st. 2. c. 16. ; 28 Hen. 6. c. 11.
% Lord Eldon likewise claimed the patronage of the office of Chief Baron,
as belonging to the Great Seal ; but this, since the Court of Exchequer was re-
formed, has been supposed to belong to the Prime Minister, — of course with
the concurrence of the Cabinet and the Sovereign.
§ By 3&4 W. 4. c. 94. s 16., Masters in Chancery are now appointed by
letters patent under the Great Seal ; but the nature of the office remains un-
changed. When, as a little check on cancellarian favouritism, the mode of
appointing a Master in Chancery was changed from the Chancellor putting on
20
LORD CHANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
Visitor.
Other
functions.
Office of
" Keeper of
the Great
Seal."
He is patron of all the king's livings of the value of 20Z.
and under, in the king's books.* These he was anciently
obliged to bestow upon the clerks in Chancery, King's Bench,
Common Pleas, and Exchequer, who were all in orders ; but
he can now dispose of them according to his notions of what
is due to religion, friendship, or party.
He is visitor of all colleges and hospitals of royal found-
ation ; and representing the Sovereign as parens patria, he
has the general superintendence of all charitable uses, and is
the guardian of all infants who stand in need of his pro-
tection.
The custody of the royal conscience may possibly be con-
sidered one of the obsolete functions of the Chancellor, for
he is no longer a casuist for the Sovereign as when priest,
chaplain, and confessor ; and it is now merely his duty, like
other sworn counsellors, to give honest advice, for which he
is responsible in parliament. I may observe, however, that
the Chancellor has in all ages been an important adviser of
the Crown in matters of state as well as a great magistrate.
The Chancellor in former times was frequently prime
minister ; and although the Earl of Clarendon in the reign
of Charles II. is the last who ostensibly filled this situation,
his successors have always been members of the Cabinet, and
have often taken a leading part, for good or for evil, in
directing the national councils.
There is a distinction which it may be convenient that
I should explain between the title of " Chancellor" and
" Keeper of the Great Seal." As we have seen, there was
in very early times always an officer called "the Chancellor,"
Kar' £^o')(r)v, or " King's Chancellor," to distinguish him from
the Chancellors of bishops or of Counties Palatine. He
generally was intrusted with the personal custody of the
Great Seal ; but occasionally while there was a Chancellor
the seal was delivered to another person who was called
" Custos sigilli," or " Vicecancellarius," and did all the duties
his hat in Court to a nomination by the Crown, it was expressly stated that
the patronage was to continue with the Chancellor, and not to be transferred to
the Prime Minister.
• The limit used to be twenty marks ; but since the new vnlor beneficiorum in
the time of Henry VUl. pounds are supposed to have been substituted (or marks.
INTRODUCTION. 2 1
of the office connected with the sealing of writs and grants,
and the administration of justice, — accounting for all fees and
perquisites to the Chancellor. In the 28th of Henry III. a
statute passed to check this practice : '- Si rex abstulerit
sigillum a Cancellario, quicquid fuerit interim sigillatum
irritum habeatur." However, the attempt to prevent such a
deputation soon failed. Chancellors going upon embassies,
or visiting their dioceses, or laid up by long sickness, could
not themselves use the seal, and were unwilling to surrender
the office to a rival, from whom there might have been great
difficulty in recovering it when he had tasted its sweets.
Wherefore, in defiance of the law, — on all such occasions
while they retained the favour of the Sovereign, they handed
over the seal to a " lieu-tenant'''' from whom they could at
any time demand it back. By-and-by, between the death,
resignation, or removal of one Chancellor and the appointment
of another, the Great Seal, instead of remaining in the personal
custody of the Sovereign, was sometimes intrusted to a
temporary keeper, either with limited authority (as only to
seal writs), or with all the powers, though not with the rank,
of Chancellor. At last, the practice grew up of occasionally
appointing a person to hold the Great Seal with the title of
" Keeper," where it was meant that he should permanently
hold it in his own right, and discharge all the duties belong-
ing to it. Queen Elizabeth, ever sparing in the conferring
of dignities, having given the Great Seal with the title of
"Keeper" to Sir Nicholas Bacon, objections were made to
the legality of some of his acts, — and to obviate these, a
statute was passed * declaring that " the Lord Keeper of the
Great Seal for the time being shall have the same place,
pre-eminence, and jurisdiction as the Lord Chancellor of
England." Since then there of course never have been a
Chancellor and Keeper of the Great Seal concurrently, and '
the only difference between the two titles is, that the one
is more sounding than the other, and is regarded as a higher
mark of royal favour. During the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries there were various instances of the Great Seal
being delivered to a " Lord Keeper," who not rarely, for
• 5 Eliz. c. 18.
c 3
22
LORD CHANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
liOrcis
Commis-
sioners of
Great
Seal.
Present
title of
Lord Chan-
cellor.
:Mode of
appoint-
ment.
acceptable service, has been raised to the dignity of " Lord
Chancellor;" but since the commencement of the reign of
George III., the title of "Lord Chancellor" has always been
conferred in the first instance with the Great Seal, and
"Lord Keepers" probably will be seen no more.
We have still to treat of "Lords Commissioners of the Great
Seal," — whom it may continue convenient to appoint. From
very early times there had been a custom of occasionally
giving the Great Seal into the joint custody of several pei-sons,
who held it under the Chancellor, or while the office was
vacant. Immediately after the Revolution, in 1689, Serjeant
Maynard and two other lawyers were appointed by a com-
mission under the Great Seal to execute the office of Lord
Chancellor. Doubts were started as to their powers and
precedence, which gave rise to the statute 1 W. & M. c. 21.,
enacting "that commissioners so appointed should have all
the authority of Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper, one of
them being empowered to hear interlocutory motions, and
the presence of two being required at the pronouncing of a
decree or affixing the Great Seal to any instrument; — the
commissioners to rank next after peers and the Speaker of
the House of Commons."
On the union with Scotland, the Chancellor was designated
" Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain," and now his
proper title is " Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain and
Ireland," — the Great Seal which he holds testifying the will
of the Sovereign as to acts which concern the whole empire,
although there are certain patents confined in their operation
to Scotland and Ireland respectively, which still pass under
the separate Great Seals appropriated to those divisions of the
United Kingdom.*
The appointment to the office of Lord Chancellor in very
remote times was by patent or writ of Privy Seal, or by sus-
• By Art. xxiv. of the union with Scotland, it is provided that there shall be
one Great Seal for the United Kingdom. There is no such provision in the
Act for the union with Ireland ; and s. S. of 39 & 40 G. 3. e. 67. provides that
the Great Seal of Ireland may continue to be used as theretofore. But patents
of peerage of the United Kingdom, treaties with foreign states, and other imperial
acts, are under the seal held by our Lord Chancellor, who is therefore, in some
sense, the Chancellor of the empire, although he has no judicial jurisdiction be-
yond the realm of England.
INTRODUCTION. 23
pending the Great Seal by a chain round his neok *, but for
many ages the Sovereign has conferred the office by simply
delivering the Great Seal to the person who is to hold it,
verbally addressing him by the title which he is to bear. He
then instantly takes the oaths f, and is clothed with all the
authority of the office, although usually, before entering upon
the public exercise of it, he has been installed in it with great
pomp and solemnity.
The proper tenure of the office is during pleasure, and it Tenure of
is determined by the voluntary surrender of the Great Seal
into the hands of the Sovereign, or by his demanding it in
person, or sending a messenger for it with a warrant under
the Privy Seal or Sign Manual. There have been grants of
the office of Chancellor for life and for a time certain, but
these Lord Coke pronounces to be illegal and void ; and, while
its political functions remain, the person holding it must
necessarily be removable with the other members of the ad-
ministration to which he belongs.
I must now make a few observations respecting the Great Mode of
Seal and the mode of applying it. It is considered the em- Great
blem of sovereignty, — the clavis regni, — the only instrument Seal,
by which on solemn occasions the will of the Sovereign can
be expressed. I Absolute faith is universally given to every
document purporting to be under the Great Seal, as having
been duly sealed with it by the authority of the Sovereign. §
* " Forma cancellarium constituendi, regnante Henrico Seeundo, fuit ap-
pendendo magnum Anglia; sigillum ad collum concellarii electi." See 4 Inst.
87. ; Camden, p. 131.
t The oath of office consists of six parts : " 1. That well and truly he
shall serve our Sovereign Lord the King and his people in the office of Chan-
cellor. 2. That he shall do right to all manner of people, poor and rich, after
the laws and usages of the realm. 3. Tliat he shall truly counsel the King,
and his counsel he shall layne ' and keep. 4. That he shall not know nor suffer
the hurt or disheriting of the King, or that the rights of the Crown be decreased
by any means as far as he may let it. 5. If he may not let it, he shall make
it clearly and expressly to be known to the King, with his true advice and coun-*'
sel. 6. And that he shall do and purchase the King's profit in all that he
reasonably may, as God him help." — 4 Inst. 88.
\ 1 Hale's Pleas of the Crown, ch. xvi.
§ The most striking illustration of this maxim is given by the course pur-
sued by Parliament in 1788 and 1811, when from the mental alienation of
George III., the royal authority was completely in abeyance. Commissions,
' An old Norman word signifying to conceal.
c 4
24 LORD CHANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
The law, therefore, takes anxious precautions to guard
af'ainst any abuse of it. To counterfeit the Great Seal is
high treason*, and there are only certain modes in which the
genuine Great Seal can be lawfully used.
Letters patent ought always to state the authority under
which they have passed the Great Seal. In early times
we find such notices as these : " By the king himself," « By
the king himself and all the council," " By the petition of
the council," " By the king himself and the great council,"
" By the king and council in full parliament," " By letters
of the king himself of the signet," " By petition in parlia-
ment," " By the king's own word of mouth."
To guard against grants improperly passing under the
Great Seal, an ordinance was made in 14431, requiring that
the Chancellor should not fix the Great Seal to a grant with-
out authority under the Privy Seal ; but this was not by
any means rigorously observed. Thus, in 1447, Henry VI.
having pardoned a person who had been convicted of high
treason, a letter sealed with "the signet of the eagle" was
sent to the Chancellor, commanding him to make out a
pardon to him under the Great Seal, with this P. S., " when
the Privy Scale shall come into the countrey, wee shall sende
you your suffycient warrant in this behalf."
Negotia- Another instance of this king's disregard of the ofl&cial forms
marriage intended to prevent the Crown acting without the sanction
ofHcn.VL of its advisers we have in the negotiation of his marriage.
Great Seal. In 1442 instructions wei-e issued under the Great Seal em-
powering ambassadors therein named to treat for an alliance
with the eldest daughter of the Count of Armagnac, but the
King afterwards wished to " set it general," that he might
have the choice of any one of the Count's daughters. Instead
of causing so important a variation from the original instruc-
tions to be executed in a proper manner under the Great Seal,
it was merely expressed in a private letter from the King to the
without any royal warrant, were produced under the Great Seal for opening
parliament and giving the royal assent to the Regency Bill, and in point of
law they were supposed to express the deliberate will of him who in point of
fact was unconscious of these proceedings. — Pari. Hist. vol. xxvii. 1162. ; Pari.
Dib. vol. xviii. 830. 1102.
• 25 Ed. ;j. t 25 Hen, 6.
INTRODUCTION. 25
ambassadors under " the signet of the eagle ;" — the King thus
trying to excuse the irregularity — " And forasmuch as ye
have none instructions of this form but this only which pro-
ceedeth of our own motion, desiring therefore that ye, not-
withstanding all other, do the execution thereof, we have
signed this letter of our own hand, the which as yet, wot
well, we be not much accustomed for to do in other case."
The ambassadors declined to act upon that letter, and in-
formed the King that, " according to their simple wits," it
had altogether superseded their commission. They therefore
prayed for new powers ; and another commission was " issued
under the Great Seal, which expressly authorised them to
select any one of the Count's daughters for consort to His
Majesty." *
On many occasions King Edward IV. enforced directions in Use of
letters to the Chancellor for using the Great Seal, by adding ^' gj^'^^li
his commands in his own handwriting. Thus Kirkham, the IV.
Master of the Rolls, while he had the custody of the Great
Seal, having hesitated to make out letters of safe conduct for
a Spanish ship without a warrant under the Privy Seal, the
King ordered a letter to be sent to him under the signet,
expressing surprise at his non-compliance with the former
request, and commanding him that, immediately on sight of
that letter, he should make out and deliver the instrument,
and that he should afterwards have further warrant if neces-
sary. " Albeit," the King adds, " our speech to you, us
thinketh, Avas sufficient warrant." And at the bottom he
wrote, with his own hand, " Sir, we will the premises be
sped without delay." f
Some riots having occurred at Bristol, the Chancellor was
ordered by a letter signed by the King, and sealed with the
signet, to make a commission for the trial of the oiFenders ;
and Edward wrote on it with his own hand, " Cosyn, yff ye*
thynke ye schall have a Warrant, ye may have on made in
dew forme ; We pray you hyt fayle not." X
* Journal of Bishop Beckington, p. 6.
f Ex orig. in Turr. Lond.
I Warrant here evidently means letters of Privy Seal, without which the
King doubted wlietlier his order would he obeyed.
26
LORD CUANCELLORS OP ENGLAND.
Times of
Tudors and
Stuarts.
Use of
Grcnt Seal
since the
Uevolution
of 16S8.
Orif^in of
otprcssioii
of" Tl.c
seals."
In 1479 the Chancellor was ordered to grant letters patent
of a corody to one of the King's servants on his petition
signed by the King, who wrote under it, " My Lord Chan-
seler, AVee praye you spede thys Bille, and take hyt for your
warrant."
Towards the end of his reign Edward directed a writ for
an inquisition to be made out for the benefit of his " Lady
Mother " by a letter to the Chancellor, concluding thus : —
" This we wol you speed in any wise, as our trust is in you ; "
adding, in his own hand, " My Lord Chanseler, thys most be
don." *
Much greater irregularities, in this respect, prevailed under
the Tudors and the Stuarts; and the practice became not
very uncommon for the Sovereign, where an instrument of
doubtful legality was to pass, to affix the Great Seal to it
with his own hand.
Since the Revolution of 1688, when the principles of re-
sponsible government were fully established, the Great Seal
could only be lawfully used by a Lord Chancellor, Lord
Keeper, or Lords' Commissioners ; and unless with respect to
the sealing of writs and commissions of course, for which the
delivery of the Seal to them is sufficient authority, there
must be a warrant under the royal sign manual for the pre-
paration of " a bill " or draught of the proposed patent.
This, when prepared, is superscribed by the Sovereign, and
sealed with the Privy Signet in the custody of a secretary
of state ; then it sometimes immediately passes under the
Great Seal, in which case it is expressed to be " per ipsum
regem," " by the king himself ; " but in matters of greater
moment, the bill, so superscribed and sealed, is carried to the
keeper of the Pi-ivy Seal, who makes out a writ or warrant
thereupon to the Chancery, in which last case the patent is
expressed to be " per breve de privato sigillo," " by writ of
privy seal."f
In early times, the king used occasionally to deliver to the
Chancellor several seals of diiferent materials, as one of gold
* Ex orig. in Turr. Lend.
t See 2 Inst. 551. 555. ; 2 Bl. Com. 347.
INTRODUCTION.
27
and one of silver, but with the same impression, to be used
for the same purpose ; and hence we still talk of " the seals
being in commission," or of a particular individual being " a
candidate for the seals,^^ meaning the office of Lord Chan-
cellor ; — although, with the exception of the rival great seals
used by the king and the parliament during the civil war in
the time of Charles I., there has not been for many cen-
turies more than one great seal in existence at the same time.*
When on a new reign, or on a change of the royal arms or Adoption
style, an order is made by the sovereign in council for using q^.^^^ ^^^
a new Great Seal, the old one is publicly broken, and the
fragments become the fee of the Chancellor, f
The Close Roll abounds with curious details of the careful Care in
manner in which this Great Seal was kept in its " white lea- creaTleai!
thern bag and silken purse " under the private seal of the
Chancellor. There was a rule that he should not take it out
* The French expression of " Garde des Sceaux" arose from the Chancellor
in France always having the custody of a variety of different seals applicable
to different purposes. In England the same person has had the custody of
the Great Seal and the Privy Seal ; but^this was contrary to law and usage, the
one being a check upon the other. — 1 Hale's Pleas of the Crown, ch. xvi.
f This being the general rule, an amicable contest, honoris causa, arose upon
the subject between two of the most distinguished men who have ever held the
office. Lord Lyndhurst was Chancellor on the accession of William IV., when
by an order in council a new Great Seal was ordered to be prepared by his
Majesty's chief engraver ', but when it was finished and an order was made
for using it*. Lord Brougham was Chancellor. Lord Lyndhurst claimed
the old Great Seal on the ground that the transaction must be referred
back to the date of the first order, and that the fruit must therefore be con-
sidered as having fallen in his time ; while Lord Brougham insisted that the
point of time to be regarded was the moment when the old Great Seal ceased to
be the " clavis regni," and that there was no exception to the general rule. The
matter being submitted to the King as supreme judge in such cases, his Majesty
equitably adjudged that the old Great Seal should be divided between the two
noble and learned litigants, and as it consisted of two parts for making an
impression on both sides of the wax appended to letters patent, — one representing
the Sovereign on the throne, and the other on horseback, — the destiny of the two
parts respectively should be determiued by lot. His Majesty's judgment was
much applauded, and he graciously ordered each part to be set in a splendid
silver salver with appropriate devices and ornaments, which be presented to the
late and present Keeper of his Conscience as a mark of his personal respect for
them. — The ceremony of breaking or " damasking" the old Great Seal consists
in the Sovereign giving it a gentle blow with a hammer, after which it is sup-
posed to he broken, and has lost all its virtue. But to counterfeit the old
Great Seal is treason. So held in the 9th of Edward IV. of counterfeiting the
Great Seal of Henry VI., although this sovereign had been attainted as an
usurper. — 1 Hale's Pleas of the Crown, 177
4 th August, 1830.
31st August, 1831. Books of Privy Council.
28
LORD CUANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
Emolu-
ments of
office.
Etiquette.
of the realm ; and this was observed by all Chancellors except
Cardinal Wolsey, who, in 1521, carried it with him into the
Low Countries, and sealed writs with it at Calais, — a sup-
posed violation of duty which formed one of the articles of
his impeachment. Indeed, the better opinion is that the
Great Seal cannot be used out of the realm even by the
sovereign. Edward I. having himself affixed the Great Seal
at Ghent to a confirmation of the charters, the Earls of Nor-
folk and Hereford objected that this act in a foreign country
was null, and the charters were again confirmed under the
Great Seal on the King's return to England.*
Some readers may feel a curiosity to know whether there
are any emoluments belonging to the office of Chancellor
besides the fragments of the old Great Seal when a new one
is adopted. I shall hereafter present copies of grants of
salary, and tables of fees and allowances, showing the profits of
this high officer in different reigns. In the meanwhile it must
suffice to say, that, on account of his distinguished rank, his
important duties, his great labours, and the precariousness of
his tenure, he has generally received the largest remuneration
of any servant of the crown. In early times this arose mainly
from presents, and I am afraid from bribes. The deficiency
was afterwards often supplied by grants of land from the
crown, which continued down to the time of Lord Somers,
Then came the system of providing for the Chancellor and
his family by sinecure places in possession and in reversion.
Now all these places are abolished, together with aU fees;
and parliament has provided a liberal, but not excessive,
fixed salary for the holder of the Great Seal, — with a retired
allowance when he has resigned it to enable him to maintain
his station, and still to exert himself in the public service as
a judge in the House of Lords and in the Privy Council. f
I shall conclude this preliminary discourse with the notice
of certain forms connected with the Great Seal, to which
high importance has sometimes been attached, and which
have given rise to serious controversies.
• A. D. 1298. See Black. Law Tracts, 345.
t I-ord Loughborough was the first Chancellor who had a retired allowance
l>y act of parliament. The.present arrangement was made by Lord Brougham.
tH.-c2& 3 W. 4. c. 122. J' 6
INTRODUCTION. 29
By a standing order of the House of Lords, the Lord In parlia-
Chancellor, when addressing their Lordships, is to be un- ™'^"'*
covered ; but he is covered when he addresses others, including
a deputation of the commons.
When he appears in his official capacity in the presence
of the Sovereign, or receives messengers of the House of
Commons at the bar of the House of Lords, lie bears in
his hand the purse containing (or supposed to contain) the
Great Seal. On other occasions it is carried by his purse-
bearer, or lies before him as the emblem of his authority.
When he goes before a Committee of the House of Commons
he wears his robes, and is attended by his mace-bearer and
purse-bearer. Being seated, he puts on his hat to assert the
dignity of the upper House ; and then, having uncovered,
gives his evidence.
Although the Lord Chancellor no longer addresses the
two Houses at the opening or close of a session of parlia-
ment, he still is the bearer of the royal speech, which,
kneeling, he delivers into the hand of the Sovereign.
When the Prince of Wales is to take the oaths for any When ad-
purpose in the Court of Chancery, the Lord Chancellor ^th's\^""^
meets him as he approaches Westminster Hall, and waits Prince of
upon him into court. The Prince's Chancellor holds the
book, and the oaths are read by the Master of the Rolls.
The Lord Chancellor sits covered while the oaths are ad-
ministered, the bar standing. The Lord Chancellor then
waits on the Prince to the end of Westminster Hall.*
When a younger son of the King is to take the oaths, To King's
the Lord Chancellor meets him at the steps leading from )'°^"
the Hall to the Court, and conducts him into court. The
Master of the Rolls reads the oaths, the senior Master in
Chancery holding the book. His Lordship sits covered, the
bar standing. He then uncovers, takes the purse in his
hand, and attends his Royal Highness down the steps into
the HalLf
When peers take the oaths before the Lord Chancellor, To peers
ger
son.
the deputy usher holds the book, while a deputy of the clerk
* Case of Prince of Wales, afterwards George II. Dickens, xxix.
j- Case of Duke of Cumberland, IGth June, 1755. Dickens, xxx.
in Chan-
so
LORD CHANCELLORS OF ENGLAND.
Lord
Mayor's
Day.
Sutute
respectinpf
apparel of
Chancellor.
of the crown reads the oaths. The Lord Chancellor sits covered
during the time the i)eers are in court, except at their en-
trance and departure, when he rises and bows to them.*
When the Lord Mayor of London comes into the Court
of Chancery on Lord Mayor's Day, and by the Recorder
invites the Lord Chancellor to dinner at Guildhall, the Lord
Chancellor remains covered, and does not return any answer
to the invitation.f
I have only further to state respecting the privileges and
disabilities of the office of the Lord Chancellor, that by
Stat. 24 Hen. VIIL c. 13., he is entitled "to weare in his
apparell velvet satene and other silkes of any colours excepte
purpure, and any manner of furres except cloke genettes.^''
And now let us proceed to the Lives of the distinguished
men who have held the office thus imperfectly described.
* Dickens, xxxii.
t Ex relatione a Lord Chancellor who never would be wanting in any point
of due courtesy to high or low — Lord Lyndhurst.
CHANCELLORS UNDER TPIE ANGLO-SAXON KINGS.
31
CHAPTER I.
OF THE CHANCELLORS UNDER THE ANGLO-SAXON KINGS,
It has been too much the fashion to neglect our history and CHAP,
antiquities prior to the Norman conquest. But to our '
Anglo-Saxon ancestors not only are we indebted for our Merits of
language and for the foundation of almost all the towns and '^e Anglo-
• 11 •T-iiii p 1' • 1 ' • • 1 Saxons.
Villages m liingland, but lor our political institutions ; and to
them we may trace the origin of whatever has most benefited
and distinguished us as a nation.* It is a point of filial duty
incumbent upon us, to commemorate and to honour the indi-
viduals among them who in any department attained to great
eminence. Of those who filled the office of Chancellor under
the Anglo-Saxon kings, little has been handed down to us ;
but that little ought not to be allowed to fall into oblivion.
According to Selden, Ethelbert, the first Christian king a.d. 605.
among the Saxons, had Augmendds for his "Chancellor" bus, Chan-
or Refer endarius, the officer who received petitions and sup- p'!*^"! '**
plications addressed to the Sovereign, and made out writs
and mandates as Custos Legis. There is great reason to
believe that he was one of the benevolent ecclesiastics who
accompanied Augustine from Rome on his holy mission, and
that he assisted in drawing up the Code of Laws then pub-
lished, which materially softened and improved many of the
customs which had prevailed while the Scandinavian divi-
nities were still worshipped in England, f
There are three others whose names are transmitted to us
as having been Chancellors to Anglo-Saxon kings without any
* The descendants of the Anglo-Saxons seem destined to be by far the most
numerous and powerful race of mankind, — occupying not only the British Isles
in Europe, but the whole of America from Mexico to the Polar Seas, and the
whole of Australia and Polynesia. The English language will soon be spoken
by an infinitely greater number of civilised men than ever was the Greek, the
Latin, or the French.
f Selden's Office of Chancellor, 2. Dugd. Or. Jur. 32. Philpot's Catalogue
of Chancellors. Spel. Gloss. Cancellarius, p. 109.
32 CIIANCELLORS UNDER
CHAP, history attached to them, legendary or authentic, — Cenwona,
under Offa, king of the Mercians, BoSA, under Withlofe,
and SwiTiiULPHUS, under Berthulph.*
I
A- n. 758.
A. i>. 825. Next comes the Chancellor so celebrated for his pluvious
St"swnH- propensity, St. Swithin, who held the office under two
IN, Chan- govereio-ns, and of whom much that is true, as well as much
Egb^rrand that is fabulous, has been transmitted to us. We can trace
Ethelwulf. ijjg history as certainly as that of Bede or Alcuin, and he left
like them, among his countrymen, a bright reputation for
learning and ability, which was rationally cherished till ob-
scured by the miracles afterwards imputed to him.
Swithin was a native of Wessex, and was born at the very
commencement of the ninth century. He was educated in a
monastery at Winchester, then the capital of the kingdom.
He prosecuted his studies with such ardour that he made
wonderful proficiency in all the knowledge of the age, and
having been ordained presbyter in 830 by the Bishop of Hel-
maston, was selected by King Egbert for his chaplain, and
tutor to his son Ethelwulf. f He soon showed a capacity for
state affairs, and was placed in the office of Chancellor, con-
tinuing, like his successor, a-Becket, while intrusted with the
administration of justice, to superintend the education of the
heir-apparent. He is said to have enjoyed the confidence of
the King without interruption, and by his counsels to have
contributed to the consolidation of the states of the Hep-
tarchy into one great kingdom.
A.D. 836. On the accession of his royal pupil to the throne, he re-
tained his office of Chancellor, and >vas in still higher favour.
So wise a minister was he esteemed, that William of Malmes-
bury, referring to his sway, says the ancient opinion of Plato
was verified in this reign, that " a state would bft happy when
philosophers were kings, or kings were philosophers." Alstan,
Bishop of Sherborne, took a more conspicuous lead, and
• Selden's Office of Chancellor, 2. Dugd. Or. Jur. 32. Philpot's Catalogue
of Chancellors. Spel. Gloss. Cancellarius, p. 109,
■f William of Malmesbury represents that he was employed in affairs of state
before he had the care of the King's son. " Natura, industriaque laudabilis
auditum Ilegis non effugit. Quocirca ilium hactenus excoluit, ut et multa
negotiorum ejus consilio transigeret, et filium Adulfum ejus magisterio locaret."
— W. Malm. 242.
THE ANGLO-SAXON KINGS. 33
several times in person conducted the army to battle against CHAP.
the Danes ; but Swithin guided the counsels of the sovereign '
as well as being personally beloved by him. He was now
made Bishop of Winchester, being recorded as the 17th
prelate who had filled that see. He proved a devoted friend
to the church, hitherto slenderly provided for among the
Anglo-Saxons, and he procured a law to pass in the Witte-
nagemot for the universal and compulsory payment of tithes.
But the nation was most of all indebted to him for instil-
ling the rudiments of science, heroism, and virtue into the
infant mind of the most illustrious of our sovereigns. The
son of Ethelwulf, afterwards Alfred the Great, was, from
childhood, placed under the care of the Chancellor, who as-
sisted his mother in teaching him to read and to learn the
songs of the Scalds, and afterwards accompanied him on a
pilgrimage to Rome, taking the opportunity of pointing out
to him the remains of classical antiquity visible in the twilight
of refinement which still lingered in Italy.
On Swithin's return to England, his last years were dis-
turbed by the successes of the Danish invaders, and not
having the military turn of some ecclesiastics and Chancellors,
he shut himself up in his episcopal house, employing himself
in acts of piety and charity. He died on the 2d of July, 862,
having directed that his body should be buried, not in the
Cathedral, but in the churchyard among the poor.*
He was much admired by ecclesiastics at Rome, as well as
in his own country, having first established in England, for
the benefit of the Pope, the payment called "Peter's pence."
In consequence, about fifty years after his death, he was
canonised.
Now comes the legend of St. Swithin. It was thought
that the body of the Saint ought to be translated from the
churchyard to be deposited under the high altar, and the 15th
of July was fixed for that ceremony, — when there were to
be the most gorgeous processions ever seen in England. But
he highly disapproved of this disregard of his dying injunc-
* " Jam vero vitae praesenti valefacturuspontificali ajithoritate prsecepit astan-
tibus, ut extra ecclesiam cadaver suum humarent ; ubi et pedibus praetereuntium
et stillicidiis ex alto rorantibus esset obnoxium." — Wm. of Malm. 242.
VOL. I. D
34
CHANCELLORS UNDER
CHAP.
I.
TCRKETEL,
Chancellor
under Ed-
ward the
Elder.
A. D. 920.
tion, and sent a tremendous rain, which continued without
intermission for forty days, and until the project was aban-
doned. Ever since he regulates the weather for forty days
from the day of his proposed translation, laying down this
rule, that as that day is fair or foul, it will be fair or foul for
forty days thereafter.
The founders of the Keformation in England seem either
to have believed in his miraculous powers, or to have enter-
tained a very grateful recollection of his services to the
Church, for they have preserved the 15 th of July as a Saint's
day dedicated to Lord Chancellor Swithin.*
It must be admitted that there is great difficulty in dis-
tinguishing between what is authentic and what is fabulous
in his history, t
TuRKETEL is the first English Chancellor with whom we
can be said to be really acquainted. He was of illustrious
birth, being the eldest son of Ethel wald, and the grandson of
Alfred. He was early distinguished for learning, piety, and
courage. Taking priest's orders, his royal uncle, Edward the
Elder, immediately offered him high ecclesiastical preferment.
This he declined, thinking that it might interfere with the
civil employments which, notwithstanding his tonsure, he
preferred. Ingulphus informs us that the King thereupon
made him his Chancellor and Prime Minister : — " Cancel-
larium suum eum constituit, ut quaecunque negotia tem-
• See Phillpot's Catalogue of Chancellors, p. 1. Gostelin. Fit. Swithini.
Henry of Huntingdon. Wm. of Malmesburv, Gest. Reg. Angl. p. 151. Spel-
man's Life of Alfred. de Gest. Pont 242.
■f Most of Lord Chancellor Swithin's decisions have perished, but I find one
case reported which was brought judicially before him, and in which he gave
specific relief, altliough seemingly the remedy was at common law by an action
of trespass. An old woman came to complain to him that the eggs in her basket
which she was carrying to market had all been wantonly broken. » Is ante se
adductae mulierculae annis et pannis squalidae querelam auscultat, damnum
suspirat, misericordia mentis cunctantem miraculum excitat, statimque porrecto
crucis signo, fracturam omnium ovorum consolidat." — Wtti. of Malm. 242.
There is much faith in the Ex-chancellor, not only in England but in Scot-
land, where for many centuries there has been this proverb : —
" St. Swithin's day, gif ye do rain,
For forty days it will remain ;
St. Swithin's day, an ye be fair.
For forty days twill rain na mair."
In some parts of Scotland, St. Martin (whose day is 4th July) is the raining
THE ANGLO-SAXON KINGS. 35
poralia vel spiritualla Regis judicium expectabant, illius chap.
consilio et decreto (nam tantae fidei et tam profundi ingenii
tenebatur) omnia tractarentur, et tractata irrefragabilem sen-
tentiam sortirentur."*
He retained his office under his cousin Athelstan, who Athelstan.
by his advice first took the title of " King of England."!
At the famous battle of Brunenburgh, so celebrated in the battle of
relics of Saxon and Scandinavian poetry, in which Athelstan burgh.
had to fight for his crown against five confederated nations, a.d. 938.
Norwegians, Danes, Scots, Irish, and Britons, Chancellor
Turketel rendered the most signal service to his sovereign
and his country. The citizens of London marched under his
banner, and supported by Singin with the men of Worcester-
shire, he penetrated into the midst of the Scots, killed the
son of their king, and compelled Constantine himself to seek
safety in flight. Some historians relate that, although the
Chancellor led his troops to the scene of action, he refused
himself to mix in the fight, because the canons prohibited to
clergymen the effusion of blood ; but it was the doctrine of
the age, that an exception was allowed in war undertaken for
the protection of the country against a pagan invasion, and
we shall find some of his ecclesiastical successors combating
stoutly in the field even against Christian adversaries. X
Turketel still continued Chancellor under the two sue- Edmund
ceeding monarchs, Edmund and Edred, the brothers of a.d. 940. *
Athelstan, and was likewise " Consiliarius primus, praeci- ^- "• ^'^^•
puus et a secretis familiarissimus."§ As Edred was afflicted
with a lingering and painful disease during the greater part
of his reign, the sceptre was actually in the hands of the
Chancellor, and he was obliged not only to superintend the
administration of justice and to conduct the civil government
of the kingdom, but on several occasions to command the
military force both against foreign and domestic enemies.
In a fit of religious enthusiasm, while still powerful and i^ord
prosperous, he suddenly bade adieu to worldly greatness for Turketel
* Ingulphi Hist. g. h. Dug. Or. Jur. 32.
f His father and grandfather had been styled kings of the Anglo-Saxons,
and their predecessors merely kings of Wessex.
% See Lingard, i, 212. § Ingul. g. h,
D 2
36
CHANCELLORS UNDER
CHAP.
I.
becomes a
monk.
*.n. 948,
AD. 959.
AnuLPHUs.
Alpric.
the seclusion of a monastery. It is related, that going on a
message from the King to Archbishop Wolstan, it chanced
that his road lay by the abbey of Croyland, which had been
reduced to ruins in recent warfare, and now only afforded a
miserable shelter to three aged monks. Touched by their
piety and resignation, he believed himself divinely inspired
with the design to enter into their society, and to restore their
house to its ancient splendour. Having obtained permission
to carry this design into eifect, — before his civil extinction, in
imitation of a dying caliph, he sent the public crier through
the streets of London, where, during four reigns, he had ex-
ercised such authority, announcing to the citizens that the
Chancellor, before quitting his office and entering into the
monastic order, was anxious to discharge all his debts, and
offered to make threefold reparation to any person whom he
might have injured. Every demand upon him being liberally
satisfied, he resigned the office of Chancellor into the King's
hands, made a testamentary disposition of his great pos-
sessions, put on the monastic cowl, was blessed by the Bishop
of Dorchester, recovered for the abbey all that it had lost in
the Danish wars, endowed it with fresh wealth, was elected
Abbot, and procured from the King and the Witan a con-
firmation of all the rights which his house had ever enjoyed,
with the exception of the privilege of sanctuary, which he
voluntarily renounced, on the ground that his experience as
Chancellor made him consider it a violation of justice and
an incentive to crime. He survived twenty-seven years, per-
forming, in the most exemplary manner, the duties of his
new station, and declaring that he was happier as Abbot of
Croyland than Chancellor of England.* He died in 975.
The next Chancellor of whom any mention is made was
Adulphus under King Edgar ; but we are not told what
part he took in the measures of this peaceful and prosperous
reign, f
Ethelred, who mounted the throne in 978, had, for his
first Chancellor, Alfric, the eleventh Abbot of St. Alban's,
of whom nothing memorable has been transmitted to us. The
Ingul. 25—52. Ordine, 340.
t Or. Jur. 82.
THE ANGLO-SAXON KINGS. 37
King then made a very whimsical disposition of the office, CHAP.
which he meant to be perpetual, — "dividing it between the '
Abbots for the time being of Ely, of St. Augustine in Can- office of
terbury, and of Glastonbury, who were to exercise it by turns ; ^'^?"''^^^°'^
— the Abbot of Ely, or some monk by him appointed, act- between
ino; as Chancellor four months yearly from Candlemas, and ^l^J"?^^
° 1 • 1 1 • Abbots.
the other two abbots each four months successively, making
up the twelve."* Lord Coke commenting upon this arrange-
ment says, " Albeit It was void in law to grant the chan-
cellorship of England in succession, yet it proveth that then
there was a Court of Chancery."!
We are not informed how the three Abbots actually dis-
charged their duties, or how long they enjoyed the office. If
the grant was not revoked as illegal at the accession of Ed-
mund Ironside, we need not doubt that it was violated on
the conquest of the kingdom by Canute, who probably em-
ployed one of his own countrymen to assist him in adminis-
tering justice to his new subjects.
We have no further notice of any Chancellor till the reign a.d. 1043.
of Edward the Confessor. During his long exile In Nor- ^"^g^^r^j
mandy he had contracted a taste not only for the language, the Con
but also for the usages of that country ; and among other
Norman fashions, he Introduced that of having a great seal
to testify the royal will in the administration of justice, and
in all matters of government. Sealing bad been occasionally
resorted to by his predecessors on solemn occasions |, but
they then only used a private seal, like the prelates and
nobles ; and public documents were generally verified by the
* The words of an old monk of Ely are : " Statuit atque concessit quatenus.
Ecclesia de Ely extunc et semper in Regis curia Cancellarii ageret dignitatem
quod et aliis, Sancti, viz. Augustini et Glaconia? Ecclesiis constituit, ut abbates
istorum coenobiorum vicissim assignatis suceedendo temporibus, annum trifarie
dividerint cum sanctuarii et caeteris ornatibus altaris ministrando." See Dug.
Off. Ch. § 1.
f 4 Inst. 78.
J Thus on inspecting an old Saxon charter of King Edgar to the abbey of
Pershore, still extant, three labels are to be seen for seals to be appended by ;
and Godfric, Archdeacon of Worcester, writing to Pope Alexander III. of this
very charter, says : " Noverit sanctitas vestra, verum esse quod conscripti hujus
scriptum originale in virtute Sancta; Trinitatis sigilla tria, trium personarum
autenticarum, ad veritatem, triplici confirmatione commendat ; Est autem sigil-
lum primum illustris Regis Edgari ; secundum Sancti Dunstani Cant. Arch. ;
tertii Alferi Ducis Merciorum, sicut ex diligenti literarum impressarum in-
spectione evidenter accepi." Dug. Off. Chan. § 3.
D 3
fessor.
38
CHANCELLORS UNDER
CHAP.
I.
Leofric
Chancellor
to the Con-
fessor.
A.D. 1045.
WULWIUS.
Reimbal-
DUS.
Vice-
Chancellor
SwARDUS.
signature of the Chancellor, or by the King aflSxlng to them
the sign of the cross. A large state seal was now made, upon
the model which has been followed ever since. It bore
the representation of the King, in his imperial robes, sitting
on his throne, holding a sceptre in his right hand and a
sword in his left, with the inscription " Sigillum Edwardi
Anglorum Basilei."*
Leofric was the Confessor's first Chancellor f ; but it is
doubtful whether this great seal had been adopted in his
time, as he is not recorded as having used it. We know
that it was in the custody of Wulwius his successor. A
royal charter to the church of Westminster, framed by him,
thus concludes : — " Ut hoc decretum a nobis promulgatum
pleniorem obtineat vigorem, nostra manu subter apposito
signo roboravimus, atque fidelibus nostris prassentibus robo-
randum tradidimus, nostraeque imaginis sigillo insuper assig-
nari jussimus," &c., with the attesting clause, " Wulwius,
regiae dignitatis Cancellarius, relegit et sigillavit," &c. |
The next Chancellor was Reimbaldus, who likewise sealed
with the royal seal, as we find by another charter of the
Confessor to the Church of Westminster, thus authenticated :
— " Ego, Reimbaldus, Regis Cancellarius, relegi et sigillavi,"
&c. When he was prevented by absence or indisposition
from acting, his duties were performed by Swaedus, who
appears to have been his Vice-Chancellor. Thus another
charter of the Confessor, granting many manors to the church
of Westminster, has this concluding clause : — "Ad ultimum,
cartam istam sigillari jussi, et ipse manu mea propria signum
crucis impressi, et idoneos testes annotari praecepi." Then
follows : — " Swardus, notarius ad vicem Reimbaldi regice
dignitatis cancellarii, banc cartam scrips! et subscripsi."§
Lord Coke is justified in his contemptuous assertion that
Polydor Virgil, in affirming that the office of Chancellor came
in with the Conqueror, " perperara erravit H : " but he himself
» See an engraving of it, Palgrave's History of England, i. 328., taken from
the original in the British Museum. An admirable picture by words, — of the
Chancellor sitting in the Wittenagemot, will be found in the preface to the same
valuable publication, p. xiv.
t Spel. Gloss. 109. + Or. Jur. 34.
§ '^ Inst- 78. II 4 Inst. 78.
THE ANGLO-SAXON KINGS. 39
was very imperfectly acquainted with its history, and we are CHAP,
still left much in the dark respecting its duties, and the man-
ner in which it was bestowed in the Saxon times. Then, as
long after, the little learning that existed being confined to
the clergy, we need not doubt that a post requiring the art
of writing and some knowledge of law, was always filled by
an ecclesiastic ; and as it gave constant access to the person
of the King, and was the highway to preferment, — even if
the precedence and emoluments belonging to it were not very
higli, — it must have been an object struggled for among the
ambitious. Human nature being ever the same, we may
safely believe that at that early period, as in succeeding ages,
it was the prize sometimes of talents and virtue, and sometimes
of intrigue and servility.
As we approach the aera of the Conquest, we find distinct Origin of
traces of the Masters in Chancery, who, though in sacred ^^an^eV'^
orders, were well trained in jurisprudence, and assisted the
Chancellor in preparing writs and grants, as well as in the
service of the royal chapel. They formed a sort of college of
justice of which he was the head. They all sate in the Wit-
tenagemot, and, as " Law Lords," are supposed to have had
great weight in the deliberations of that assembly.*
* Or. Jur. chap. xvi. Palgrave's Hist. Eng. Preface.
D 4
40 CHANCELLORS FROM THE
CHAPTER 11.
OF THB CHANCELLORS FROM THE CONQUEST TO THE REIGN OF
HENRY n.
CHAP. From the Conquest downwards we have, with very few
interruptions, a complete series of Chancellors. Yet till we
A.a. 1066. reach the reign of Richard I., when records begin which are
still extant, containing entries of the transfer of the Great
Seal, we can seldom fix the exact date of their appointment ;
and we glean what is known of them chiefly from the charters
which they attested, from contemporary chroniclers, and from
monkish histories of the sees to which they were promoted.
Few of those who held the office under the Norman
monarchs before Henry II. took any prominent part in the
conduct of public affairs, and they appear mostly to have
confined themselves to their official duties, in making out
'*" writs, superintending royal grants, authenticating the acts of
the sovereign by affixing the Great Seal to all instruments
which ran in his name, and by sitting, in a subordinate
capacity, in the Aula Regia to assist in the administration of
justice.
Chancel- The office of Chief Justiciar, introduced by William,
eariy'Nor- ^^^o Continued to confer great splendour on those who held
man reigns, it, while the highest functions of the Chancellor were con-
sidered those of being almoner and secretary to the King.
Odo, Bishop of Bayeux*, William Fitzosborne, and William
de Warenne, successively Justiciars, were men of historical
renown ; they assisted William in his great military enter-
prise ; they afterwards took an active part in imposing the
yoke on the conquered, and they governed the realm as
viceroys when he occasionally visited his native dominions.
J. *. H*.^3s William's uterine brother, and, though an ecclesiastic, he was a
distinguished military leader. In the famous Bayeux tapestry giving a pic-
torial history of the Conquest, he makes the greatest figure next to William
and Harold. The other Justiciars of this reign were hardly less eminent.
CONQUEST TO THE KEIGN OP HENRY II.
41
Till Thomas a-Becket arose to fix the attention of his own CHAP,
age and of posterity, the Chancellors were comparatively
obscure.
They probably, however, were William's advisers in the
great changes which he made in the laws and institutions of
the country. English writers, with more nationality than
discrimination or candour, have attempted to show that he
was called Conqueror, merely because he obtained the crown
by election instead of hereditary descent.* In all history
there is not a more striking instance of subjugation. Not
only did almost all the land in the kingdom change hands —
the native English being reduced to be the thralls of the
invaders — but legislative measures were brought forward,
either in the sole name of the Sovereign, or through the form
of a national council under his control, seeking to alter the
language, the jurisprudence, and the manners of the people, j
It would have been very interesting to have ascertained
distinctly by whose suggestion and instrumentality the
French was substituted for the English tongue in all schools
and courts of justice ; the intricate feudal law of Normandy
superseded the simplicity of Saxon tenures ; trial by battle
was introduced in place of the joint judgment of the Bishop
and the Earl in the county court ; the separation was
brought about between ecclesiastical and civil jurisdictions ;
and the great survey of the kingdom was planned and ac-
complished, of which we have the result in Domesday, " the
most valuable piece of antiquity possessed by any nation." |
But while there is blazoned before us a roll of all the warlike
chiefs who accompanied William in his memorable expe-
dition, and we have a minute account of the life and cha-
racter of all those who took any prominent part in the
battles, sieges, and insurrections which marked his reign, we
are left to mere conjecture respecting the manner in which
* As in the law of Scotland property acquired by an individual is called his
conquest.
t The vitality of the Anglo-Saxon language and institutions at last prevailed,
but there is hardly to be found such a striking instance of race tyrannising over
race, as in England during the reigns of the Conqueror and his immediate
descendants,
\ Hume,
42
CHANCELLORS FROM THE
CHAP.
II.
A.D. 1067.
Chancel-
lors of the
Conqueror.
Maduce.
Made
Bishop of
London,
and resigns
Great Seal.
justice was administered under him *, and the measures of his
civil government were planned and executed, t
But I must now proceed to give the names of William's
Chancellors, with such scanty notices of their history as can
be furnished from the imperfect materials which are preserved
to us.
In 1067, the year after the battle of Hastings, when he had
obtained the submission of a considerable part of England,
although it was not till long after that he reduced the
northern and western counties to his rule, he appointed as
his first Chancellor, Maurice, a Norman ecclesiastic, who
had accompanied him as his chaplain when he sailed from
St. Vallery for the coast of England.
We know little with certainty of the acts of this func-
tionary beyond his perusing and sealing a charter by which
the Conqueror, after the example of the Confessor, granted
large possessions to the abbot and monks of Westminster. |
In the usual course of promotion, Maurice, being Chan-
cellor, was made Bishop of London. Here we find him
highly celebrated for his exertions to rebuild St. Paul's. The
year before his consecration the greatest part of the City of
* A very ample report of the cause cel^bre between Odo, as Earl of Kent,
and Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, at Penenden Heath, before Chief
Justiciary Godfrey, has come down to us, but no notice of any other judicial
proceeding in this reign can be traced.
t In classic antiquity lawgivers were honoured not less than conquerors, and
all the most celebrated laws of Rome bore the names of their authors; but in
our own history (horresco referens) oblivion seems to await all those who
devote themselves to legal reform. We do not know with any certainty who
framed the Statutes of Westminster in the time of Edward I., the Statute of
Fmes, the Statute of Uses, the Statute of Wills, or the Statute of Frauds,
although they ought to have been commemorated for conferring lasting benefit
on their country.
" Sed omnes illacrimabiles
Urguentur, ignotique longa
Nocte, carent quia vate sacro."
The Grenville Act for the trial of controverted elections was the first which
conferred any eclat on the name of its author, and Fox's Libel Act is almost the
only other down to our own times.
• L'^'.V'^'"^*^'' '^ *^"^ attested, « Ego, Mauritius Cancellarius, favendo legl et
» r ''.vn- ,"'*• ''^- ~ '^'^^ ^^ordsof the Conqueror's first charter are curious,
i.go, Willielmus, Dei gratia. Rex Anglorum, Dux Normannorum, et Prin-
ceps Lenomannorum, hoc pra^ceptum scribere pracepi, et scriptum hoc signo
Domuuco sic confirmando + stabilivi, nostraque imaginis sigiUo insuper assi-
gnari curavi, &c. o o r
CONQUEST TO THE REIGN OF HENRY II. 43
London, built of wood, had been consumed by fire, and the chap.
Cathedral where it now stands, on the site of an ancient
A.D. 1100.
temple of Diana, had been almost entirely destroyed. But
by his pious exhortations, assisted by a royal grant, it rose
from its ashes with new magnificence.*
Maurice enjoyed the dignity of Chancellor on his first ap-
pointment but for a short space of time, as it seems to have
been the policy of William never to allow his great seal to
remain long in the same hands. Spelman represents him as
having been again Chancellor in 1077 f, and there can be no
doubt that he continued a person of considerable influence
during the whole of this and the succeeding reign.
We have, however, no distinct account of the part Conductor
which he again took in public affairs till Rufus was acci- ■^fr*^^,^'^'
, , , cellorMau-
dentally killed by Sir Walter Tyrrel while hunting in the rice on the
New Forest. Henry, the king's younger brother, who ^^l^am
was of the party, in violation of the superior claims of Rufus.
Robert, then absent in Normandy, hastened to London to
claim the vacant throne. In those days anointment by
a prelate was supposed to give a divine right to kings,
and the commencement of a reign was calculated from
the day of the coronation, not from the death of the prede-
cessor. The privilege of crowning the Kings of England
has always been considered to belong to the Archbishop of
Canterbury as Primate, but Anselm from his quarrel with
the late King was now in exile. Henry in this extremity
applied to Maurice, the Ex-chancellor, and overcame his
scruples respecting the law of primogeniture by a share of
the royal treasure, which he had secured to himself as he
passed through Winchester, and by which history records
his usurpation was accomplished. On the third day from
the tragical end of Rufus, Maurice placed the crown on the
head of the new sovereign in the abbey of Westminster.
The Great Seal was now again within his reach, but
he preferred the quiet use of his riches, and the hope eagerly
cherished, though never realised, of succeeding to the primacy.
He died in 1107, still Bishop of London, having seen a
• W. Malmesb. De Gestis Pontificum, lib. ii.
f Gloss. Series Cancell. Angl.
44
CHANCELLORS PROM THE
CHAP.
H.
OSMOMO.
His charac-
ter.
His literary
works.
rapid succession of eight or nine Chancellors after his own
resignation or dismissal.
The Conqueror's second Chancellor was Osmond. Dugdale
and Spelman leave the year of his appointment uncertain, and
we might never have been informed of his having filled this
office, had it not been that in 1078 he was promoted to the
bishopric of Sarum, and we find some account of him in
the annals of that see. He was, of course, a Norman, for
now, and long after, no Saxon was promoted to any office,
civil, mihtary, or ecclesiastical. Having come over with
William, and fought for him in the field, he was first made
Earl of Dorset, — and now being girt with a sword, while he
held the Great Seal in one hand, a crosier was put into the
other.*
Of Osmond's conduct in his office of Chancellor few par-
ticulars are transmitted to us; but he is said to have been
much in the confidence of the Conqueror, who consulted him
about all the most arduous and secret affairs of state, as
well as confiding to him the superintendence of the adminis-
tration of justice. William of Malmesbury is his chief
panegyrist, celebrating his chastity, his disinterestedness, his
deep learning, and, above all, his love of sacred music, — re-
presenting as the only shade on his character his great seve-
rity to penitents, which was caused by his own immaculate
life. After his elevation to the episcopal dignity, he devoted
himself entirely to his sacerdotal duties.
He is the first Chancellor I have to mention as an author.
His principal work was " A History of the Life and Miracles
of Alden, a Saxon Saint, the first Bishop of Sherborne." He
likewise composed the service " secundum usum Sarum,"
which remained in great repute, and was followed in the West
of England till the Reformation.!
From a charter of the Conqueror, dated in 1069, confirm-
* Such a combination long continued very common, and the Reformation
even did not recognise the separation which now prevails between sacred and
secular employments. James I. had a bishop for Lord Keeper of the Great
Seal ; Charles I. had a bishop for his Lord Treasurer ; Queen Anne, with the
loud approbation of Swift and the High Church party, had a bishop for her Lord
Privy Seal and one of her ambassadors to negotiate the treaty of Utrecht.
t De Gesiis Pontificum, lib. i.
CONQUEST TO THE REIGN OF HENEY II.
45
ing a grant of the Confessor to Leofrlc, who was the first CHAP.
Bishop of Exeter, and from another charter of the Conqueror, '
dated in 1073, granting lands to the Dean and Canons of
St. Martin's, in the City of London, we know that the Great
Seal was at those times held by Arpastus *, who is stated to
have been Bishop of Helmstadt, in Germany. He is sup-
posed to have been one of the ecclesiastical adventurers who
ranged themselves under the standard which the Pope had
blessed when William proclaimed his grand enterprise. As
a reward for his services he was in 1070 appointed Bishop of
Elmham, in Norfolk, a see established there as early as 673.
In 1075 he removed the see to Thetford, where he died in
1084.t
Of his successor we know little but the name, there being Baldrick
no description added to it to tell us from what country he
sprang, or what other office he ever filled; but a charter granted
at this time by the Conqueror to the monks of St. Florentius
of Andover is witnessed and authenticated by Baldrick as
King's Chancellor. | He was no doubt King's Chaplain, but
does not seem to have reached any higher ecclesiastical
dignity. Although the custody of the Great Seal was in those
days considered a certain step to a bishopric, premature death
or loss of power had disappointed the hopes of this aspirant. §
Next came Herman, with whose origin and history we Herman.
are well acquainted. He was a Norman by birth, and before
the coming in of William he had been promoted to the bishop-
ric of Sherborne. It is a curious consideration that in the
* He thus subscribes both charters : —
" + Ego Arfastus Cancellarius."
f Vide Spelm. Gloss. 109., where he is stated to have been twice Chancellor.
The see was soon after removed to Norwich, where it has ever since remained.
Annal. Winton. Angl. Sax. I. 294. Weaver, 827.
I Inspex. Pat. Ed. 2. p. 2. MS. Lold. Chron. Ser. 1.
§ It is said that the poetical name for a belt or girdle was taken from this
Chancellor, who is supposed to have worn one of uncommon magnificence.
" Athwart his breast a Baldrick brave he ware
That shined like twinkling stars with stones most precious rare."
Spenser.
" A radiant Baldrick o'er his shoulders tied
Sustain'd the sword that glitter'd at his side." Pope.
But this probably arose from the difficulty of finding any other etymology for
the word.
46
CHANCELLOES FEOM THE
CHAP.
II.
Hiscbarac<
ter.
rciffn of the Confessor there was the most familiar inter-
course between England and Normandy ; the French language
was spoken at his Court *, and many Normans were employed
by him. Of these Herman was one of the most favoured, and
he is supposed to have assisted in the artifices which his native
prince resorted to for the purpose of being designated heir to
the crown of England, in derogation of the rights of the true
representative of the line of Cerdic, and of the claims of
Harold, who aspired to be the founder of a new Saxon
dynasty. Immediately after the battle of Hastings he sent
in his adhesion to William, and he steadily supported him in
the protracted struggle which took place before the Norman
yoke was imposed upon the whole of England. For reasons
not explained to us, he wished to remove his episcopal see
from Sherborne to Old Sarum, which has been so often
talked of as a decayed borough, but which William of Malmes-
bury describes as being at this time such a wretched place,
that "a miserable commerce was carried on there in water." f
He was gratified in this whim, and his services were farther
rewarded by the custody of the Great Seal.
He was succeeded by William Welson, who being ap-
pointed Bishop of Thetford soon gave up the office of Chan-
cellor, and retired to the discharge of his spiritual duties. J
The Conqueror's last Chancellor Avas William Giffard,
who, though promoted to the rich See of Winchester, eagerly
He was a very dexterous man, who
could accommodate himself to the various tastes of persons
and times. Though once deprived of office by an unexpected
turn of affairs, and for a considerable interval baffled in his
schemes for recovering it, he at last contrived to be rein-
stated ; and he was Chancellor under three successive sove-
reigns.
He was not incapable of giving good advice, and of taking
the liberal side when it suited his interest. Although he had
heartily concurred in the oppression of the Saxons in the
early part of William's reign, and had declared that they were
Welson.
W. GiF-
FARU,
Chancellor
under three retained the Great Seal
reigns.
♦ See Thiery's History of the Norman Conquest.
t De Gest Pont. lib. ii. ^ Spel. Gloss. 109.
CONQUEST TO THE REIGN OF HENRY II. 47
to be considered aliens in their native land, and had assisted CHAP,
in the measures for upsetting English law and extirpating
the English language, yet, when the two great Earls, Morcar
and Edwin, appeared still formidable, and discontent among
the natives had become so deep and general as to threaten a
dangerous revolt, the Chancellor joined with several other
prelates in praying that the conquered people might be
emancipated from some of the galling disabilities which had
been inflicted upon them, and he induced the Conqueror to
restore a few of the laws of the Confessor, which, though
seemingly of no great importance for the protection of general
liberty, gave extreme satisfaction by creating the hope of
farther concessions. He was associated with Godfrey, Bishop a.d, io87,
of Constance, the grand Justiciar, in the government of the
country, while the Conqueror was engaged in his last fatal
campaign against the French King.
When Rufus suddenly presented himself in England, Conduct of
announcing his father's death and claiming the crown, GifFard ^^^^^^^^
at first cordially supported him, and gained him the good Conqueror,
will of. the native English by promises to them of good
treatment and of enjoying the licence of hunting in the
royal forests. As a reward for his services he was con- chancellor
firmed in the office of ChanceUor. This, however, he did r^^"''''™
not then long hold. It is suspected that, thinking he dis-
covered in the public mind a strong feeling for the rights of
primogeniture, and influenced by the promise of still higher
promotion from Prince Robert, he was engaged in the
abortive conspiracy among the Barons in favour of that un-
fortunate prince. Whatever might be the cause, the Great Dismissed.
Seal was taken from him, and he was relegated to his see
during the remainder of this reign. We take leave of him
for the present.
He was succeeded by a man more unscrupulous than him- a.v. loss,
self, Robert Bloet, a Norman who, with several brothers, chancellor
had come over with the Conqueror.* He laughed at the to William
conciliatory policy which had been lately adopted, and keenly
* The family still subsists in Monmouthshire, the name being now spelt
Bluet.
48
CHANCELLORS FROM THE
CHAP.
IL
Death and
character
of Bloet.
abetted the King in all the arbitrary proceedings now-
resorted to for the purpose of breaking the spirit of the
English. Although in high favour, he could not obtain a
mitre till he had been Chancellor five years, and then he
owed his promotion to a dangerous illness with which the King
was visited. The sees of Canterbury and Lincoln had been
kept long vacant, that their rich temporalities might swell the
royal revenue. The Keeper of the King's Conscience had in
vain pointed out to him the impiety of this practice, till his
arguments were enforced by a disease which left the royal
spoliator little hope of recovery. Now, for the good of his
soul, he bestowed the primacy on Anselm, who afterwards
became so famous a champion of the church, and Lincoln
was the prize of the Chancellor himself. But there was still
much difficulty in getting possession of the see ; for no
sooner did the penitent monarch become convalescent than
his appetite for ecclesiastical property returned in full force,
and it was only on the condition of large pecuniary con-
tributions that he would accept the homage of the new
bishop.* The better to enable him to support these, Bloet
himself set up as a wholesale dealer in church preferment,
while he was guilty of great extorticai in his office of Chan-
cellor ; and he became famous above all his predecessors for
venality and oppression.
Authors difier as to the circumstances of his end. Some
assert that for his crimes he was thrown into prison by the
King, where he died; while others circumstantially state
that he contrived to keep the King in good humour by large
presents; that riding together near Woodstock, the Chan-
cellor fell from his horse in an apoplectic fit ; and that being
carried into the palace, he presently died, the King lament-
ing over him. Lord Coke dryly observes of him, " that he
lived without love, and died without pity, save of those
* « Afterwards repenting himself of such liberality in that he had not kept it
longer m his hands towards the enriching of his coffers, he devised a shift how
to wipe the bishop's nose of some of his gold, which he performed after this
manner. He caused the bishop to be sued, quarelinglie charging him that he
had wrongfuUie usurped certeine possessions together with the citie of Lincoln,
which apperteined to the see of Yorke. Which although it was but a forged
cavillation and a shameful! untruth ; yet could not the bishop be delivered out
ot that trouble till he had paid to the king 50001."— H. Hollinsh. ii. 34.
CONQUEST TO THE REIGN OF HENRY II.
49
who thought it pity he lived so long." Yet he Is not CHAP,
without admirers; he was of agreeable manners, and he
softened censure by an ostentatious disclaimer of principle, so
that the world, seeing that he was not so profligate as he
pretended to be, gave him credit for some portion of latent
honesty. By one writer he is characterised as " a handsome
man, well spoken, and of a serene mind." His death happened
in 1090.*
The odium which Bloet excited was much softened by his Flambard.
successor. Chancellor Flambard, — a monster unredeemed
from his vices by any virtue or agreeable quality. His ori-
ginal name was Ranulphus or Ralfe, but he afterwards ac-
quired the nickname of Flambard or " devouring torch,"
which stuck to him, and by which he is known in history.
Of the lowest origin, he reached high station by extreme
subtlety and by a combination of all sorts of evil arts. I am
sorry to say he is the first practising advocate I read of who
was made Chancellor. Having begun his career as a common
informer, he took to the practice of the law, and being- "a
pleader never to be daunted, — as unrestrained in his words
as in his actions, and equally furious against the meek as
the turbulent f," he rose to great eminence both in the civil
and ecclesiastical courts. Of course he was a priest. X Bred
in Normandy, he was familiar with the language as well as
the law, now introduced into England. He succeeded in
making himself useful to the Ex-chancellor Maurice, Bishop
of London, who employed him and introduced him at Court.
There he was found a ready and efficient instrument of
extortion and tyranny, and he was rapidly promoted. He
first acted as chaplain and private secretary to the King, and on
the disgrace or death of Bloet, the Great Seal was delivered
to him. His ingenuity was now sedulously employed in Oppres-
devising new methods of raising money for his rapacious em- p^^j^^ajd
ployer. The liberty of hunting was circumscribed by addi-
tional penalties ; new offences were created to multiply fines ;
• Anglia Sacra, vol. il. 694. Hunt. De Contemptu Mundi, 698. Spel.
Gloss. 109. Or. Jur. 1. Turner's History of England, i. 406. Lives of Chan-
cellors, i. 4. I'arkes, 22.
■}■ William of Malmesbury.
\ The true maxim was " nuUus causidicus nisi clericus."
VOL. I.
E
fiO
CHANCELLOliS FROM THE
CHAP.
II.
Plot
against
Flainbard.
f lis pre-
ferments.
capital punishments were commuted by pecuniary mulcts,
and a fresh survey of the kingdom was ordered to raise the
renders to the Crown of those estates which were alleged, to
have been underrated in the Eecord of Domesday, and to dis-
cover ancient encroachments on the royal domains.* Though
a churchman he openly advised the King to apply the re-
venues of the church to his own use. So greatly was Rufus
delighted with these services, that he pronounced Chancel-
lor Flambard to be the only man who to please a master
was willing to brave the vengeance of all the rest of man-
kind.t
In the midst of the ill-will and the envy which the Chan-
cellor excited, a plot was laid to get rid of him, — very different
from the intrigues of modern times resorted to for the same
purpose. Gerold, a mariner who had formerly been in his
service, set on by rival courtiers, one day pretended to come
to him as a messenger from the Bishop of London, and pre-
vailed on him to step into a boat on the margin of the
Thames, that he might visit this venerable Prelate, repre-
sented to be lying at the point of death in a villa on the
opposite bank. When the Chancellor had reached the middle
of the river the boat was suddenly turned down the stream,
and he was soon forcibly taken from it, put on board a ship,
and carried out to sea. The intention was, that he should be
thrown overboard, but fortunately for him, before this was
executed, a tremendous storm arose ; a superstitious dread
overtook some of those engaged to murder him; they
quarrelled among themselves ; Gerold, the chief conspirator,
was induced by entreaties and promises to put him ashore ;
and on the third day, to the amazement and terror of his
enemies, he appeared at Court with the Great Seal in his
hand, as if nothing extraordinary had happened.
He was now made Bishop of Durham, in consideration of
a present of 1000/. extracted from him by the King, who had
* Hic juvenem fraudulentis stimulationibus inqulelavlt Regem, incitans ut
totius Angha; reviseret descriptionem, Anglicaeque telluris comprobans iteraret-
partitionem, subditisque reciderit, tarn advenis quam indigenis quicquid invsne-
retiir ultra certam dimcnsionem. Ord. Vital. 678.
t Malmes. 69. 158.
CONQUEST TO THE REIGN OF HENRY II. 51
been taught by him to keep ecclesiastical benefices long CHAP,
vacant, and then to sell them to the highest bidder. *
According to some authorities Flambard was farther ad-
vanced to the offices of Treasurer and Grand Justiciar, but
at all events he appears to have held the Great Seal along
with his other employments (whatever they were) till the end
of this reign.
On Rufus coming to his untimely end, the indignation of Committed
the people broke out against his obnoxious minister ; and to
satisfy the public clamour, Flambard was committed to the
Tower by the new government. Here he is said to have lived
sumptuously on the allowance which he received from the
Exchequer, and presents which were sent him, till, having
lulled the vigilance of his keepers, he contrived to escape. In
the bottom of a pitcher of wine sent to solace him was con-
cealed a coil of rope. He invited the knights who guarded
him to dine with him and partake of the wine ; they remained
drinking till late in the evening, and when they had at last
reclined on the floor to sleep, the Ex-chancellor, with the aid
of this rope, let himself down from the window*, and was
received by his friends, who conducted him to the sea-shore
and safely landed him in Normandy. He was there kindly Exile and
entertained by Duke Robert, and notwithstanding his many Flambard.
misdeeds, and the perils he had run, he was afterwards re- a.d. 1105.
stored to his see, and he peaceably ended his days in his
native land. A month before he died he caused himself to
be carried from the castle to the high altar of the Cathedral
of Durham, and there, in the presence of the clergy and lay-
men of rank in the county, he began with many groans to
repent him of his conduct towards the church, confessing that
his proceedings had been prompted not by necessity but by
the purest avarice. After this confession, he proceeded to
make restitution ; and the charter is preserved, sealed on the
occasion with his episcopal seal, by which he restores to the
monks the lands of which he had deprived them. The peni-
tent language of this charter is very strong, and we may
hope that it was sincere : — " Ea omnia qua? els voluntate et
* This window, with the mullion to which the rope was attached, may still
be admired by antiquaries in the Tower.
E 2
52 CIIANCELLOKS FROM THE
CHAP, cupiditate mea abstuleram, sciatis me elsdem in perpetuum
^^' possidcnda, mali facti poenitens, et mlsericordiam quaerens,
super altare Sancti Cuthberti per annulum reddidisse." *
Nevertheless he was branded to all posterity as " the plun-
derer of the rich, the exterminator of the poor, and the con-
fiscator of other men's inheritances." f
A.n. 1 100. Henry T. was no sooner placed on the throne by the means
we have glanced at in the life of Lord Chancellor Maurice, now
GiFFARD, Bishop of London :f, than he restored the Great Seal to WiL-
ciianceiior lj^jj Giffard, BishoD of Winchester, who, from the infamous
the third ' ^ ..„,..
time. conduct of the last two Chancellors, an spite of his inconsist-
encies and want of steady principle, had come to be regarded
with some respect ; and the new Sovereign aimed at popu-
larity by this appointment, as well as by the commitment
and threatened punishment of Flambard.
When Duke Robert returned from the taking of Jerusalem
and invaded England, claiming the crown both as his birthright
and under the agreement with Rufus, it was generally felt that,
from his incapacity to govern, notwithstanding his personal
bravery, he had not for a moment any chance of success,
and Lord Chancellor GifFard adhered steadily to the youngest
brother, to whom he had sworn allegiance. He continued to
hold the Great Seal under him for six years, until, after the
conquest of Normandy and the imprisonment of Robert, the
formidable dispute broke out with Anselm respecting inves-
titures. GifFard's feelings as a churchman outweighed his
gratitude to the family of the Conqueror, and the leaning
which, as Chancellor, he must have had in favour of the
power of the Crown. He took a decided part with the Pri-
mate, and re-echoed the words of Pascal, the Pope, " Priests
are called gods in Scripture, as being the vicars of God;
and will you, by your abominable pretensions to grant them
their investiture, assume the right of creating them." §
A.D. 1107. Henry dismissed him from the office of Chancellor, and
andb.lnTi- ^^"^*^^^ ^^^ ^^^ kingdom. After the compromise with
mei.t of Anselm, he was allowed to return to his diocese, but he was
GilFard.
Communicated to me by one of the present prebendaries,
t William of Malmesbury, ^ Ante, p. 42.
§ Eadmcr, p. 6 1 .
CONQUEST TO THE REIGN OF HENRY II. 53
never restored to favour. He lived some years in tran- CHAP,
quillity, and dying at Winchester was buried in the cathedral '
there. He is famed for having built the palace in South-
wark, near London Bridge, in which, for many centuries,
the Bishops of Winchester resided when they visited the
metropolis, and the site of which still belongs to the see. He
likewise founded a convent for monks at Framley, and
another for nuns at Taunton.*
On the dismissal of Giffard, Henry would have been glad
to have appointed a layman for his Chancellor, but persons
in orders only were then considered qualified to hold the
office. He selected one who, though a priest, had not yet
received much preferment, and who might be expected to be
submissive to the royal will. This was Roger, afterwards Roger,
Bishop of Sarum, who was of obscure origin and of defective Salisbury,
education, but who, from his parts and his pliancy, made a Chancellor,
distinguished figure in this and the succeeding reign.
Roger began his career as a country parson, — the incum- His origin
bent of a small parish in the neighbourhood of Caen, in ^n^ history.
Normandy. The story goes, that Prince Henry, then in the
employment of his brother Robert, accidentally entered with
some of his companions the little church in which Roger was
saying mass. The priest recollecting that soldiers do not
generally like long prayers, and being more anxious for
favour on earth than in heaven, dispatched the service with
extraordinary rapidity. Whereat they were all so well
pleased that the Prince jestingly said to him, " Follow my
camp," — Avhich he did ; — and this was the first step in the
preferment of the man who was afterwards Lord Chancellor,
Bishop of Salisbury, and Chief Justiciar, and who had great
influence in disposing of the Crown of England.
Henry at first employed him only as chaplain, but as he Roger's
kept up his reputation for short prayers and showed other
courtier-like qualities, though he was rather illiterate, he
was appointed private secretary, and gained the entire good
will of the Prince. Since the commencement of the present
reign he had been a sort of humble dependant at court, —
* Or. Jur. 1. Spel. Gloss. 109. De Ge.stis Pont. lib. i.
E 3
54
CHAP.
II.
His con-
duct as
Clianccllor.
Made
Chief Jus-
ticiar.
A.v. 1120.
Roger's
couduct on
settlement
of the
Crown.
CHANCELLORS FROM THE
generally liked, but not much respected, — and hardly con-
sidered fit to be promoted to any high station. Henry, afraid
of clerical pride and obstinacy, — in his present difficulty to
find a pliant priest, conferred the Great Seal upon him, with
the title of Chancellor.
Koger's faculties always expanded with his good fortune.
He now showed much dexterity in business, and executed all
the duties of his office entirely to the satisfaction of the King,
and even of the public. Without seeming to desert the in-
terest of his order, he supported the royal prerogative, and
he was mainly instrumental in bringing about the accommo-
dation with Anselm, which suspended to a future time the
collision between the crown and the mitre. Henry rewarded
him with the Bishopric of Salisbury, and grants of many
manors.
When he had filled the office of Chancellor for some years,
he resigned it for the still higher one of Chief Justiciar *,
which he held till near the conclusion of this reign. He was
now really prime minister, although the title was not yet
known in any European monarchy, — and during the King's
residence in Normandy, sometimes for years together, he
governed England as Regent.
He is much celebrated for his skill in conducting the ne-
gotiations respecting the succession to the Crown after the
melancholy shipwreck in which the King's only son perished.
Matilda, his daughter, married first to the Emperor Henry V.,
and then to Geoifry, Count of Anjou, was the great object of
his affections ; and his solicitude now was that she might suc-
ceed him in all his dominions. But the laws by which the
Crown was to descend were then by no means ascertained.
Although Queen Boadicea had ruled over the Britons, — among
the Anglo-Saxons no female had mounted the throne: the
Salic law was supposed to prevail in Normandy, and no one
could say whether with the Norman dynasty it was to be
considered as transferred into England, Supposing females
to be excluded from the succession, it Avas doubtful whether
the exclusion would extend to a male derivins: his descent
* n. Hunt. lib. vii. p. 219.
CONQUEST TO THE REIGN OF HENRY II. 55
from the royal stock through a female. Roger, to suit his CHAP.
present purpose, now laid it down ex cathedra as incontro-
vertible doctrine, " that the Crown, like a private inheritance,
should descend to the daughter and heiress of the person last
seised ; " and he was greatly instrumental in obtaining from
the Barons of England as well as Normandy a recognition
of Matilda as successor to her father in both countries. He
even succeeded in prevailing upon them to swear fealty to her
— himself setting the example.
He continued in high favour with Henry for several years ; Dismissal
but afterwards from some dispute, the nature of which has ".D.'^'nss.
not been explained to us, he was dismissed from the office
of Chief Justiciar, which was given to De Vere, Earl of
Oxford.
No sooner did a demise of the Crown take place than a.d. 1135.
Roger forgetting what he owed to the late King, and his supports
oath to Matilda, and listening to the offers of her rival usurpation
Stephen, the grandson of the Conqueror by his daughter,
married to the Count of Blois, — was active in persuading the
Archbishop of Canterbury to give the royal unction to the
usurper, and influenced many of the Barons to declare in
his favour, on the new constitutional doctrine which he
propounded, " that males only could mount the throne of
England, but that a male might claim through a female." He
defended his consistency, — asserting that circumstances only
had changed, and that he still remained true to his principles.
Stephen, getting possession of the government, Roger, the
Ex- chancellor, was rewarded for his bad law and his perfidy
first with the Great Seal, and then with the office of Lord
Treasurer. He was now in all things highly favoured by the
new king, and, under a licence from him, erected at Devizes
one of the largest and strongest castles in England, where he
appears to have displayed a sort of sovereign state and in-
dependence.
Before long he quarrelled with Stephen, who had con-
vened a council at Oxford, to which the Bishops were all
summoned. Roger refused to attend, and set at defiance all
the threats held out to induce him to submit. A strong Roger be-
force being sent against his castle at Devizes, he showed a i,'is^castle.
£ 4
56 CHANCELLORS FR03I THE
CHAP, determination to hold out to the last extremity, and he would
^'' probably have made a long defence, and might have been
rescued by the assistance of other turbulent and faithless
Barons if an expedient had not been resorted to which
Surrenders, strongly marks the barbarous manners of the times. The
Bishop had a natural son, to whom he was much attached.
The King having got possession of this youth, threatened to
hang him before the walls of the castle, in his father's sight,
unless the castle were immediately delivered up. The menace
had the desired effect, and the Bishop unconditionally sur-
rendered. His sacred office protected him from personal
His death, violence, but he soon after fell ill of a quartan ague, and died
on the 4th of December, 1139.
His career We havc the following graphic sketch of the career of this
brwimtm Chancellor from William of Malmesbury. « On the 3d of
ofMaimes- the idcs of December, Roger Bishop of Salisbury, by the
"'^^' kindness of death, escaped the quartan ague which had long
afflicted him. To me it appears that God exhibited him to
the wealthy as an example of the mutability of fortune, that
they should not trust in uncertain riches. He first in-
gratiated himself with Prince Henry by prudence in the
management of domestic matters, and by restraining the ex-
cesses of his household. Roger had deserved so well of him
in his time of need, that, coming to the throne, he denied him
nothing ; giving him estates, churches, prebends, and abbeys ;
committing the kingdom to his fidelity ; making him Chan-
cellor and Bishop of Salisbury. Roger decided causes, had
the charge of the treasury, and regulated the expenditure of
the kingdom. Such were his occupations when the King
was in England; such, without an associate or inspector,
when the King resided in Normandy. And not only the
King, but the nobility — even those who were secretly stung
with envy by his good fortune, and more especially the in-
ferior ministers and the debtors of the King — gave him
almost whatever he could fancy. Did he desire to add to his
domain any contiguous possession ? — he would soon lay hold
of it by entreaty, or purchase, or force. He erected splendid
mansions of unrivalled magnificence on all his estates.
His cathedral he dignified to the utmost with matchless
CONQUEST TO THE REIGN OF HENRY II. 57
buildings and ornaments. In the beginning of Stephen's CHAP,
reign his power was undiminished, the King repeating '
often to his companions, * By the birth of God, I would give
him half England, if he asked for it. Till the time be
ripe, he shall tire of asking before I tire of giving.' But
Fortune, who in former times had flattered him so long and
so transcendently, at last cruelly pierced him with scorpion
sting. The height of his calamity was, I think, a circum-
stance which even I cannot help commiserating ; — that
though in his fall he exhibited to the world a picture of such
wretchedness, yet there were very few who pitied him ; — so
much envy and hatred had his excessive prosperity drawn on
him from all classes, not excepting those very persons whom
he had advanced to honour."*
The precise time when Roger gave up the custody of the Other
Great Seal in exchange for the office of Chief Justiciar is not lo^^ "f^ '
ascertained ; and there is much obscurity with respect to the Henry I.
Chancellors after him during the remainder of the reign of
Henry I. Waldric, Godfrey Bishop of Bath, Herbert
Bishop of Norwich, Geoffrey Rufus Bishop of Durham,
Ranulphus, or Arnulph, and Reginald Prior of
Montague, are enumerated in different lists of Chancellors,
and are casually noticed by different writers as having held
the Great Seal in this interval f ; but the superior splendour
of Roger of Salisbury threw them all into obscurity; and
little is known respecting any of them, with the exception
of Geoffrey Rufus and Ranulphus, and it would have been
Avell for the memory of these two if they had been as little
known as all the rest.
Geoffrey Rufus is famous for being recorded as the Geoffrey
first that openly bought the office of Chancellor for money.
There was an ancient legal maxim, " Quod Cancellaria non
emenda est|," yet the Pipe Roll of 31 Henry I. states that
Geoffrey Rufus, Bishop of Durham, purchased the Chancery Bought
from the King for 3006Z. 13s. 4c/., a sum equivalent to cIlaTiccllor,
* Gesta Reg. Angl. p. 637.
t Or. Inst. 1. Spel. Gloss. 109.
\ Tliis probably arose from the semi-sacred nature of the office, including
the care of the king's chapel and the keeping of his conscience, so that the
purchase of it might be considered to savour of simony.
58
CHANCELLORS FROM THE
CHAP.
II.
Ranul-
raus.
45,000/. of present money*; and he must, no doubt, have
been guilty of much extortion and oppression to indemnify
himself for so great an outlay. From the fractional sum which
the Great Seal then fetched, we might almost suppose that it
had been put up to auction and sold to the highest bidder.
In subsequent reigns we shall find other instances of its being
disposed of for money ; but we are never distinctly informed
whether this was by public auction or private contract, f
Of Ranulphus Henry of Huntingdon relates, that from
the general hatred excited by his misdeeds, he was supposed
to have come to his end by a special visitation of Divine
Providence. The King having kept his Christmas at Dunsta-
ble, proceeded to Berkhamstead. " Here there was a manifesta-
tion of God worthy of himself. Ranulphus, the King's Chan-
cellor, had laboured under sickness for twenty years. Never-
theless, at court he was ever more eager than a young man
after all manner of wickedness, oppressing the innocent and
grasping many estates for his own use. It was his boast, that
while his body languished his mind was still vigorous. As
he was conducting the royal party to his castle, where the
King proposed to stay some time as his guest, and he had
reached the top of a hill from which the stately structure
might be descried, — while he was pointing to it with great
elation, he fell from his horse, and a monk rode over him.
In consequence, he was so bruised that he breathed his last
in a few days. Ecce quanta superbia quam vilissirne, Deo
volente, deperiit.''^ X
* Et idem Cancellarius, viz. " Gaufridus debet MMMetvil. et xiijs. et iiijd.
pro sigillo." This is the most ancient roll in the series, and for many years was
supprsed to belong to the 5th Stephen. But, first, Prynne discovered it had been
wrongly assigned, and fixed it to the 18th Henry I. : — then Madox (though he
always quotes it as 5 Steph. in the body of his " Exchequer "), in a learned Latin
" Disceptatio," following the " Dialogus de Scaccario," at the end of his work,
clearly shows that it belongs to Henry's reign, but leaves the precise year
uncertain : — lastly, Mr. Joseph Hunter, in his Preface to the Roll itself, pub-
lished by the Record Commission, proves, without the possibility of a doubt,
that the Roll is that of 31 Henry 1.
i Tlie office of Common-law Judge was likewise venal. The same year
Richard Fitz-Alured fined in fifteen marks of silver that he might sit with
Ralph Basset at the King's Pleas, « Ricardus filius Aluredi dabat xxv. marcas
argenti ut sederet cum Radulfo Basset ad Plaeita Regis." — Mad. Ex. iv. S.
\ Hen. Hunt. lib. vii. p. 382. The last reflection is too quaint for trans-
lation.
CONQUEST TO THE REIGN OF HENRY II. 59
We shall not attempt giving any further details respecting CHAP,
the Chancellors of Henry I. It is to be regretted that the '
accounts of them which have descended to us are so very
scanty. From the character of this Sovereign, who was not
only a great warrior, but the brightest wit and most accom-
plished scholar of his age, we may believe that those who
were selected by him to hold his great seal, and consequently
to be in constant familiar intercourse with him, were dis-
tinguished by their talents, acquirements, and agreeable
manners. We should be particularly glad to know which
of them was the author of the Code which passes under the
name of Henry I., but which must have been compiled by a
jurist under his orders, — a work so useful to instruct us in
the manners and customs of the times, and showing the broad
distinction still made between the English and the Normans.
But though the names of these functionaries are preserved as
having filled the office of Chancellor, dark night envelops
their history and their character,
AVhen, on the usurpation of Stephen, Roger, Bishop of ad. use.
Salisbury, had by his treachery to the family of Henry, his chancellor
benefactor, acquired such influence with the new Sovereign, *° ^'"S
— after presiding as Chancellor at the Convention of Estates succeeded
held at Oxford, when the charter was passed confirmino; the ^^ ^'^
•^ " nephew
liberties of the church, the barons, and the people, — he Alex-
bestowed the oflSce on his nephew Alexander, and made a**^^*^-
him Bishop of Lincoln.*
The new holder of the Great Seal was not without good His con-
qualities ; but it is said that having been brought up in great Chancellor.
luxury by his uncle, he had contracted an inordinate taste
for expence, which soon brought him into difficulty and dis-
grace. Wishing to excel other chiefs by his splendour and
his largesses, he tried to supply the deficiency of his own
resources by preying upon others who were in his power.
Still his extravagance exceeded all his means of supplying it.
His vanity was gratified by being called "the Magnificent"
* 1 Pari. Hist. 5. There is extant among the archives of tlie Dean and
Chapter of Exeter the original of the famous " Charta Stcphani Regis de Li-
bcrtatibus Ecclesia; Angllfe et Regni ; " dated at Oxford, Rcgni mei anno
primo, A. D. 1136, and witnessed " Rogeuo Cancellario."
60 CHANCELLORS FROM THE
CHAP, at the Court of Kome. He went thither in 1 142, and again in
^^" 1 144, with a view to settle the disputes between the King and
the Pope, and he had the singular good luck in these negotia-
tions to please both parties. With the approbation of the
King he was appointed legate by the Pope, with power to
convene a Synod, at which several useful canons were made
to repress the enormities of the times. He made a third
journey to the Pope, then in the south of France, where, in
the month of August, in the year 1147, growing sick, as was
supposed from the heat of the climate, he returned home and
died.
Character During his career he had been more than once in arms
°^^^*-'^- against his Sovereign. Besides founding convents, he built
three strong castles, Banbury, Sleford, and Newark. These
excited the jealousy of Stephen, who compelled him to sur-
render them, and, after getting possession of Newark, this
capricious tyrant for some time detained him in prison. How-
ever, he was speedily restored to favour, and at his death was
denominated " Flos et Cacumen Regni et Regis."*
Roger His successor as Chancellor was the natural son of his
Chancellor "^^le " RoGER THE Great," Bishop of Salisbury. This
promotion shows strongly the power and influence which the
family had attained ; for the new Chancellor displayed no
personal good qualities to compensate for the stain on his
birth. He is mentioned by the monkish historians under the
name of "Roger Pauper." He seems neither to have
possessed the wealth nor the pliancy of his father. Taking
part with the Barons who held out their castles against the
King, he was made prisoner. He might have been set at
liberty if he would have changed sides ; but this he constantly
refused to do, even when threatened with the penalties of
treason. As a singular favour he was allowed to abjure the
realm, and he is supposed to have died in exile. f
A.D. ii4'j. We ought here to mention the Chancellors of Queen
Qiucn Matilda. Though not enumerated by historians among the
31atil(ia. • p T-i 1 1 1
sovereigns ot JLngland, she was crowned Queen, and while
Stephen was her prisoner, — by the prowess and fidelity of
• Hen. Hunt. lib. vii. p. 290. Guil. Neib. 1. i. c. 6.
t Ord. Vit. p]). 919, 920.
BERT her
Chancellor.
1151.
CONQUEST TO THE EEIGN OF HENRY II. 61
her natural brotlier, Robert Earl of Gloucester, she was in CHAP,
the enjoyment of supreme power throughout the greatest part
of the kingdom. Making the city of Gloucester her me-
tropolis, she filled up all the great offices of state with her
adherents. She was the first English sovereign that ever in-
trusted the Great Seal to the keeping of a layman. For her
Chancellor she had William Fitzgilbert, a knight who Fitzgu-
had gallantly fought for her ; and she granted the office in
reversion to Alberic de Vere, Earl of Oxford, to be held by
William de Vere his brother, when it should be rendered up
by William Fitzgilbert.
But Stephen was released from prison, and after a pro- a.d. ii50,
tracted struggle, being successful in the field, this grant was
nullified by the arrangement which allowed him to reign
during ms life, — the sceptre on his death to descend to the
issue of Matilda.
There are three other Chancellors of this reign whose Other
names have been discovered by antiquaries, Philip, Robert i^^^^^f '
de Gant, and Reginald, Abbot of Walden * ; but every Stephen,
thing respecting them is left in impenetrable obscurity.
What part they took in the civil war, whether they mitigated
or aggravated its horrors, and whether they were steady to
their party, or changed sides as interest prompted, must re-
main for ever unknown. Of this disturbed period little can
be learned respecting the administration of justice or change
of laws. The contending parties were both exclusively
Norman ; the descendants of the conquered were equally
oppressed by both, and no one had yet arisen to vindicate the
reputation or to defend the rights of the Anglo-Saxon race.
The darkest hour is immediately before break of day, and the
next Chancellor we have to introduce to the reader was of
Saxon origin ; he was one of the most distinguished men of
any race that this island has ever produced, and he is now
invoked as a Saint by all the votaries of the Romish church.
We have a full and minute biography of him by a contem-
porary who was his kinsman, and the various events of his life,
which make a conspicuous figure in our national annals, are
as well known and authenticated as if he had flourished in the
eighteenth century.
* Spel. Glos. 109.
C2
BEIGN OF HENllY II.
CHAPTER III.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR THOMAS a BECKET.
CHAP.
III.
Hen. 2.
A.D. 1154.
Parentage,
King Stephen having died in the year 1154, he was suc-
ceeded by the son of Matilda, the first of the Plantagenet
line, — a prince for vigour and ability equal to any who ever
filled the throne of England. From early youth he had
given presage of his discrimination and talents for govern-
ment, and one of the first acts of his reign after his arrival
in England, was to appoint as his Chancellor the lamous
Thomas a Becket.*
Gilbert Beck or Becket, the father of this most extraor-
dinary man, was of Saxon descent, a merchant in London,
and though only of moderate wealth had served the office of
sheriff of that city. His mother, whose name was Matilda,
was certainly of the same race, and born in the same con-
Story of dition of life as her husband; — although, after her son had
btfing'thT become chancellor and archbishop, a martyr and a saint, — a
daughter of romantic story was invented that she was the daughter of an
Emir in Palestine ; that Gilbert, her future consort, having
joined a crusade and being taken prisoner by her father, she
fell in love with him ; that when he escaped and returned to
his native country, she followed him, knowing no words of
any western tongue except " London " and " Gilbert ; " that
by the use of these she at last found him in Cheapside ; and
that being converted to Christianity and baptized, she became
his wife, t
an Emir.
* We are not informed in whose custody the Great Seal was between the
king's accession and the appointment of Becket.
t That monkish chroniclers and old ballad-mongers should have repeated and
credited this fable is not surprising ; but I cannot conceal my astonishment to
find it gravely narrated for truth by two recent, most discriminating and truthful
historians, Sharon Turner and Tliierry, who, while they were enlivening, one
would have thought must have had some suspicion that they were deluding their
readers. Becket himself, in an epistle in which he gives an account of his
origin, is entirely silent about his Syrian blood ; and Fitzstephen, who describes
THOMAS a BECKET. 63
Thomas, their onh'- child, was born in London in the CHAP.
• • TTT
year 1119, in the reign of Henry I. Being destined for the
Church, his education was begun at Merton Abbey in Birthing.
Surrey, and from thence he was transferred to the schools of Education.
London, which (making ample allowance for exaggerated
praise) seem then to have been very flourishing.* He was
afterwards sent to finish his studies at Paris, where he not
only became a proficient in philosophy and divinity, but like-
wise in all military exercises and polite acquirements, and
was made an accomplished cavalier. One great object of his
residence in Paris was to get rid of his English accent, which
was then a mark of degradation and a bar to advancement.
When he returned, it might well have been supposed from
his conversation and manners, that his ancestor had fought at
himself as " his fellow-citizen, chaplain, and messmate, remembrancer in his chan-
cery, and reader of papers in his court," says expressly that he was born of
parents who were citizens of London. I should much sooner expect to find the
statement believed, that his mother when with child of him dreamed that she
carried Canterbury Cathedral in her womb, or that the midwife, when she first
received him into the world, exclaimed, " Here comes an archbishop," — for
which there is uncontradicted authority, " Eum in lucem editum obstetrix in
manibus tollens, ait, Archiepiscopum quendam a terra elevavi." — Fitzst. 10.
The story of the Emir's daughter first appears in the compilation called
Quadrilogus, not written till long after. Lib. i. c. 2. There has been a suppo-
sition equally unfounded recently started, that Becket was of the Norman race.
See Ed. Rev. CLXXIII., July, 1847, p. 137. His Saxon pedigree appears
from all contemporary authorities.
* " In Lundonia tres principales ecclesia2 scholas celebreshabent de privilegio
et antiqua dignitate. Disputant scholares, quidam demonstrative, dialectice
alii ; hii rotant enthymemata ; hii perfectis melius utuntur syllogismis. Qui-
dam ad ostentationem exercentur disputatione, quas est inter coUuctantes ; alii
ad veritatem, quas est perspectionis gratia. Oratores aliqui quandoque orationi-
bus rhetoricis aliquid dieunt apposite ad persuadendum, curantes artis pra>cepta
servare et ex contingentibus nihil omittere. Pueri diversarum scholarum
versibus inter se conrixantur ; aut de principiis artis grammatic£B, vel regulis
prasteritorum vel supinorum, contendunt. Sunt alii qui in epigrammatibus,
rythmis et metris, utuntur veteie ilia trivial! dicacitate; licentia Fescennina
socios, suppressis nominibus, liberius lacerant ; loedorias jaculantur et scom-
mata; salibus Socraticis sociorum vel forte majorum, vitia tangunt; vel mor-
dacius dente rodunt leonino audacibus dithyrambis. Auditores, multum ridere
parati,
Ingeminant tremulos naso crispante cachinnos."
— Descriptio poluUgnam<B civitatis Limdonia:, 4. Fitzstephen is equally eloquent
in describing the sports of the Londoners. " Plurimi civium delectantur,
ludentes in avibus coeli, nisis, accipitribus et hujusmodi, et in canibus mili-
tantibus in sylvis. Habentque cives suum jus venandi in Middlesexia, Hert-
fordsira et tota Chiltra, et in Cantia usque ad aquam Crayse, p. 9. But he
shakes our faith in all his narratives by asserting that, in the reign of Stephen,
London was capable of sending into the field 20,000 cavalry, and 60,000 in-
fantry, p. 4.
g4 KEIGN OF HENRY 11.
CHAP. Hastings under the banner of the Conqueror, and that his
'"• family had since assisted in continuing the subjugation of the
conquered race.
Holds Like Sir Thomas More, one of his most distinguished
office under gucccssors, he began his career of business by holding a
Sherjttof ' ~ n t ^^^ 'iy> r-r 1 !•
London. situation in the office of the Sherift ot Liondon ; but this was
not at all to his taste, and he soon contrived to insinuate
himself into the good graces of a great baron of Norman blood
resident in the neighbourhood of the metropolis, with whom
he gaily spent his time in racing, hunting, and hawking, —
amusements forbidden to the Saxons.
Patronised His next patron was Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury,
blid^'A*' h ^^^^ finding him a youth of uncommon parts, and captivated
bisiiop of with his graceful and winning address, made him take deacon's
buTv.^*^' orders, and conferred upon him the livings of St. Alary le Strand
andOthford in Kent, with prebends in the cathedrals of London
and Lincoln. His ambition for high preferment was now
kindled ; but he found himself deficient in a knowledge
of the civil and canon law, then the great means of advance-
ment both in church and state, — and he prevailed on his patron
to send him to Bologna, which had been for some time the
most famous university in the world for such studies. After
residing there a year, attending the lectures of the celebrated
Gratian, he went to Auxerre in Burgundy, where there was
likewise a flourishing juridical school, and he returned to
England fully qualified for any situation, however exalted,
to which fortune might raise him.
Made He was now promoted to the archdeaconry of Canterbury,
con^)f Can- ^^ officc of Considerable trust and profit. Displaying great
terbury, talcuts for busiucss, he gained the entire confidence of the
primate, and was employed by him in two delicate negotia-
tions with the court of Rome. The first was to recover for
the see of Canterbury the legatine power which properly
belonged to the primacy, and of which it had been stript.
This point he carried, to the great delight of Theobald, who
attached the highest importance to it.
A.D. 1153. The next was a matter of more national importance. Not-
withstanding the solemn treaty between Stephen the reigning
king, and Henry the son of Matilda, the right heir to the
THOMAS a BECKET. 65
crown. Intrigues were going on to defeat the succession of CHAP,
the Angevin line, and a plan was in contemplation to have
Eustace, the son of Stephen, crowned King of England in his
father's lifetime. Theobald and the majority of the prelates
remaining true to their engagement, deputed Archdeacon
Becket to obtain from Pope Eugenius a bull against any
bishop officiating at the coronation of the son of Stephen.
This mission was attended with considerable difficulty, for Missions to
young Henry Plantagenet had already shown himself hostile ^''"'^•
to the encroachments of the papal see, and there was an
apprehension of danger from the union of the crown of
England with his immense continental possessions, extending
from Picardy to the Pyrenees ; — and one of the cardinals
who favoured Eustace observed to Becket, that " it would
be easier to hold a ram by the horns than a lion by the tail."
But Becket's great abilities in negotiation proved successful,
the intended coronation was prevented, and on the death of
Stephen, Henry was peaceably proclaimed king.
The new Sovereign was then in Normandy. On his arrival a.d. 1 154. i
in England he was informed by Archbishop Theobald, who chrnceibr
crowned him, of the services of the Archdeacon of Canterbury ;
and a Becket, then the handsomest and the most accomplished
young man in the kingdom, was presented to him. Henry
was at once captivated by his appearance and his agreeable
acquirements, and soon admitted him to his familiarity and
confidence. The future Saint, at this stage of his career, has
incurred the suspicion of having forgotten what was due to
the priestly character and to the strict rules of morality, for
the purpose of securing an influence over the dissipated
Sovereign. He not only joined him in military exercises
and in the sports of the field, but in all sorts of court
festivities, and it is to be feared in revelries, which could
only be palliated by the habitual licence of Norman mannei's;
although some of his biographers stand up for his immaculate
purity in the midst of the most alluring temptations.
Archbishop Theobald was at first the King's chief favourite Intimacy
and adviser, but his health and his influence declining, Becket j^j*^ ^"""^
was found apt for business as well as amusement, and gra-
dually became intrusted with the exercise of all the powers
VOL. I. F
—1157.
$8 REIGN OF HENEY II.
CHAP, of the crown. He received the wardenshlp of the Tower of
"^' London, the custody of the castle of Berkhamstead, and a
grant of the honour of Eye, with the service of 140 knights.
A.B. 1154 The exact time of his appointment as Chancellor has not
been ascertained, the records of the transfer of the Great Seal
not beginning till a subsequent reign, and old biographers
being always quite careless about dates.* But he certainly
had this dignity soon after Henry's accession, and to him are
ascribed by historians the restoration of the laws of Henry I.,
the resumption of the grants by Avhich Stephen had im-
poverished the crown, the restoration of the English exiles
who had fled to the Continent during the late troubles, and
the other wise and liberal measures which characterised the
commencement of this reign. While he continued Chancellor,
the office of Grand Justiciar does not seem to have been
filled up, and, except the King, he had no superior. Tall in
stature, with a placid, handsome, and commanding counte-
nance, his figure pleased the eye ; while his subtle reasonings,
his polished elocution, and facetious gaiety, won the heart.
His loftiness of mind, that was proud and ceremonious with
rank and power, softened into affability, gentleness, and
liberality towards his inferiors and dependents. Popularity
being his passion, he studied to be attractive, and he knew
that the condescensions of greatness have still greater in-
fluence than its power, f He was the first to give the office
of Chancellor the pre-eminence and splendour which have
since belonged to it.
We may imagine the joy of the Saxon race in witnessing
his elevation. For nearly a century they had been treated as
aliens and serfs in their own country ; no one of Saxon blood
had been promoted to any office of distinction, civil, military,
or ecclesiastical. The tradition was, that the Danish dynasty
established by Canute, had been overturned by too great
leniency being shown to the native English: and William
and his descendants were resolved to avoid a similar error.
The Anglo-Saxon language was proscribed at court: the
* Spelman makes him Chancellor in 1 154, and Dugdale not till 1157.
t Gervase, 1668.
THOMAS a BECKET. 67
Normans would at this time as little have condescended to CHAP,
learn it as the language of the wild Irish whom they soon
after conquered; and every opportunity was taken to show a.i).ii54—
contempt for the dress, the habits, and the manners of the ^'^^'^^
subjugated descendants of Hengist and Horsa.
Becket had risen by acquiring the dialect and accomplish-
ments of the dominant caste, but he was too noble-minded
now to be ashamed of his origin : he proclaimed his lineage,
and professed himself a protector of the rights and liberties of
all his countrymen.
It is doubtful whether at this time the Chancellor had any His duties
separate judicial duties ; but we know that Becket sat as a celior^"^"
member of the Supreme Court or Aula Regis ; that he sealed
all the King's grants with the Great Seal ; that he had the care
of the royal chapel; and that he acted as secretary to the
King in domestic affairs, and in all foreign negotiations.
Of his conduct, habits, and demeanour, while he continued Fitzste-
Chancellor, we have a very graphic and trustworthy account count* of"
from his secretary; — and instead of diluting it, after the his habits,
modern fashion, into a mixture from which all its pun-
gency and raciness would evaporate, I think I shall much
better convey an accurate notion of the character of the
individual, and of the manners of the times, by a literal trans-
lation of a few of the most remarkable passages of this in-
teresting work :
*' The Chancellor's house and table were open to all of
every degree about the court who wished to partake of his
hospitality, and who were, or appeared to be, respectable.
He hardly ever sat down to dinner without earls and barons
whom he had invited. He ordered the rooms in which he
entertained company to be daily covered during winter with
clean straw and hay, and in summer with clean rushes and
boughs *, for the gentlefolks to lie down upon, who on account
of their numbers could not be accommodated at the tables, so
that their fine clothes might not be soiled by a dirty floor.
His house was splendidly furnished with gold and silver
* A custom which continued in England down to the time of Erasmus, and
which he describes in nearly the same words.
F 2
gg REIGN OP HENRY II.
CHAP, vessels, and was plentifully supplied with the most costly
^^'' meats and wines.
~~j^^ « The prime nobility of England and the neighbouring king-
1 157. doms sent their sons to be servants to the Chancellor. He
o-avc these young men handsome entertainment and a liberal
education, and when he had seen them duly admitted into
the order of knighthood he returned them back to their
fathers and relations. Some he retained near his own person.
The King himself intrusted his own son, the heir apparent of
the kingdom, to be brought up by him, and the Chancellor
maintained the prince with all suitable honour, together with
many sons of the nobility of the same age, and all their train,
instructors, and servants.
" Many nobles and knights paid homage to the Chan-
cellor, which he received with a saving of their allegiance to
the King, and he then maintained and supported them as
their patron.
" When he was going beyond sea he had a fleet of six or
more vessels for his own use, and he carried over free of
expence all who wished to cross at the same time. When he
was landed he recompensed the masters of his ships and the
sailors to their hearts' content. Hardly a day passed in which
he did not give away magnificent presents, such as horses,
hawks, apparel, gold or silver furniture, or suras of money.
He was an example of the sacred proverb : — Some hountifully
give away what belongs to them, and still always abound ; while
others seize what does not belong to them, and are always in
want. So gracefully did the Chancellor confer his gifts, that
he was reckoned the charm and the delight of the whole
Latin world.
" The Chancellor was in high favour with the King, the
clergy, the army, and the people, on account of his eminent
virtues, his greatness of mind, and his good deeds, which
seemed to spring spontaneously from his heart. Serious
business being finished, the King and he consorted as young
comrades of the same station, — whether in the palace, in
church, in private society, or in excursions on horseback.
Story of " One cold wintry day they were riding together through
the cimnl ^^ Streets of London when they observed an old beggar-man
THOMAS a BECKET. 69
coming towards them, wearing a worn-out tattered garment. CHAP.
Said the King to the Chancellor, * Do you see that man?' —
Chancellor. ' I see him.' — King. ' How poor ! how wretched ! cellor, and
how naked he is ! Would it not be great charity to give him the beggar-
a thick warm cloak?' — Chancellor. ^ Great indeed ; and you, a.d.ii54-.
as King, ought to have a disposition and an eye for such 'i^'^-
things.' Meanwhile the beggar comes up ; the King stops,
and the Chancellor along with him. The King in a mild
tone addresses the beggar, and asks him * if he would like to
have a good cloak ? ' The beggar, not knowing who they
were, thought it was all a joke. The King to the Chancellor.
— ^You indeed shall have the grace of this great charity;'
and putting his hands on a very fine new cloak of scarlet and
ermine which the Chancellor then wore, he struggled to pull
it off, Avhile the Chancellor did his best to retain it. A great
scufile and tumult arising, the rich men and knights who
formed their train, in astonishment, hastened to find out what
sudden cause of contest had sprung up, but could gain no
information : both the contending parties were eagerly en-
gaged with their hands, and seemed as if about to tumble to
the ground. After a certain resistance the Chancellor allowed
the King to be victorious, — to pull oiF his cloak, — and to
give it to the^ beggar. The King then told the whole story
to his attendants, who were all convulsed with laughter.
There was no want of offers from them of cloaks and coats to
the Chancellor. The old beggar-man walked off with the
Chancellor's valuable cloak, enriched beyond his hopes, re-
joicing and giving thanks to God.*
" Sometimes the King took his meals in the dining-hall of
the Chancellor for the sake of amusement, and to hear the
stories told at his table and in his house. While the Chan-
cellor was sitting at table the Kino; would be admitted into
the hall on horseback, sometimes with a dart in his hand,
returning from the chase or riding to cover ; sometimes he
merely drank a cup of wine, and having saluted the Chan-
* It is impossible not to admire the finesse with which Fitzstephen tells this
story, particularly the courtly acquiescence of the Chancellor after a proper
resistance, and the profusion of offers of coats and cloaks to the Chancellor, then
the favourite, and the distributor of the favours of the Crown.
F 3
70
REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP.
III.
His con-
duct as
Chancellor.
A.D. 1158.
Becket
tutor to the
Prince.
Becket's
embassy to
PVance.
cellor, retreated ; sometimes jumping over the table he sat
down and partook of the banquet. Never in any Christian
age were two men more familiar or friendly."
Becket continued Chancellor till the year 1162, without
any abatement in his favour with the King, or in the power
which he possessed, or in the energy he displayed, or in the
splendour of his career. He not only presided in the Aula
Regis and superintended the domestic administration of the
kingdom, but, when the necessities of the state so required,
he himself went on foreign embassies, and led armies into the
field.
The King's eldest son was still a boy and a pupil of the
Chancellor, to whom it was thought that his education might
be better intrusted than to any other, both for literature and
chivalry. According to the custom of that time, which con-
tinued for centuries afterwards, it was usual to contract mar-
riage between the children of sovereign princes long before
they reached the age of puberty, and Henry the son of a
Count, thought it would add to the splendour of his family
and to the stability of his throne, if his infant heir were
affianced to a daughter of the King of France. To bring
about this alliance, which was opposed by the Emperor of
Germany, Henry proposed that the Chancellor should him-
self proceed to the French court, and he at once accepted the
embassy.
" He prepared," says Fitzstephen, " to exhibit and pour
out the opulence of English luxury, that among all persons
and in all things the Sovereign might be honoured in his
representative, and the representative in himself. He took
with him about two hundred mounted on horseback, of his
own family, knights, priests, standard-bearers and squires,
— sons of noblemen, forming his body-guard, and all com-
pletely anned. .AH these, and all their followers, were fes-
tively arrayed in new attire, each according to his degree.
He likewise took with him twenty-four changes of raiment,
almost all to be given away, and left among the foreigners he
was to visit. He carried along with him all kinds of dogs
and birds for field sports used by kings and rich men. In
his train he liad eight waggons; each waggon Avas drawn
THOMAS a BECKET. 71
by five horses equal to war horses, well matched, and with CHAP,
imiforin harness ; each horse was taken care of by a stout
young man dressed in a new tunic. Two Avaggons carried ^ ^ ^j^g.
nothing but ale made with water and malt *, in casks fastened
with iron, to be given to the French. The furniture of the
Chancellor's chapel filled one waggon, his chamber another,
his kitchen another ; others were loaded with eatables and
drink for the use of himself and his train. He had twelve
sumpter horses ; eight carried the Chancellor's gold and silver
plate. Coffers and chests contained the Chancellor's money
in good store, sufficient for his daily expenses, and the
presents which he meditated, together with his clothes,
books, and articles of the like nature. One horse, which
preceded all the rest, carried the holy vessels of his chapel,
the holy books, and the ornaments of the altar.
" Likewise each waggon had chained to it, either above or
below, a large, strong, and fierce mastiff, which seemed able
to contend with a bear or a lion, and on the top of every
sumpter horse there was a monkey with a tail, or an ape,
mimicking the human countenance. On entering the French
towns and villages the procession was headed by about 250
young men on foot, in groups of six, or ten, or more, singing
some verses in their own tongue, after the manner of their
country. Then came at a little distance harriers and other
dogs coupled, together with their keepers and whippers-in.
Soon after the waggons, strengthened with iron and covered
over with great skins of animals sewed together, rattled over
the stones of the streets : at a short distance followed the
• I find no mention of hops in the text, and I suspect that the ale so boasted
of was only the ancient Scandinavian drink described by Tacitus as " a corrup-
tion of barley," and still manufactured in Flanders under the name of " bierre
blanche." — Some say that hops were unknown in England till the end of the
reign of Henry VIII., when the liquor made bitter by them was called by the
new name of " beer." Hence the popular lines —
" Hops, Reformation, Carp, and Beer,
Came to England all in one year,"
According to Virgil, the northern nations knew how to flavour their wort
with acids :
" et pocula laeti
Fermento atque acidis imitantur vitea sorbis."
F 4
A.o. 1158.
72 REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP, sumpter horses, rode by their grooms, who sat upon their
^^'- haunches. The Frenchmen running out from their houses
at all this noise, inquired whose family can this he ? Being
answered, * Behold the Chancellor of the King of England
going on a mission to the King of France,' they exclaimed,
« How wonderful must be the King of England himself whose
Chancellor travels in such state P
" After the sumpter horses followed esquires carrying the
shields of the knights and leading the saddle horses ; then
came other knights, — then pages, — then those who bore
hawks, — then the standard bearers and the upper and lower
servants of the Chancellor's household, — then soldiers and
priests riding two and two ; — last of all came the Chancellor,
surrounded by some of his friends.
" As soon as the Chancellor landed in France, he sent
forward a messenger to inform the French King of his
approach. The King appointed to meet him at Paris by a
certain day. It is the custom for the French Kings to purvey
for all persons coming to court and while they remain there ;
and the King now wishing to purvey for the Chancellor, by
an edict published by him at Paris, prohibited all persons
from selling any thing to the Chancellor or his people. This
coming to the knowledge of the Chancellor, he sent on his
servants to St. Denis and the neighbouring towns, that,
changing their dress and concealing their names, they should
buy for him bread, flesh, fish, wine, and aU eatables in
abundance, and when he entered the " Hotel du Temple,"
which he was to occupy in Paris, they ran up and informed
him that he would find it supplied with provisions fully suffi-
cient for the use of a thousand men for three days.
" He gave away all his gold and silver plate and changes
of raiment, — to one a robe, to another a furred cloak, to a
third a pelisse, — to this man a palfrey, and to that a war
horse. Why should I enter into further particulars ? He
won favour above all men. He successfully completed his
embassy : he gained his object : whatever he solicited was
granted to him.
" In returning, he apprehended and lodged in prison Vedo
THOMAS a BECKET. ' 73
de la Val, an enemy of the King of England, and a notorious CHAP.
public robber." *
That this union might not afterwards be broken off, and
might cement a good understanding between the two coun-
tries, — according to the treaty which the Chancellor had
concluded, Margaret the infant princess was put under the
care of a Norman baron, who was to superintend her educa-
tion ; and her dower, consisting of a great domain in the
Vexin, was placed in the hands of the Knights Templars till
the celebration of the marriage.
It is said that the Chancellor continued zealously to cul- a.d. 1159.
tivate peace ; but in spite of his efforts, war with France scutage^
became inevitable. The duchy of Toulouse had belonged to
the father of Eleanor, who had been married to the King of
France, and being divorced from him, was now Queen of
England. Henry claiming this territory in her right, — under
some pretence Louis insisted that he was entitled to dispose
of it, — and both parties prepared to settle the dispute by an
appeal to arms. The Chancellor, with his usual penetration,
saw, that instead of the feudal militia, who were to fight with-
out pay for forty days, it would be much better to commute
personal service for a pecuniary contribution, by which a
regular army might be equipt and maintained. He therefore
introduced the pecuniary aid, called scutage, of 3/. to be levied
on every knight's fee ; and the number of 60,000 knights' fees
established by the Conqueror still remaining, he thus col-
lected 180,000/., and engaged a numerous force of mercenaries,
whose attendance in the field was to be extended to three
months. With them marched, from the love of glory, an
illustrious host, consisting of English Barons, and many from
Henry's continental dominions; — a Prince of Wales, —
Malcolm King of Scotland, and Raymond King of Arragon,
to whose infant daughter had been affianced the King's son,
Richard, afterwards Coeur de Lion, then an infant in his
nurse's arms. But of all who composed this great army, the Bccket's
bravest and the most active warrior was Lord Chancellor a ""''t*""y
prowess.
Beckct, who had enlisted a body of 700 knights at his own
* Fitzstephen.
REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP.
III.
A. n. 1159.
Siege of
Toulouse.
Single
combat
with En-
jlleran de
Trie.
expense, and, marching at their head, was the foremost in
every enterprise.
Louis was shut up with a small force in the city of Toulouse,
to which Henry laid siege. Becket represented that it might
easily be taken by assault, oiFering to lead on the storming
party himself, and it is generally allowed that this blow might
at once have put a glorious termination to the war; but
Henry, when congratulated on the prospect of having in his
power such an illustrious captive, conceived conscientious
scruples against offering violence to his liege lord, whom he
had sworn to guard and protect. The Chancellor laid down
for law that the King of France, by assuming the command
there in person, had deliberately put himself in the situation
of an enemy on equal terms with his opponent. During this
discussion a great French army came to the rescue of their
King: the golden opportunity was lost, and Henry was obliged
to retreat Avith the bulk of his forces into Normandy. " The
Chancellor, with his own followers and the single aid of Henry
of Essex, the King's Constable, remained to preserve the
English authority in that quarter, all the other leaders having
refused to do so. Armed with helmet and coat of mail, he
afterwards, with his own brave band, took three very strong
castles which had been deemed impregnable. Nay, more, he
crossed the Garonne with a military force, attacked the enemy,
and having established the authority of the King in all that
province, he returned triumphant and honoured."*
In a subsequent campaign, the Chancellor, besides 700
knights of his own family, had under his command 1200
cavalry and 4000 infantry, whom he had taken into pay, for
the space of forty days. " Each soldier serving on horseback
received from him three shillings a day to provide horses and
attendants, and was entertained at the Chancellor's table.
He himself, although in holy orders, encountered Engleran
de Trie, a valiant French knight, who, in full armour, rode
furiously against him, his lance in the rest: — the priest un-
horsed the knight, and made prize of his charger. Of the
whole army of the King of England, the soldiers of the
* Fitzst.
THOMAS k BECKET. 75
Chancellor were always the first, the most daring, and the CHAP,
most distinguished for their exploits, he himself instructing
them, encouraging them, and leading them on."*
Peace being at last restored, the Chancellor unbuckled his a.d. iieo.
sword, again put on his robes at Westminster, and returned . 'f •■" ."
' o I ' cial merits.
to the discharo-e of his civil duties. His administration of
justice was vigorous and impartial, no favour being shown to
Saxon or Norman, to layman or ecclesiastic. Hitherto he
preferred the interests of the Crown to those of his own
order.
During the late war the rich prelates and abbots of the
Norman race, whose military zeal had greatly subsided since
they could no longer plunder a vanquished people, excused
themselves from yielding to the summons to serve in the field,
because, said they, HoIt/ Church forbade them to shed blood ;
and farther, on the same pretence, they refused to pay the
tax substituted for personal service, which, they said, was in-
directly violating a divine precept. But the Chancellor over-
ruled their scruples, and compelled them to pay up the
arrears. Upon this the heads of the Church uttered the most
violent invectives against him. Foliot, Bishop of London,
publicly accused him of plunging a sword into the bosom of
his mother, the Church ; and Archbishop Theobald, his former
patron, threatened to excommunicate him. Becket still
showed an entire indifference to ecclesiastical censures, and
established Henry's right to personal service or scutage for
all the lands held by the Church. One day, at a meeting of
the clergy, some bishops affected to talk in high-flown terms
of their being independent of the royal authority ; but the
Chancellor, who was present, openly contradicted them, and,
in a severe tone, reminded them that they were bound to the
King by the same oath as men of the sword, "to be true and
faithful to the King, and truth and faith to bear of life and
limb and earthly honour."
Some have supposed that Becket all this time, while he held His views
the office of Chancellor, was hypocritically acting a part to tj^ns*"**^"'
secure Henry's favour, that he might be elevated to the
• Fitzst.
76
REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP.
III.
A.n. 1160.
Conversa-
tion with
Prior of
Leicester.
primacy, with the premeditated purpose of then quarrelling
with the King, and taking part against him in the contro-
versies which had been going on between the civil and eccle-
siastical authorities. But notwithstanding his conversation
with the Abbot of Leicester, it is much more probable that
his change of sentiments and policy was brought about by
change of situation, and that hitherto he had served the King
with sincerity and zeal, although it was foreseen by those well
acquainted with his character, that he might become a very
dangerous subject if placed in a high situation independent of
the Crown.
It would appear that he himself, while Chancellor, and a
devoted friend and servant of Henry, had a presentiment
of his future destiny, and, we may believe, an earnest desire
to avoid it. The age and infirmities of Theobald showing that
the primacy must soon be vacant, the general expectation was
that the Chancellor would succeed to it, not only from his
extraordinary merits and success, but such being the usual
course of promotion.*
In this state of things, Becket, residing at St. Gervas, near
Rouen, fell dangerously ill ; and such interest did his con-
dition excite, that he had a visit from the King of England
and the King of France on the same day. Afterwards, when
the danger was over, and he was convalescent, he one day sat
playing at chess dressed in a cloak with sleeves, like a young
courtier. " Aschatinius, Prior of Leicester, coming from the
King's Court, then in Gascony, entered to pay him a visit,
and addressing him with familiarity, on account of their long
intimacy, said,— -'How is it that you wear a cloak with
sleeves ? This dress is fitter for those who go a-hawking ; but
you are an ecclesiastical character, — one in individuality but
many in dignity — Archdeacon of Canterbury, — Dean of Hast-
ings,— Provost of Beverley, — canon here and prebendary
there, — nay, the proxy of the Archbishop, and (as the report
goes at Court) archbishop soon to be.' To this speech the
* Fitzstephen in describing the nature of the office of Chancellor says, " All
ecclesiastical preferments are disposed of by his advice ; so that, by God's grace
and his own merits, he is almost sure to become an archbishop or bishop if he
pleases."
THOMAS a BECKET. 77
Chancellor made answer, among other things: — 'Truly I CHAP,
know three poor priests in England, any one of whom I '___
would rather wish to be promoted to the primacy than myself;
for if by any chance I were appointed, knowing my Lord the
King previously so well, I should be driven either to lose his
favour, or (which Heaven forefend !) to sacrifice the service of
God.' Nevertheless this afterwards fell out as he foretold."*
In April, 1161, Archbishop Theobald died. Henry de- a.d. iisi.
clared that Becket should succeed, — no doubt counting upon ^^^j^_ "
his co-operation in carrying on the policy hitherto pursued in bishop
checking the encroachments of the clergy and of the see of
Home, and hoping that his obsequious minister, uniting
supreme and ecclesiastical dignity, the remainder of his
reign would be characterised by internal tranquillity and
harmony, so that he might turn his undivided attention to
schemes of foreign aggrandisement.
The same opinion of Becket's probable conduct was gene- Objection
rally entertained, and a cry was raised that "the Church apnoint-*^*^
was in danger." The English bishops sent a representation ment as
to Henry against the appointment, and the electors long on'^tjir °^
refused to obey his mandate, saying that " it was indecent ground of
that a man who was rather a soldier than a priest, and who i,ostile to
had devoted himself to hunting and falconry instead of the the Church,
study of the Holy Scriptures, should be placed in the chair
of St. Augustine."
Matilda, the King's mother, with more penetration into
character, interfered to prevent the election on another
ground, and warned her son that when once Becket was
independent of him, being consecrated archbishop, he would
turn out a rival and an enemy, and would disturb the peace
of the kingdom. Henry's eagerness for the appointment was
only inflamed by opposition, and he resolved to carry it in
spite of all obstacles.
Becket himself still pretended indiiference or aversion, Foliot,
occupied himself with the duties of Chancellor, and con- Here*fbrd
tinned his usual courtly life and secular habits. His rival, rival of
Gilbert Foliot, Bishop of Hereford, a prelate from his youth
* Fifzst.
78 KEIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP. upwai*ds, of rigid morals and severe demeanour, who was
^"* liimself looking to the primacy, had been in the habit of
asserting that the Chancellor was impatiently watching the
demise of Theobald, and being in Normandy when he heard
of that event, immediately hastened to England in the hope
of succeeding: him. The ecclesiastics with whom the election
was, remaining obstinate, Becket with seeming unconcern
attended to business at Harfleur, or hunted in the forests
around Rouen.
An. 1162. At the end of a year the King, determined to be trifled
with no longer, communicated to the Chancellor at Falaise
that he must prepare for a voyage to England, and that in
a few days he should certainly be Archbishop of Canterbury.
It would be difficult to analyse the feelings of the future
Martyr at this announcement. He probably experienced
a glow of pleasure at the near prospect of greatness, and yet
was so far his own dupe as to persuade himself that he was
unwilling to have it thrust upon him. His biographer in-
forms us, that, casting a smile of irony on his dress, he re-
plied, — " that he had not much the appearance of an arch-
bishop, and that if the King was serious, he must still beg
leave to decline the preferment, because it would be im-
possible for him to perform the duties of the situation and at
the same time retain the favour of his benefactor,"
The legate, Henry of Pisa, happening to be present,
assisted in combating these scruples, and Becket, taking an
aifectionate leave of the King, sailed for England, agreeing
to be consecrated as Primate if the election should fall upon
him.
Becket On the 3d of June, 1162, the prior and monks of Canter-
A^ch- bury, with the suffragan bishops, assembled at Westminster,
bishop of and now, with one exception, concurred, after many prayers
bury,^i*i62. ^"^ masscs. In electing Becket as Archbishop. The dis-
sentient was Follot, who observed, when the ceremony was
over, that " the King had worked a miracle in having that
day turned a layman into an archbishop, and a soldier into a
samt." Many of the nobles who happened to be present
testified their approbation by loud applause, and Prince
THOMAS a BECKET. 79
Henry, under a commission from his father, gave the royal CHAP.
assent to the election.
Down to this time Becket, notwithstanding his many ^ ^ jjg^
ecclesiastical benefices, was only in deacon's orders, which Becket
were then supposed to be consistent with most of the pursuits ^rch-
and habits of a layman ; but he was now ordained priest by l>ishop.
the Bishop of Rochester, and, proceeding to Canterbury, he
was consecrated by the Bishop of Winchester, assisted by
many other bishops. He was enthroned with extraordinary
solemnity. The ceremony was almost as pompous as a
coronation, all ranks being eager to gratify the King, and to
pay court to the favourite.
The universal expectation was, that Becket would now
play the part so successfully performed by Cardinal Wolsey
in a succeeding age ; that. Chancellor and Archbishop, he
would continue the minister and personal friend of the King ;
that he would study to support and extend all the prero-
gatives of the Crown, which he himself was to exercise ; and
that in the palaces of which he was now master he would
live with Increased magnificence and luxury. When we
judge of his character, we must ever bear in mind that all this
was easily within his reach, and that if he had been actuated
by love of pleasure or mere vulgar ambition, such would
have been his career.
Never was there so wonderful a transformation. Whether Sudden
from a predetermined purpose, or from a sudden change of ^^ Bec'kefs
inclination, he immediately became in every respect an al- character
tered man. Instead of the stately and fastidious courtier, juct,
was seen the humble and squalid penitent. Next his skin
he wore haircloth, populous with vermin ; he lived upon roots,
and his drink was water, rendered nauseous by an infusion of
fennel. By way of further penance and mortification, he
frequently inflicted stripes on his naked back. Daily on his
bended knees he washed the feet of thirteen beggars, re-
freshed them with ample food, and gave each of them four
pieces of silver. He wandered alone in his cloister, shedding
many tears, from the thought of his past sins, and his great
occupation was to pray and read the Scriptures. He wore
the habit of a monk ; and the monks, astonished at the sane-
80 REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP, tity he displayed, already talked of his conversion as a most
"'■ evident miracle of Divine grace, poured out upon him at his
A.D. 1162. consecration.
He resigns The wouder of mankind was still further excited by the
^^P'^^'^^ next step, which he speedily took, without ever consulting
the King, or any previous notice of his intention ; he sent the
Great Seal to Henry, in Normandy, with this short message,
" I desire that you will provide yourself with another Chan-
cellor, as I find myself hardly sufl&cient for the duties of one
office, and much less of two."
The fond patron, who had been so eager for his elevation,
Avas now grievously disappointed and alarmed. He knew
Becket too well to believe that this resignation proceeded
from real humility and dislike of temporal power ; he there-
fore looked upon it as an indication of a higher and more
dangerous ambition, believing that the Archbishop would
have continued his Chancellor if he had not aspired to be-
come his competitor, and to exalt the mitre above the crown.
He at once saw that he had been deceived in his choice, and
that the worst predictions of his mother were likely to be
speedily verified.
He resolved, however, to treat the Archbishop with pa-
tience and forbearance, though with firmness, and that, while
he showed to the world that he would be master in his own
dominions, he should not appear the aggressor in the con-
troversy which he anticipated. He therefore still allowed
Prince Henry to remain under the tuition of the Arch-
bishop.
The King The two old friends first met at Southampton, on the
meet and King's retum from Normandy. Becket went thither to do
quarrel. homage for the temporalities of his see, and was received
courteously, though coldly. Having intimated his incapa-
city to fulfil the duties of two offices, he was required to
resign that of archdeacon of Canterbury, which was of great
value, and which he wished to retain. Here the King had
clearly the law on his side, and he succeeded. But Becket
immediately resolved, by an appeal to the law, to be re-
venged. On the ground of vindicating the rights of his see,
he demanded of the King the castle and town of Eochester
A.D. 1163.
THOMAS a BECKET. 81
with other possessions ; — of the Earl of Clare, a favourite of CHAP.
the King, the castle of Tunbridge, — and of other noblemen
various other properties, which he alleged had once be-
longed to the church of Canterbury, and to which no length
of time could ever confer a title as lay fee.
How far he might have been able to establish these claims
may be doubtful, but before they could be brought to a legal
inquiry he set up others which he could not support, and the
King being determined to curb ecclesiastical encroachments
by new laws, which the Archbishop resolutely resisted, a
fatal rupture took place between them.
William de Eynsford, a military tenant of the Crown,
having ejected from a rectory in Kent, the advowson of
which belonged to him, a priest presented to it by Becket,
was immediately excommunicated by him, contrary to a well
established law, which had been respected ever since the Con-
quest, that the tenants of the Crown should not be excom-
municated without the Kinsf's knowledge and consent.
Henry, by a messenger, sent him orders to absolve Eynsford,
but received for answer that it belonged not to the King to
inform him whom he should absolve and whom excom-
municate. After many remonstrances and menaces, the royal
mandate was at last obeyed. Henry had at this time great
advantages in asserting the royal prerogative, for his reputa-
tion was high from the success of his government both at
home and abroad ; his barons all concurred in his policy ;
and the power of the Church was weakened from there being
two rival popes ; — each claiming to be the successor of
St. Peter ; — one under the title of Victor IV., residing at
Rome, and patronised by the Emperor ; and another under
the title of Alexander III., who kept his court in France,
protected by Louis VII. Henry had sent in his adhesion to
the latter, but with significant doubts of his title. Alexander,
who was only restrained by his peculiar situation from carry-
ing the pretensions of the triple crown as high as any of his
predecessors, looking on Becket as a great prop of his power,
had received him with high distinction at Tours, and secretly
abetted him in all his designs.
The grand struggle which the Church was then making Struggh
VOL. I. G between
82
REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP.
III.
civil ami
ecclesias-
tical autho-
rity.
Conference
between
tho King
and the
prelates.
A. I). 1164.
Constitu-
tions of
Clarendon.
was, that all churcliracn should be entirely exempted from
the jurisdiction of the secular courts, whatever crime they
might have committed. A priest in Worcestershire, having
about this time debauched a gentleman's daughter, had pro-
ceeded to murder the father. On a demand that he should
be delivered up and brought to trial before the King's judges,
Becket insisted on the privileges of the Church, — confined
the criminal in the bishop's prison lest he should be seized by
the King's officers, — passed upon him merely sentence of
degradation, and insisted that, when degraded, he could not
affain be broufjht to trial for the same oftence.
Henry, thinking that he had a favourable opportunity for
bringing the dispute to a crisis, summoned an assembly of
all the prelates at Westminster, and himself put to them
thi.' plain question : " Whether they were willing to submit
to the ancient laws and customs of the kingdom ? " Their
reply, framed by Becket, was : " We are willing, saving our
own order.''^ There v/as only one dissenting bishop : he was
willing to give an unqualified answer in the affirmative, but
Becket sorely upbraided him for his servility. The King,
seeing what was comprehended in the reservation, retired
with evident marks of displeasure, deprived Becket of the
government of Eye and Berkhamstead, and all the appoint-
ments which he held at the pleasure of the Crown, and
uttered threats as to seizing the temporalities of all the
bishops, since they would not acknowledge their allegiance to
him as the head of the state. The legate of Pope Alexander,
dreading a breach with so powerful a prince at so unseason-
able a juncture, advised Becket to submit for the moment ;
and he with his brethren, retracting the saving clause, abso-
lutely promised "to observe the laws and customs of the
kingdom,"
To avoid all future dispute, Henry resolved to follow
up his victory by having these laws and customs, as far as
the Church was concerned, reduced into a code, to be
sanctioned by the legislature, and to be specifically acknow-
ledged by all the bishops. This was the origin of the famous
" Constitutions of Clarendon."
We Protestants must approve of the Avhole of them, for
THOMAS a BECKET. 83
they in a great measure anticipate the measures which were CHAP.
taken when the yoke of the Church of Rome was thrown oif
at the Reformation; but, in justice to Becket, we must ^ ^ ng4
acknowledge that they were in various particulars an inno-
vation upon the principles and practices which had long pre-
vailed. Not only did they provide that clerks accused of any
crime should be tried in the King's courts ; that all suits con-
cerning advowsons and presentations should be determined
according to the course of the common law; and that the
clergy should no longer pretend to the right of enforcing
payment of debts contracted by oath or promise, whereby
they were drawing all questions of contract and property
before their tribunals ; but that all appeals in spiritual
causes should be carried from the archdeacon to the bishop,
from the bishop to the primate, and from the •primate to the
king, without whose consent it should go no farther ; that no
clergyman should leave the realm without the King's licence ;
that, on a vacancy, the revenue of episcopal sees should
belong to the Crown ; that the members of each chapter, or
such of them as the King might please to summon, should sit
in the King's chapel till they made the new election with his
consent ; and that the bishop elect should do homage to the
Crown.*
Under these constitutions, Henry would have disposed of
all ecclesiastical dignities by his own authority, would have
prevented all appeals to Rome, and would have been himself
" the Head of the Church." Being submitted to the great
council called at Clarendon, they were unanimously and joy-
fully carried by the barons. The prelates were then called
upon individually to set their seals to them, and to promise
to observe them. No one ventured to oppose the King's
will, except Becket. He for some time resolutely refused his
* One of the articles shows that the right of sitting in the House of Lords
now belonging to bishops, and greatly prized by them, was originally forced
upon them at a time when they thought it an indignity to sit in any assembly
except by themselves, as a separate order : " That the archbisliops, bishops,
and otlier spiritual dignitaries sliould be regarded as barons of the realm, should
possess the privileges and be subjected to the burthens belonging to that rank,
and should he hound to attend the kiny in his great councils, and assist at all trials,
till sentence cither of death or loss of members be given against the criminal."
G 2
REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP.
III.
A.o. 1164.
Beckot
swears to
Cunstitii-
tions of
Clarendon.
assent, though urged to compliance by prelates as well as
barons of the greatest authority in the kingdom.
What follows subjects him to the imputation of occasional
weakness or duplicity, and disregard of the sacred obligation
of an oath. At a private meeting of the prelates, Richard de
Hastings, Grand Prior of the Templars, throwing himself on
his knees before him, and with many tears entreating him
that if he paid any regard to his own safety or that of the
Church, he shguld yield, he exclaimed, " It is my master's
pleasure that I should forswear myself, which I resolve to do,
and to repent afterwards as I may." He then marched at
their head to the King, and took an oath, " with good faith
and without fraud or reserve, to observe the Constitutions."
They were immediately sent over to Pope Alexander, and
it was hoped he would ratify them, thinking only of his
recent obligations to the Sovereign of England; but he
plainly seeing that they went to establish the independency
of England on the papacy, condemned them in the strongest
terms, abrogated and annulled them, absolved all who had
taken an oath to submit to them, and threatened with excom-
munication all who should presume to enforce them.
Becket, who had been overwhelmed with remorse from the
moment of his weakness, followed Henry to Woodstock —
some think with the intention of abdicating the primacy ; —
but, not being able to obtain an interview, and being en-
couraged by the spirited conduct of the Pope, he resolved to
make ample atonement for the offence he had committed, and
from this time to his death showed a fortitude, perseverance,
and self-devotedness, which have never been surpassed. He
refused to exercise any part of his archiepiscopal functions
till he received the special pardon and absolution of the Pope,
and proportioning his discipline to the enormity of his sup-
posed offence, he redoubled his austerities to punish himself
for his momentary consent.
Much less with a view to his own safety than in the hope
of more eflFectually embarrassing the King by his absence
from the realm, he twice attempted to cross the Channel ; but
was driven back by contrary winds, and being brought into
THOMAS a BECKET. 85
the royal presence, he was asked by Henry "if he thought CHAP,
that one island could not hold them both ?"
A great council was called at Northampton, where Henry ^ ,, hq^
planned to accomplish the utter destruction of his competitor. Great
He was peremptorily summoned and compelled to attend. Northamp-
When seated among the peers, various charges were brought '*^"-
against him, of which several were alleged to amount to
high treason, and others sought to make him accountable for
larger sums of money than it was possible for him to repay.
This is the earliest state trial of which there is any account Trial of
extant ; and we have a very minute and seemingly very ac-
curate report of it.* It lasted a good many days, the court
sitting on Sundays as well as week days. The judges were
English prelates, and Norman as well as English barons.
The high treason consisted in the Archbishop not having ap-
peared when summoned in one of the King's courts, although
he had sent four knights to appear for him. He was found Found
guilty, and his person being admitted to be sacred, he was ^"' ^'
sentenced to forfeit all his goods and chattels, — a penalty
commuted for a fine of 500/.
Judgment was then prayed against him that he might Further
refund 300Z. of the rents which he had received as warden of ^^°l^^ '
Eye and Berkhamstead. He coolly answered that he would against
pay it ; for although he had expended a larger sum in repairs,
money should never prove a cause of dissension between him
and his Sovereign. The next item was 500/. alleged to have
been advanced to him when he was Chancellor, and lay
before Toulouse. He maintained that it was a gift, but he
was obliged to give sureties for the amount. Then followed
a demand which testified a total disregard of justice, and a
fixed determination to ruin him — 44,000 marks alleged to
have been received from vacant bishoprics and abbeys during
his chancellorship. He pleaded that he had been publicly
released of all such obligations under the King's authority,
by the Earl of Leicester and the Prince when he was con-
secrated, and that it was well known that he had spent all
these sums in the public service. His plea Avas overruled.
* St. Tr. vol. i. p. 1.
G 3
86 REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP. The object was to force his resignation, and Foliot strongly
^"- (not disinterestedly) advised him to yield ; but he would now
AD 1164 sooner submit to martyrdom.
The following morning, having first celebrated the
mass of St. Stephen with the office beginning " Princes
sat and spake against me," he proceeded to Court, arrayed
in his pontifical robes, and bearing in his hand the archi-
episcopal cross. The King, astonished at this parade,
retired with the barons into an inner apartment, and
was soon after followed by the bishops. Becket remained
alone with his attendants in calm and intrepid dignity.
Henry used the most violent language against him, in which
he was joined by his courtiers. Bloodshed being dreaded, the
bishops came to him in a body, and Hilary of Chichester said
to him in an upbraiding tone, " You were our primate, but
by opposing the royal customs you have broken your oath of
fealty to the King. A perjured archbishop has no right to
our obedience." " I have," was his only reply. The bishops
seated themselves on the opposite side of the hall, and solemn
silence long prevailed. At length the door opened, and the
Earl of Leicester, at the head of the barons, desired him to
listen to his sentence. " My sentence ! " interrupted the arch-
bishop. " Son and Sir Earl, hear me first; you know with
what fidelity I served the King, — how reluctantly, to please
him, I accepted my present office, and in what manner I was
declared by him free from all similar claims. For what hap-
pened before my consecration I ought not to answer, nor will
I. Know, moreover, that ye are my children in God ; neither
law nor reason allows you to judge your father. I therefore
decline your tribunal, and refer my quarrel to the de'cision of
the Pope. To him I appeal ; and shall now, under the pro-
tection of the Catholic Church and the apostolic see, depart."
As he slowly withdrew, some courtiers threw straw at him
which they picked up from the floor, and the voice of one
whom he recognised called out to him, " Traitor!" A feel-
ing of his ancient knightly prowess was for a moment excited,
and as soon suppressed. Turning round he rejoined, " Were
it not that my order forbids me, that coxoard should repent
of his insolence." At the gate the populace received him
THOMAS a .BECKET. 87
with acclamations, and he was conducted in triumph to his CHAP.
dweUino;.
He then asked permission to go beyond the seas, and being jj^ escapes
told that he should have his answer next morning, concluded to the Con-
that a plan had been laid to assassinate him in the night.
He pretended that he was going to seek sanctuary, and he had
a bed prepared for himself in a church ; but this was only to
further his escape, against which they had taken great pre-
cautions. By the help of a disguise he eluded the vigilance
of the guards stationed at the north gate of the town, and
assuming the name of " Brother Christian," and travelling
as a pilgrim, — after many adventures and perils he reached
Sandwich, and was safely landed at Gravelines.
Forthwith he visited the King of France, who was de-
lighted to receive and encourage him, as an instrument to
disturb the government of the King of England. He next
proceeded to Sens, the court of Pope Alexander, whose
feelings were more divided, and who was obliged to act with
more caution. The Pontiff, however, although he was un-
willing to incur the direct hostility of Henry, behaved with
generosity to the illustrious exile who had suffered so much
for the cause of the Church. Becket having resigned his
mitre, on the ground that there had been something un-
canonical in his original election, was immediately reinstated
by him with the archiepiscopal dignity, and a secure resi-
dence was assigned to him in the convent of Pontigny. Here Becket
he put on the habit of a Cistercian monk, and for some years fi^lte^jj^^the
found an asylum ; but he lived in state, and received strangers Abbey of
with great magnificence, having ample funds from the volun- °" '°"^'
tary contributions of his admirers. The persecution he had
undergone had made all his errors be forgotten, and he was
now high in the favour of mankind. With general applause
he compared himself to our blessed Saviour, who had been
condemned by a lay tribunal, and who, he said, " was crucified
anew in the present oppressions under which his Church
laboured." He still pretended to be the spiritual father of the
King and all the people of England ; propounded the doctrine
that kings reign solely by the authority of the Church, and
threatened to pronounce sentence of excommunication against
88
REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP.
III.
Measures
of the
King.
AD. 1167.
Becket
goes to
Rome.
A.D. 1168.
the King, whereby his subjects would be absolved from their
allegiance.
Henry, on the other hand, sequestrated all Becket's pro-
perty in England ; banished his servants and dependants, to
the number of 400 ; suspended the payment of Peter's pence ;
made overtures for an alliance with the Emperor Frederic
Barbarossa, the enemy of Alexander ; and indicated an inten-
tion of recognising the Antipope Pascal III. as the true
successor of St. Peter.
The exiled Archbishop, being forced from his retreat at
Pontigny, by a threat of Henry to confiscate the possessions
of all the Cistercian abbeys in England, took shelter some
time at Sens, and afterwards removed to the city of Rome,
of which Alexander had got possession on the death of Victor
the succeeding Antipope. In this interval he wrote many
letters, which are still extant, to support his cause, — some
addressed to the Pope, some to the English bishops, and
some to Henry himself, whose heart he attempted to touch by
addressing him in a very different strain from that to which
they had been accustomed when, as boon companions, they
had both rather laughed at sacred things.*
The English nation, and even the English clergy, took p%rt
with their sovereign, and treated the primate as a factious
and turbulent demagogue, who was looking only to gratify
his own vanity and to aggrandise his own power f; but in the
continental dominions of England there was a strong dispo-
sition to regard him as a martyr and a hero, and Henry
• Speaking of Henry's supposed persecution of the Church, he says, " the
Daughter of Zion — the Spouse of the great King — is held captive in your
hand." — Ep. Beck. lib. iv. ep. 63.
t This appears clearly from the letters addressed to him which are preserved.
Thus writes the Bishop of Lisieux ; — " Some think that your struggle does not
proceed from virtue but from pride ; that still the Chancellor in spirit, you are
striving that none should resist your will ; that you seek to make the diadem
subordinate to the Church, and that you hope that having overcome royalty, your
power will be without limit or control." L. i. ep. 85. So the clergy in an
address to him, after ironically reciting his pretences to piety, they advise him
to continue in a course of humility and charity, and abstaining from injury and
menaces, to advance his cause by patience, meekness, and dependence on Heaven.
" Study with paternal care to feed the sheep committed to your charge, that they
may have life, peace, and security." Ibid. John of Salisbury wrote him a
private letter in a still severer strain, concluding with the words, " Take it as
you please," — " vos accii)iatis ut placet," and was excommunicated for his
pains — Ep. 31.
THOMAS a BECKET. 89
trembled for the consequences of being put under the ban of chap.
the Church. Alexander now could afford to support Becket
more openly, and conferred legatine powers upon him, which
rendered him more formidable. Had England alone been
concerned, Henry might probably, like his successor of his
own name, have entirely thrown off the yoke of Rome ; but
he was obliged to temporise; for the Pope and Louis, of
whom he held his fair provinces in France as liege sovereign,
were stirring up a most formidable resistance to his authority.
The crisis was hastened by the offence taken on account a.d. ii69.
of the coronation of Henry, the King's son, by the Arch- J'Sl'*"
bishop of York, in derogation of the rights of the see of son by
Canterbury, and in the teeth of a papal bull enjoining that no o/york °^
Ena-lish prelate except the primate should officiate at this against
* ^ r r Papal bull.
ceremony.
Henry saw with alarm that the thunder which he had so
long feared was about to burst upon him, and he was ready
to resort to any expedient which should not permanently
disable him from future resistance, for the purpose of now
averting the storm. Negotiations were repeatedly attempted
without effect ; — the King in the terms proposed always in-
sisting on a salvo to " his royal dignity," — and the Archbishop
on a salvo to " tlie honour of God," — each of which was in-
dignantly rejected as a cloak for treachery. Henry tried to
gain over tlie King of France to his side, by an appeal to
their common interests as sovereigns, saying, " There have
been many Kings of England, some of greater, some of less
authority than myself; there have also been many Arch-
bishops of Canterbury, holy and good men, and entitled to
every sort of respect. Let Becket but act towards me with
the same submission which the greatest of his predecessors
have paid to the least of mine, and there shall be no con-
troversy between us." Louis, struck with this mode of
putting the case, professed to condemn the primate, but was
soon again carried away by a common feeling of animosity
to Henry.
At last it was agreed that the King of England and the A.n. 1170.
Archbishop of Canterbury should have a personal interview j'"*^'^^'^*^
in a spacious meadow near the town of Fereitville, on the Becket and
90 REIGN OF HENllY II.
CHAP, borders of Touraine. Henry pretended to be desirous of a
^^^' cordial and permanent reconciliation, but still fostered secret
^^^^ j^^ schemes of vengeance, and privately took an oath that he
Fert-itville. would stop short of giving the Archbishop " the kiss of
A.v. 1170. pg^^^n which, like eating salt with an enemy among eastern
nations, would have for ever prevented him from executing
or being privy to any act of violence against him.*
However, they met with apparent cordiality. As soon as
Becket appeared, the King galloped up with his cap in his
hand, and respectfully saluted him ; and, as if there never
had been any difference between them, addressed him with
the easy familiarity which had distinguished their foi'mer
friendship. Henry, carrying his politeness to an excess
which might have excited the suspicion of the Archbishop,
exclaimed, " As for the men who have betrayed both you and
me, I will make them such return as the deserts of traitors
require." The Archbishop, probably likewise dissembling
his real feelings, — as if melted to submission and tenderness,
— alighted from his horse, and threw himself at the feet of his
Sovereign. But the King immediately raised him, and,
holding his stirrup, insisted that he should remount, saying,
" In short, my Lord Archbishop, let us renew our ancient
affection for each other." Then returning to his attendants,
he observed, " I find the Archbishop in the best disposition
towards me ; were I otherwise towards him, I should be the
worst of men." The articles agreed between the high con-
tracting parties were, — That the King should restore to the
Archbishop the possessions of the see of Canterbury, taking
him into his grace and favour, — and in mercy make amends
to that Church for the injury it had sustained at the late
coronation of his son: — in return for which the King was
promised love, honour, and every service which an Archbishop
* We have a lively description from an eye-witness of the effect produced
upon Henry by receiving a dispatch disclosing a new machination of the arch-
bisliop, and we may conceive how mucli it must have cost him, even for a short
time, to affect moderation. " He threw his cap from his head, imfastened his
belt, cloak, and vest, scattered them to a distance, with his own hand tore off
the silk covering from his l)ed, and began to gnaw pieces of straw." " Pileum
de capite projecit, — balteum discussit, pallium et vestes longius abjecit, —
stratum sericeum quod erat supra lectum manu propria reraovit — et coepit stra-
minis masticare festucas." — L. i. ep. 44.
THOMAS a BECKET. 91
could render in the Lord to his earthly Sovereign; — that CHAp.
the Archbishop should return to England to resume the
exercise of his sacred functions, and that the King should ^ ^ ^^q
furnish him with a sum of money to discharge his debts, and
defray the expenses of his journey.
Henry was then asked to seal the compact with '"■ the kiss Peace of
ofpeace,^^ but he declined, — making this excuse: — "In my
own country I will kiss his face, hands, and feet, a hundred
times ; but now let it be postponed. To salute him in Eng-
land will be thought an act of favour and affection ; it would
look like compulsion here."
The French King construed this refusal as a proof of Henry re-
unextinguished resentment, and counselled Becket not to Becket the
leave France ; but the Archbishop said that " duty called *'«« »/
him to England, whatever perils he might encounter." After
some interval, during which the kiss of peace was studiously
avoided by Henry, Becket took leave of him with a fore-
boding mind, emphatically telling him he was afraid he
should see him no more. Henry exclaimed, " Do you take
me for a traitor?" Becket added these pathetic words,
which, however he may have feigned on other occasions, he
probably spoke with sincerity : " Necessity obliges me, in the
lowly state to which I am reduced, to revisit ray afflicted
Church. I go. Sir, with your permission, perhaps to perish
for its security, unless you protect me. But whether I live
or die, yours I am, and yours I shall ever be, in the Lord.
Whatever may befall me, may the blessing of God fall upon
you and your children !"
Henry promised to meet him at the sea- coast, to supply iienry
him there with the stipulated pecuniary aid, and to accom- ^'r^aks ins
. . engage-
pany lum to England ; but failed in all these promises, and ment.
Becket was obliged to borrow 300/. for the payment of his
debts and expenses, from the Archbishop of Rouen, and to
embark under the superintendence of John of Oxford, with
whom he had had a personal feud, and who was set over him
as a spy.
Finding the King still so hostile, he determined to make Bucket
,1 , . p ,1 • 1 • resolves on
the most vigorous use ot the weapons now m his own power, veno-eance.
and to maintain his independence and ascendancy to the last
92
KEIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP.
III.
A.D. 1170.
Becket re-
turns to
England.
Ileccption
at Canter-
bury.
extremity. The Pope, before he heard of the peace of
Fercitville, had issued letters of excommunication against the
Archbishop of York and the Bishops of London and Salis-
bury for officiating at the coronation of the King's son, con-
trary to the papal bull. Becket having received these letters,
at first, for the sake of peace, had wisely resolved to suppress
them ; but in a fit of irritation he now dispatched them to
England, before himself, by a trusty messenger, who had in-
structions to elude the search for bulls from Rome, now
strictly made at all the outports, and who succeeded in pub-
lishing them at Canterbury, so as to give effect to them
according to the canon law. The three excommunicated
prelates inveighed against the Archbishop's implacable hatred
of his opponents and unquenchable thirst for agitation ; they
denounced him to the young King as a person who was
coming to tear the crown from his head ; and they hastened
to Normandy to inflame the resentment and to invoke the
vengeance of Henry.
Becket being informed that it would be dangerous for him
to land at Dover, Avhere the castle was garrisoned by the
King's troops, directed his ship to Sandwich, then a port
belonging to his see, where he was sure of a good reception
from his tenants. After he had disembarked he experienced
some rudeness from the sheriff of Kent, who hastened to the
spot with a band of soldiers, and without venturing to offer
any violence to him, told him that he was entering the land
with fire and sword, that he had excommunicated the Arch-
bishop of York and two other prelates for merely doing their
duty, and that unless he took better counsel it would be
safer for him to remain in foreign parts. The Archbishop
boldly asserted his right to punish the prelates for dis-
obedience to their canonical superiors, and, denying all trea-
sonable intentions, expressed his resolution to defend the
liberties of the Church.
His march to Canterbury was a triumphal procession.
There, to honour his return, banquets of unexampled splen-
dour were prepared ; the cathedral was hung with silks and
precious vestments, and as he walked up to take possession
of his throne, the notes of the organ were drowned by the
THOMAS a BECKET.
93
sound of trumpets, the ringing of bells, and the shouts of the CHAP,
multitude, thrown into all the raptures of religious enthusiasm. '
Encouraged by this expression of public feeling, he made a ^d. ii7o.
progress to London, intimating that, under his archiepiscopal Visit to
and legatine powers, he there meant to begin his visitations
on those ecclesiastics whose conduct had been uncanonical in
his absence. The dignitaries of the church, who had taken
part against him, now under great apprehensions, expos-
tulated with him for disturbing the public tranquillity.
He answered, "that the peace of sinners was no peace; that
the Pope had sent a mandate ordering evil peace to be
broken ; that Jerusalem in her wealth and self-indulgence
might think she was at peace, but that the Divine vengeance
was hovering over her." He was every where greeted with
the loudest acclamations of the multitude, who believed that
he had been persecuted, and among whom a notion very
generally prevailed that he had quarrelled with the King in
standing up for the Saxon race. As he approached South-
wark the metropolis was emptied of its inhabitants — the
clergy, the laity, men and women of all ranks and ages pour-
ing forth to meet him, and celebrating with hymns of joy his
triumphant entrance.
He was very desirous of seeing Prince Henry, over whom. Is ordered
as his pupil, he hoped to exercise great influence ; but the Ca*nte*r° '
King's ministers, who carried on the government in the ^^u-
Prince's name, became alarmed, and sent a peremptory order
to the Archbishop immediately to return to Canterbury, and
not to march through any towns or castles on his way back.
He obeyed — travelling privately in company with a few
knights, to protect him from insult. When he arrived at
Canterbury, meeting with many indignities from those con-
nected with the government, he had a presentiment of his
fate : he told his clergy that the quarrel could not now end
without effusion of blood, and he wrote to the Pope that the
sword of death hung over him, but that he was ready to perish
in the cause which, however unworthy, he had been called by
Providence to support.
On Christmas day, celebrating high mass himself, and Excommu-
preaching to the people, he took occasion to say that one of "/,ree^^re
latcs.
94 REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP, their Archbishops had been a martyr, and that it was possible
'"■ they might have another, but he should never flinch from his
A.n. 1170. ^^^y ; ^"^^ ^^c concluded the service of this sacred anniversary
with pronouncing the excommunication of the three prelates,
with all the energy and fierceness which could be engendered
by religious fanaticism and personal resentment.
Dec. L'9. On the fourth day afterwards, about two in the afternoon,
Arr?val at entered abruptly the Archbishop's apartment the four knights
Canterbury whosc names have become so famous in the martyrdom of
knights St. Thomas, Reginald Fitzurse, William Tracy, Hugh de
sworn to Morvillc, and Richard Brito. They had been present at the
Becket. court of Henry in Normandy when, on the arrival of the
three excommunicated prelates and their account of Becket's
insolent proceedings in England, the King had exclaimed: —
" Of the cowards who eat my bread, is there not one who will
free me from this turbulent priest?" — Construing this ex-
pression into a royal licence, or recommendation, or command,
they bound themselves by oath to return to England and
avenge their Sovereign. To avoid suspicion they travelled by
separate routes, and they met at Saltwood, near Canterbury,
the residence of Robert de Broc, a baron included in the
excommunication, to axTange their operations. Henry was not
aware of their departure, and sent other messengers to arrest
Becket. The four knights, however, having collected a large
military force from the neighbouring castles, entered the city
of Canterbury, and ordered the mayor to arm the citizens and
have them ready for the King's service. He hesitated, sus-
pecting their design, when he was commanded, as he valued
his own safety, to keep all quiet within the walls whatever
might happen.
They enter They were unarmed when they appeared before the Arcli-
sence. bishop, and seating themselves without saluting him, they first
tried to gain his submission by intimidations, and in the King's
name ordered him forthwith to absolve the excommunicated
prelates. With the greatest calmness and intrepidity he re-
plied, that the Pope alone could decide the case of the Arch-
bishop of York ; but that he himself would absolve the others,
on condition that they previously took the accustomed oath of
submitting to the determination of the Church. " From whom
THOMAS a BECKET. 95
had you your archbishopric?" demanded Reginald. "Its CHAP,
temporals from the King," said Becket, " its spirituals from
God and the Pope." The barons murmured, and gnashed ^^ j,. 1170.
their teeth. Becket, still undaunted, said to them, — " In
vain you menace me. If all the swords in England were
brandishing over my head, your terrors could not move me.
Foot to foot, you would find me fighting the battle of the
Lord." It so happened that three of them had been in his
service when he was Chancellor, and had sworn allegiance to
him. Alluding to this circumstance, he added, in a tone of
tenderness, " Knowing what has passed between you and me,
I wonder that you should threaten me in my own house."
" We will do more than threaten," cried Reginald, fiercely,
— and with his accomplices left the apartment. They then
rushed through the hall to the fore-court, where was stationed
the band that had accompanied them, and called " to arms."
Reginald having put on his mail, seized an axe, and began to
batter the gate Avhich had been shut against them.
The Archbishop's attendants were in an agony of alarm ; Calm and
but he, neither in look, tone, or gesture, betrayed the slightest condu^t'o'f
symptom of apprehension. In this moment of suspense, the Becket.
voices of the monks singing vespers in the adjoining choir were
heard, and it being suggested that the church offered the
best chance of safety, Becket agreed to join the worshippers
there, thinking that, at all events, if he were murdered before
the altar, his death would be more glorious, and his memory
would be held in greater veneration by after ages. He then
ordered the cross of Canterbury to be carried before him,
and slowly followed his friends through the cloister. He
entered the church by the north transept, and hearing the
gates barred behind him, he ordered them to be re-opened,
saying, that the temple of God was not to be fortified like a
castle. He was ascending the steps of the choir when the
four knights, with twelve companions, all in complete armour,
burst into the church, their leader calling out, " Hither, to
me, ye servants of the King."
As it was now dusk the Archbishop might have retreated
and concealed himself, for a time at least, among the crypts
and secret passages of the building, with which he was well
AD. 1170.
96 REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP, acquainted ; but, undismayed, he turned to meet the assassins,
'"• followed by his cross-bearer, the only one of his attendants
who had not fled. A voice was heard — "Where is the
traitor?" Silence for a moment prevailed ; but when Fitz-
urse demanded — "Where is the Archbishop?" he replied,
" Here I am ; the Archbishop, but no traitor ! Keginald,
I have granted thee many favours. What is thy object now ?
If you seek my life, let that suffice ; and I command you,
in the name of God, not to touch one of my people."
Assassina- Being again told that he must instantly absolve the pre-
*'"",''^ lates, he answered, " Till they make satisfaction I will not
Bucket
absolve them." " Then die," said Tracy. The blow aimed
at his head only slightly wounded him, as it was warded off
by the faithful cross-bearer, whose arm was broken by its
force. The Archbishop, feeling the blood trickle down his
face, joined his hands and bowed his head, saying, " In the
name of Christ, and for the defence of his Church, I am
ready to die." To mitigate the sacrilege, they wished to
remove him from the church before they despatched him ;
but he declared he should there meet his fate, and retaining
the same posture, desired them to execute their intentions or
their orders, and, uttering his last words, he said, " I humbly
commend my spirit to God, who gave it." He had hardly
finished this prayer when a second stroke quickly threw him
on his knees, and a third laid him prostrate on the floor, at
the foot of the altar. There he received many blows from
each of the conspirators, and his brains were strewed upon
the pavement.
Thus perished, in the fifty-third year of his age, the man
who, of all English Chancellors since the foundation of the
monarchy, was of the loftiest ambition, of the greatest firm-
ness of purpose, and the most capable of making every
sacrifice to a sense of duty or for the acquisition of renown.
To the general historian it belongs to narrate the escape
of the conspirators and their subsequent destiny, — the in-
dignation and horror of the whole Christian world when the
deed was made public, — the remorse of Henry, and the
humiliations to which he submitted by way of penance and
atonement, — together with the permanent consequences of
THOMAS ii BECKET. 97
this memorable controversy upon religion and the state. I CHAP.
must content myself with a short notice of subsequent occur-
rences connected personally with Becket, and an attempt at
a fair estimation of his character.
The government tried to justify or palliate the murder. The Horror of
Archbishop of York likened Thomas a Becket to Pharaoh, ^ ^^°^ ^'
who died by the Divine vengeance, as a punishment for his
hardness of heart ; and a proclamation was issued, forbidding
any one to speak of Thomas of Canterbury as a martyr : but
the feelings of men were too strong to be checked by
authority ; pieces of linen which had been dipped in his
blood Avere preserved as relics ; from the time of his death
it was believed that miracles were worked at his tomb ;
thither flocked hundreds of thousands, in spite of the most
violent threats of punishment ; at the end of two years he Becket
was canonised at Rome, and, till the breaking out of the *'*"'^"'^^ •
Reformation, St. Thomas of Canterbury, for pilgrimages and
prayers, was the most distinguished Saint in England.
Henry VIII., when he wished to throw off the authority Quo war
of the Pope, thinking: that as long as the name of St. Thomas ^^1"*° ^^
i ^ o o ^ Henry
should remain in the calendar men would be stimulated by VIII. to
his example to brave the ecclesiastical authority of the Sove- ^^^^l
reign, instructed his Attorney- General to file a quo warranto
information against him for usurping the office of a Saint, and
he was formally cited to appear in court to answer the
charge. Judgment of ouster would have passed against him
by default had not the King, to show his impartiality and
gueat regard for the due administration of justice, assigned
him counsel at the public expense. The cause being called,
and the Attorney-General and the advocate for the accused
being fully heard, with such proofs as were offered on both
sides, sentence was pronounced, that " Thomas, sometime
Archbishop of Canterbury, had been guilty of contumacy,
treason, and rebellion ; that his bones should be publicly
burnt, to admonish the living of their duty by the punish-
ment of the dead ; and that the offerings made at his shrine
should be forfeited to the Crown." A proclamation fol-
lowed, stating, that " forasmuch as it now clearly appeared
that Thomas Becket had been killed in a riot excited by his
VOL. I. H
98
REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP.
III.
Character
of Becket.
By liis
vitupera-
tors.
own obstinacy and intemperate language, and had been after-
wards canonised by the Bishop of Rome as the champion of
his usurped authority, the King's Majesty thought it expe-
dient to declare to his loving subjects that he was no saint,
but rather a rebel and traitor to his Prince, and therefore
strictly charged and commanded that he should not be
esteemed or called a saint ; that all images and pictures of
him should be destroyed, the festivals in his honour be
abolished, and his name and remembrance be erased out of
all books, under pain of his Majesty's indignation and im-
prisonment at his Grace's pleasure."*
But the permanent reputation of Becket must depend on
the qualities he displayed, and the actions he performed in
his lifetime ; not on the decrees of popes or the proclamations
of kings since his death. In considering his merits and
defects, it is, above all, requisite to guard against religious
prejudices, by which he has been elevated into a hero of
almost spotless virtue, or degraded into a hypocrite, stained
with the crimes of ingratitude and perjury.
The early part of his career, so brilliant and so successful,
is not liable to any severe censure. His participation in the
irregularities of his youthful Sovereign is denied, and when
repented of might be forgiven. All the functions of the office
of Chancellor he is allowed to have fulfilled most satisfactorily,
and the measures which he recommended as minister were
just and prudent. His military prowess and skill we cannot
read of without being dazzled; and, with the exception of
Ignatius Loyola, there is probably no such striking meta-
morphosis of a soldier into a saint. The grand dispute re-
specting his character and conduct begins from the time
when, being consecrated Archbishop, he resigned the Great
Seal. As he proved such a champion of the supremacy of
the Pope, it is perhaps not surprising that in recent times
his vituperators are bigoted Protestants, and his unqualified
eulogists are intolerant Roman Catholics.
The former contend that Becket, being in reality little
better than an infidel, had nothino; in view but his own
• Walk. Con. iii. 385. 841, Burn. Ref. 152.
THOMAS a BECKET. 91
aggrandisement, which he thought he could most promote CHAP,
by exalting the power of the Church; — that he had long
aimed at the primacy, with the intention, as soon as he
had obtained it, to trample on the Crown ; and that, to dis-
arm the suspicion of the King, he pretended to conform to
all his notions respecting ecclesiastical as well as secular
affairs ; — that from the moment of his elevation he threw off
the mask, and did every thing in his power to annoy and
injure his benefactor, as if animated by the most deadly spite
against him ; — that he proved his want of principle by
swearing to observe the Constitutions of Clarendon, and
immediately afterwards, regardless of his oath, infringing
them himself, and stirring up others to resist them ; —
that during his banishment, though he displayed firmness
worthy of a better cause, he continued, from selfish motives,
to refuse all reasonable terms of accommodation, and to plot
against his Sovereign and his country ; — that when at last
restored, he broke the engagements into which he had entered,
persecuted his opponents with implacable resentment, and
showed that, according to his long-fostered design, he was still
determined to make priests in the West, like Brahmins in the
East, the dominant caste, for the purpose of himself, as their
leader, exercising absolute sway ; — that he provoked his tragi-
cal end; — and that, although the deed of his assassins cannot
be strictly defended, there is reason to rejoice in it, as the
hazards and the evils of his daring enterprise were thus
shown to be greater than the advantages to be attained by
it, — ecclesiastical encroachment was effectually checked, —
and no more Odos, Dunstans, Anselms, or Beckets appear in
our annals.
On the other hand, say the undiscriminating worshippers By liis
of Papal supremacy, — Becket having had the primacy pressed ^" °^^ ^*
upon him by the King for the purpose of subverting the
authority of the Church, so necessary to the maintenance of
true religion, then, for the first time, thought seriously of the
duties and obligations of this new dignity, and his eyes were
at once opened to the necessity of a new course of life, both
for his own sake and for the good of others. Although, like
Wolsey in a subsequent age, he might have joined in his
H 2
100 REIGN OP HENRY II.
CHAP, own person all civU and spiritual power, enjoyed ease, wealth,
^"* and pleasure, and reigned in the King's name, he saw that
such a course, however agreeable, would be sinful; — that
great sacrifices were required from him, and that he must
thenceforth exclusively dedicate himself to the discharge of his
spiritual duties. He therefore afforded the single instance
which has ever occurred of tlie Chancellorship being volunta-
rily resigned, either by layman or ecclesiastic. He meditated
nothing beyond what belonged properly to his sacred office,
when the King began the persecution against him, which only
ended with his murder. The Constitutions of Clarendon,
however consonant to the doctrines of WicklifFe, afterwards
adopted by Luther, were inconsistent with the clear precepts
of the gospel, and the privileges and immunities conferred
upon the apostles and their successors, and, at all events, were
inconsistent with established law and custom. In a moment
of weakness Becket promised to observe them ; but this was
to save himself from fatal violence which then threatened,
and at last overtook him. A forced promise is not binding,
and from this promise he was formally absolved by the Vicar
of Christ. The unfounded charges brought against him at
Northampton, and the unjust pecuniary demands then made
upon him, with the threats of personal outrage, rendered it
necessary for him to seek an asylum on the Continent, to ap-
peal to foreign nations, and to put himself under the protection
of the common Father of Christians. While at Pontlgny,
Sens, and at Rome, he was always willing to make any per-
sonal sacrifice for reconciliation, so that the cause of religion
was safe ; but the King, under pretence of guarding his royal
dignity, was still bent on prosecuting his scheme for annihilat-
ing the influence of the clergy, which nothing but the heroic
courage of one man hindered him from accomplishing. The
conditions solemnly ratified at Fereitvllle the King was the
first to violate. The excommunication of the three prelates
was in strict accordance with the canon law, which was parcel
of the law of the land ; and Becket's only chance, either of
personal safety or of preserving the liberties of the country,
was then to enforce the rights which clearly belonged to his
office and to his ordei'. His martyrdom must be considered one
of the most splendid that has occurred since the propagation
THOMAS a BECKET. 101
of the gospel to edify Christians, for, not ignorant of what CHAP.
was prepared for him, and being able at any time, by a slight
concession, to avert his fate, he braved the assassins whom he
could not withstand, and he received the deadly wounds they
inflicted upon him with a constancy which could only have
proceeded from a fervent faith in the promises of revelation,
and the immediate aid of its divine Author.
Setting aside exaggeration, and miracle, and religious pre- Just esti-
judice, I must confess I am inclined to think that this last ^aracte"'
view of Becket is not only the more merciful, but the
more just. I cannot doubt his sincerity, and almost all
will agree that he believed himself to be sincere. Let us
consider the sudden effect of the touch of the mitre on men
of honour in our own time. It must be remembered that
by the same ardour and enthusiasm he was led to put on a
coat of mail and engage in single combat with a stalwart
knight, and afterwards to Avear a shirt of hair and to submit
to the discipline of the whip. If he bore implacable resent-
ment, he showed inflexible resolution in the support of what
he consi^pred a good cause, willingly submitting to poverty,
exile, and death itself.
Both sides concur in ascribing to him brilliant talents. Result,
great acquirements, and delightful manners, which captivated
alike king and commonalty.
Some have lately thought they discovered in Becket a Whether
patriot who took up the cause of the Saxons, and quarrelled pi,am^bn
with the Normans in trying to obtain justice for his country- of Saxon
men; but although he is celebrated for his impartiality to
both races while Chancellor, I can find nothing political in
his subsequent disputes, — which appear to me to have been
purely between the civil and spiritual authorities, and not
between race and race.*
* Thierry, the great supporter of the notion that Becket's actions and his fate
are to be explained from his being the champion of the Saxon race against Nor-
man oppression, quotes (iii. 190.) from a note in Hearne's edition of William
of Newbury ; —
" Willelmus Maltret percussit cum pede sanctum
Defunctum, dicens ; Pereat nunc proditor illc,
Qui regem regnumque suum turbavit, et omnes
Angligenas adversus eum consurgere fecit."
But there was no insurrection in England during' Henry's reign, and the poem
H 3
102 REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP. We can best judge him by the large collection of his
letters which have come down to us. In these, although we
Becket's should in vain look for the classical style and delicate raillery
letters. of Erasmus, we find a vigour, an earnestness, and a reach of
thought quite unexampled in the productions of the age in
which he lived. Making us familiar with him, they ex-
plain to us the extraordinary ascendancy which he acquired
over the minds of mankind.*
from which these lines are taken, giving an exaggerated account of the martyr-
dom of St. Thomas, is evidently the production of a later age.
* See Fitzstephen, Hoveden, Quadrologus, Lord Lyttelton's History of
Henry II., Thierry's History of the Norman Conquest, Epist. Sane. Thom. ;
Sanctus Thomas Cantuariensis, ed. J. A. Giles ; and a Life of Becket in the
" English Review," for September and December 1 846.
JOHN — KODOLPHUS — WALTER, CHANCELLORS. 103
CHAPTER IV.
CHANCELLORS FROM THE RESIGNATION OF THOMAS a BECKET
TO THE DEATH OF HENRY H.
The history of the Great Seal during the reign of Henry II. CHAP.
is left in a state of much uncertainty from the time when it '
was resigned in 1162 by Thomas a Becket till it ^as deli- obscure
vered in 1181 to Geoifrey Plantagenet, the King's natural Chancel-
-ri** i-i rtT"i«/>» Jors sitter
son. In this mterval there were very powerful chief jus- Becket.
ticiars — Richard de Luci, and Robert Earl of Leicester ; and
they probably rendered the office of Chancellor for the time
of little consequence. However, we find the names of several
who are said to have held it.
First, "Joannes Cancellarius "* occurs ; but of this John Chancellor
we know not the surname, nor what other dignity he ever ^ ^ {,,^3
attained. Next comes Rodolphus de Warnavilla, of whom
we only know that when he was appointed he was arch-
deacon of Rohan. I The third is Walter de Constantiis, who
was made Bishop of Ely. Although the last is supposed to
have been at one time Chancellor to the King, it would
appear that in the year 1175 he only held the Great Seal as
a deputy, if we may judge from the account given us by
Hoveden of an embassy to the Earl of Flanders, in which he
was joined with the famous Ranulphus de Glanvil, after-
wards Chief Justiciar, and the earliest writer on the Law
of England. On this occasion he is described as " Vice- Can-
cellarius.":}; What share any of these Chancellors had in the
stirring events of the time, — the framing of the Constitutions
of Clarendon, — the deadly controversy with Becket, — the
conquest of Ireland, — the war with Scotland, — the feudal
• Spel. Glos. 109. t Ih. Or. Jur. 3.
I Et ad audieiiQum inde responsum comitis ( Flandrue) misit Walterum de
Constantiis, Vice-Cancellarium suum ct Raimlphum de Glanvilla. Hoveden,
P. ii. p. 561. n. 10.
B 4
104
REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP.
IV.
Geoffrey
Planta-
GENET,
Chancellor.
His birth
and educa-
tion.
A bishop.
His mili-
tary ex-
ploits.
subjection of that country on the capture of William the
Scottish King, and the continued disputes and wars between
Henry and his sons, we shall never learn.
It is the fashion of historians down to a much later era, to
ascribe all the acts of government, even those connected with
leo^islation and domestic administration, to the autocracy of
the nominal chief of the state ; but the most active sovereign
could only in general have the merit of selecting good coun-
sellors and taking good advice ; and if our sovereigns would
sometimes lose credit, they might as often be relieved from
obloquy, by a disclosure of the share which each minister
had in the measures of their reign.
We now come to another Chancellor, whose origin, career,
and character are well known to history. In the year 1181
Henry delivered the Great Seal to Geoffrey, his son by
the fair Rosamond.* Of all his progeny, legitimate or ille-
gitimate, this was his favourite. The boy was tenderly reared
at Court, and as he displayed lively parts, great pains were
taken with his education. He could not have a regular
appanage, as if he had been a son of the Queen, but it was
thought that an ample provision might be made for him in
the Church. While yet a youth, he was appointed archdeacon
of Lincoln, and while in the 20th year of his age, by royal
mandate he was elected bishop of that see. For a consi-
derable time, under favour of a papal dispensation, he enjoyed
the temporalities, without having been consecrated bishop,
or even admitted into holy orders. A rebellion breaking out
in 1 1 74, he raised a large military force, took several castles,
displayed great personal prowess, and was of essential service
in reducing the insurgent Barons to subjection.
When Henry was raising an army to repel an invasion of
the Scots, Geoffrey joined him, and brought, under his own
banner, 140 knights raised in his bishopric, with many more
men-at-arms, well mounted and accoutred. The King re-
ceived him with much joy, and said in the hearing of a great
multitude of persons who were present at their meeting, —
" My other sons, by their conduct, have proved themselves
Orig. Jur. 1. Spel Glos«. 109.
GEOFFREY PLANTAGENET, CHANCELLOR. 105
bastards, but this alone has shown himself to be really my CHAP.
true and legitimate son."
Though as a soldier Geoffrey obtained reputation, he was ^^^ jjgj
very deficient in his duty as a churchman, and after being
seven years a bishop, he still refused to become a priest. At
last, in the year 1181, Pope Alexander III. sent a mandate
to Richard, Archbishop of Canterbury, requiring the Primate
to compel him by ecclesiastical censures no longer to defer
what could not without scandal be any longer dispensed with,
or to renounce his election to the bishopric of Lincoln.
The slender restraints then imposed on ecclesiastical dig-
nitaries weighed with him little, but to priestly tonsure and
tunics he would not submit ; and as in spitg of all remonstrance
he persisted in sincerely saying, " Nolo episcopari," — so the see
was declared vacant and bestowed on another. This was not
from any levity of character or love of idleness, for Geoffrey had
applied himself diligently to study, and had made considerable
progress in the civil and canon law. By way of indemnity Receives
for his loss, the office of Chancellor was conferred upon him. a ^ ea .
Even in those days such an appointment must have been His con-
considered a very glaring job, the young man, notwithstanding ^^ ^^j,
his talents and acquirements, being entirely without expe-
rience, and the custody of the Great Seal having important
judicial duties annexed to it. Nevertheless, he is said to
have dedicated himself to business in a very exemplary
manner, and to have given considerable satisfaction to the
public.
A doubt exists how long he remained in the office. Some
accounts represent him as holding it during the remaining
eight years of his father's reign *, while there are notices of
three others having during this interval been in possession of the
Great Seal, — Nigel, Bishop of Ely f, Walter de Bidun:}:,
and the before-mentioned Walter de Constantiis. Perhaps
the authorities may be reconciled by supposing that these
merely assisted as Vice-Chancellors, while Geoffrey remained
Chancellor, enjoying the dignity and emoluments of the office
* TViis opinion is espoused by Lord Lyttelton in his History of Henry IL
f Cart. 5 Ed. 3. m. L | Lei. Coll. vol.'i. p. 38.
His filial
piety.
106 REIGN OF HENRY II.
CHAP, till his father's death. Eanulphus de Glanvil was now Chief
^^' Justiciar, and he must have thrown into the shade all others
connected with the administration of the law. A skilful
military commander, he quelled a dangerous rebellion and
gained a brilliant victory over the Scots, taking their King
prisoner ; he presided with distinguished lustre in the Ai^la
Regia ; and he wrote a book on the law and constitution of
England, which is now read by all who wish to acquire a
critical knowledge of them as they stood in the first century
after the Conquest, before they were modified by the great
charter of King John.*
AD. 1189. Whatever might be the qualifications of Geoifrey Plan-
tagenet for his office of Chancellor, all authors are loud in his
praise for his steady fidelity and attachment to the King,
while his brothers were constantly thwarting and annoying
him, and were often in arms against him. In 1189, near the
close of this reign, the pious Chancellor fought valiantly by
his father's side in a hard-contested battle near Frenelles in
Normandy, and the English army being obliged to retreat in
some disorder, he offered to keep watch at an outpost,
fatigued and spent as he was, while his father should enjoy
some repose ; but Henry would not suffer him to be his guard
with so much danger to himself.
Soon after, hearing of his father's dangerous illness at
Chinon, he hastened thither, and finding him so much op-
pressed by fever that he could not sit up in his bed, he gently
raised his head and supported it on his own bosom. Henry
fetched a deep sigh, and turning his languid eyes upon him,
said : — " My dearest son, as you have in all changes of
fortune behaved yourself most dutifully and affectionately to
me, doing all that the best of sons could do, so will I, if the
* Glanvil not having been Chancellor, I do not feel myself at liberty to give
any detailed account of his life; but I may be excused transcribing in a note a
character of him to be found in the preface to the eighth part of Lord Coke's
reports " Et nota quod pra;fatus Ranulph' de Glanvilla fuit vir praeclarissimus
generc ufpote de nobili sanguine, vir insuper strenuissimus corpore, qui provec-
tiori relate ad Terram Sanctam properavit et ibidem contra inamicos crucis
Christi strenuissime usque ad necem dimicavit." Coke seems to envy the glory
of the crusader ; for though he himself had " written learnedly and profoundly,"
his own exploits as ex-chief justice when sheriff of Buckinghamshire, could not
compare with those of ex-chief justice Glanvil.
GEOFFREY PLANTAGENET, CHANCELLOR. 107
mercy of God shall permit me to recover from this sickness, chap.
make such returns to you as the fondest of fathers can make, "
and place you among the greatest and most powerful subjects
in all my dominions. But if death should prevent my ful-
filling this intention, may God, to whom the recompence of
all goodness belongs, reward you for me." — " I have no soli-
citude," replied Geoffrey, " but that you may recover and may
be happy."
The King with his last breath expressed a wish that this
pious son should be provided for by his successor, — a wish
that was held sacred by the penitent Richard.
Geoffrey, dutiful to the last, attended the corpse to the
nunnery of Fontevrault, — where blood running from its
mouth at the approach of Richard, that generous though
violent spirit, in a fit of remorse, reproached himself as the
murderer of his father.
During the latter part of the reign of Henry II., while his State of
son Geoffrey was Chancellor, all things being reduced to ^^jg^ ^f
peace, our legal polity is supposed to have made greater ad- Henry u.
vances than it had done from the Conquest downwards. The
great regularity in the order of proceeding, and the refine-
ment with which questions respecting property were treated,
show that if the age was barbarous, it produced individuals
of enlarged minds and well skilled in the principles of juris-
prudence.
Very able men followed as Chancellors in the succeeding
reigns, but from foreign war and domestic strife little im-
provement was effected by any of them for near a century
afterwards.
Although there be as yet no traces of the Chancellor
having a separate court of his own, either for common law
or equitable jurisdiction, it is certain that in the time of
Henry II. he was looked up to as a high judicial authority,
and he occasionally went the circuit as a justice in eyre or of
assize.*
* Mad. Ex. p. 61. Sec Lord Lyttelton's Hist. iii. 479. 4 Inst. 159.
108 REIGN OF RICHARD I.
CHAPTER V.
CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGN OF RICHARD I.
CHAP. Richard, as soon as he had attended his father's funeral,
was impatient to join the Crusade. From the arrangements
jjj^jj^j.^ he had made for the government of the realm in his absence,
A.D. 1189. it was not convenient that Geoffrey should be continued in
the office of Chancellor, but an offer was made to him of
Geoffrey ccclcsiastical preferment which he could not resist. He was
bishop of appointed Archbishop of York, and being now in France, he
York. suffered himself to be consecrated to the holy office by the
Archbishop of Tours, metropolitan of Anjou. He agreed
not to take possession of his see for three years, during which
time he swore that he would not set foot on English ground,
— an oath required of him by Richard, who had some sus-
picions as to his fidelity. How he observed the oath we shall
see as we proceed with the life of his celebrated successor.
LoKG- Richard's Chancellor was William Longchamp, Bishop
.Chancellor. ^^ ^^7 *' ^^^ ^^ *^6 most eminent men who have ever held the
Great Seal. He was a native of Beauvais in France, and of
mean extraction, but he gave early proof of extraordinary
ability and address. He first came into notice in the service
of the Chancellor Geoffrey, the son of Rosamond. Being
afterwards introduced to Prince Richard, he contrived to
insinuate himself into his good graces without incurring the
suspicion of the old King, and through successive promotions
in the Church he was made Bishop of Ely — always dis-
playing great vigour of character and capacity for business,
and hitherto concealing his inordinate ambition and rapacity.
Although he had now resided many years in England he did
not understand one word of the English language ; but such
• Or. Jur. Hoved. 375. Spel. Gloss. 109.
LONGCHAMP, CHANCELLOR. 109
was still the depression of every thing Anglo-Saxon, that CHAP,
neither in parliament, nor in courts of justice, nor in the '
society of the great, did he experience any inconvenience from
this deficiency. The King, about to set off upon his memo- Richard i.
rable expedition to the Holy Land, not only conferred upon Holy Land!
him the office of Chancellor, but made him Grand Justiciar
and guardian of the realm jointly with Hugh, Bishop of
Durham* ; and that he might better insure the public tran-
quillity, procured for him the authority of legate from the
Pope. Richard's great object was to deprive his brother
John of all power and influence, — being apprehensive that
this Prince, who had early displayed his faithless character
and turbulent disposition, would, in his absence, according to
various prior examples in the Norman line, anter into cabals
with discontented Barons, and aim at the Crown. But he
fell into a mistake in appointing the Bishop of Durham as a
check on the power of Longchamp. The one would bear no
equal, and the other no superior.
No sooner had Richard left England on his voyage to the Long-
Mediterranean than their animosities burst forth, and threw '^^^™v ™-
prisons the
the kingdom into combustion. Longchamp |, presumptuous Bishop of
in his nature, elated by the favour which he enjoyed with his ^^"^™-
master, holding the Great Seal, and armed with the le-
gatine commission, refused to share the executive power of
the state with his colleague, treated him with contumely,
and, upon some show of resistance, went so far as to arrest
him, and, as the price of his liberty, extorted from him a
resignation of the earldom of Northumberland, and his other
dignities. The King, informed of these dissensions, ordered,
by letters from Marseilles, that the Bishop should be re-
instated in his offices ; but the Chancellor had still the
boldness to refuse compliance, on pretence that he himself
was better acquainted with the King's secret intentions. He iiis ty-
proceeded to govern the kingdom by his sole authority, to ''''"">'•
* Hoved. 378. M. Par. in Ann. 1189.
f In the following account of the administration of Longchamp, his flight
and his subsequent career, I have chiefly followed "the History of the Norman
Conquest " by Thierry, who cites authorities, most of which I have examined,
and which fully support his statements. See vol. iv. 40 — 52. 64 — 75.
110 REIGN OF RICHARD I.
CHAP, treat all the nobility with arrogance, and to display his power
^' and riches with the most invidious ostentation. A numerous
suard was stationed at his door. He never travelled without
a body of 1500 foreign soldiers, notorious for their rapine and
licentiousness. Nobles and knights were proud of being
admitted into his train. He sealed public acts with his own
signet seal instead of the Great Seal of England. His retinue
wore the aspect of royal magnificence ; and when in his pro-
gress through the kingdom he lodged in any monastery, his
attendants, it is said, were sufficient to devour in one night the
revenue of several years. To drown the curses of the natives,
he brought over from France, at a great expense, singers and
jesters, who sang verses in places of public resort, declaring
that the Chancellor never had his equal in the world.
His rapa- In the meanwhile he abused his power to enrich himself
"^^ ^* and his family ; he placed his relations and friends of foreign
birth in all posts of profit or honour, and gave them the
government of castles and cities, of which, under various
pretexts, he deprived men of the pure Norman race, spoiling
them and the descendants of the Saxon thanes with indis-
criminate violence. Contemporary authors say, that " by
reason of his rapines a knight could not preserve his silver
belt, nor a noble his gold ring, nor a lady her necklace, nor
a Jew his merchandise." He showed himself, besides, haughty
and insolent, and he enforced submission to his will by the
severity and promptitude of his vengeance. The King, who
was obliged to winter in Sicily, and was detained in Europe
longer than the Chancellor expected, being informed of the
arbitrary and tyrannical conduct of his minister, made a
fresh attempt to restrain his power, and sent orders ap-
pointing Walter, Archbishop of Rouen, "William Marshal,
Earl of Strigul, Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, William Briewere, and
Hugh Bardolf councillors to Longchamp, and commanding
him to take no measure of importance without their con-
currence and approbation. But such general terror had he
created by his violent conduct, that for a long while they did
not venture to produce the King's mandate. When it was
produced the Chancellor insisted that it was a forgery, and he
still exercised an uncontrolled authority over the nation.
LONGCHAMP, CUANCELLOE. Ill
Prince John, aware of the general discontent, and seeing CHAP,
with envy the usurpations of the Chancellor, at last took '
courage to make head against him; and all those who were ^^ j, ugj
smartino; under his exactions, or who hoped to better their Prince
John takes
condition by change, actively engaged in the party formed a^ms
for his overthrow. An open rupture broke out between those against
rivals for power, on the occasion of the Chancellor's attempt
to deprive Gerard de Camville, a Norman by race, of the
office of sheriff of the county of Lincoln, which the King
had made over to him for a sum of money. The Chancellor,
who wished to bestow this office on one of his friends,
summoned Camville to deliver up to him the keys of the
castle of Lincoln ; but he resisted the demand, saying that he
was a liege man to Prince John, and that he would not
surrender his fief till tried and condemned in the court of his
liege lord. On this refusal the Chancellor came with an
army to besiege the castle of Lincoln, and took it. Camville
demanded justice from his superior and protector. By way
of reprisals, John took possession of the royal castles of
Nottingham and Tickhil — there raised his flag, and stationed
his men, declaring, according to Hoveden, that if the Chan-
cellor did not do speedy justice to Camville his vassal, he
would visit him with a rod of iron. The Chancellor quailed
under his threat, and entered into a treaty, by which John
remained in possession of the two castles he had taken.
The next assault upon the authority of the Chancellor Geoffrey,
proceeded from his predecessor in office, Geoffrey, now Arch- chancellor,
bishop of York. Regardless of his oath not to enter the invades
realm of England for three years, and of a solemn warning
he received when about to embark, he resolved to take pos-
session of his see, and to enjoy the benefit of any chances of
farther preferment which might open to him. The Chan-
cellor sent armed men to seize him upon his landing. He
escaped their pursuit in disguise, and gained a monastery in
the city of Canterbury, where the monks hospitably received
him and concealed him. A report, however, getting abroad GeofFrey
that he had taken refuge there, the convent was surrounded a^jfl^.
by soldiers, and the Archbishop being seized in the church, prisoned,
when he was returning from celebrating mass, was shut up
112
KEIGN OP RICHARD I.
CHAP.
V.
Combina-
tion of the
nobles
against
Long-
champ.
Saxon in-
habitants
of London
called in to
assist.
in the castle of the city under the keeping of the Constable de
Clare.
The violent arrest and imprisonment of an Archbishop
made a great noise all over England, and John, thinking this
a favourable occasion for extending his own power, openly
took the part of his captive brother. Although he had
hitherto regarded Geoffrey as an enemy, he now pretended
to feel for him the most tender affection, and with menaces
he insisted on the Chancellor setting the Archbishop at
liberty. Longchamp, on account of the sacred character of
his prisoner, did not venture to resist. John then wrote to
all the Bishops and Barons to assemble at Reading ; while
the Chancellor, by other letters, forbade them to accept the
invitation of a prince whose object it was to disinherit his
Sovereign. The assembly, however, was held : John and
Geoffrey met, wept, and embraced, and the latter on his
knees besought his fellow-peers to avenge the insult which
had been offered in his person to the immunities of the
Church and the right of sanctuary.
John, becoming bolder and bolder, repaired to London,
there convoked the great council of the Barons and Bishops,
and accused the Chancellor before them of having grossly
abused the authority with which the King had intrusted
him. The accused had injured and offended so many of
those who were to decide his case, that the accuser was sure
of a favourable hearing.
The Chancellor Avas cited to appear before the Barons by
a certain day. He refused, and assembling a military force,
marched from Windsor, where he kept his Court, upon
London, to anticipate the re-assembling of the body who
presumed to act as his judges. But John's men-at-arms
came upon him at the gates of the city, attacked and dis-
persed his followers, and compelled him in great haste to
throw himself into the Tower of London, where he shut
himself up, while the Barons and Bishops assembled in Par-
liament and deliberated on his fate.
The majority of them had resolved to strike a great blow,
and to depose by their authority the man who, holding the
royal commission, could not regularly be deprived of office
LONGCHAMP, CHANCELLOE. 113
without the express order of the Sovereign. In this daring CHAP,
enterprise, they being themselves Normans, were desirous of
having the assistance of the Saxon inhabitants of London,
constituting the great mass of the population. In the
morning of the day appointed for their meeting, they caused
the great alarm-bell to be rung, and as the citizens issued
forth from their houses, persons stationed for the purpose
directed them to repair to St. Paul's Cathedral. The
merchants and trades-people going thither to see what was
the matter, we're surprised to find assembled the grandees of
the country, the descendants of those who had conquered at
Hastings, — with whom hitherto they had had no other re-
lation than that of lord and villain. Contrary to custom,
the Barons and Prelates gave a gracious reception to the
citizens, and a temporary equality was established among all
present. The English guessed as well as they could the
meaning of the speeches addressed to them in French, and
there was read and explained to them a pretended letter of
the King, intimating that if the Chancellor should be guilty
of malversation in his office, he might be deposed. A vote
was then taken of the whole assembly, without distinction of
race, and the Norman heralds proclaimed "that it pleased
John, the King's brother, and all the Bishops, Earls, and
Barons of the kingdom, and the citizens of London, that the
Chancellor should be deposed."
It was at first thought that he would have stood a siege in Long-
the Tower, but he was without courage at the approach of renders.
real danger, and he immediately offered to capitulate. He
was freely allowed to depart on condition of delivering up
the keys of all the King's castles. He was made to swear
that he would not leave England till he had done so, and
two of his brothers were detained as hostages for his good
faith.
He withdrew to Canterbury, under pretence of fulfilling Long-
his oath : but when he had remained there a few days, he !='>^™p |!'^^
' ^ ^ ^ *' , in the dis-
formed the resolution to fly, liking better to expose his guise of a
brothers to death than to deliver up the castles, by the pos- ^^^^^^
session of which he hoped to recover what he had lost. He
left the city on foot and in disguise, having over his own clothes
VOL. I. I
114 REIGN OF RICHARD I.
CHAP, a gown with great sleeves and a petticoat, — his face being
^' covered by a thick veil, — carrying under his arm a pack of
linen, and in his hand an ell measure.* In this attire, which
was that of an English female pedlar of the time, the Chan-
cellor made for the sea-shore, and was obliged to wait for the
ship in which he was to embark. He seated himself quietly
on a stone with his pack on his knees, and some fishermen's
wives, who were passing by, accosted him and asked him the
price of his wares ; — but, not knowing a single word of En-
glish, the Chancellor made no reply, and shook his head, — to
the great surprise of those who wished to become his cus-
tomers. They walked on ; but other women coming up, and
examining the quality of the linen, made the same demand as
the first.' The pretended female pedlar still preserved silence,
and the women repeated their questions. At length, at his
wit's end, the Chancellor raised a loud laugh, hoping so to
escape from his embarrassment. At this laugh without a
jest, they believed they saw before them a female out of her
mind, and raising her veil to ascertain who she was, dis-
covered the face of a man of a swarthy complexion, lately
Is seized shavcd. f Their cries of surprise attracted the workmen of
by the mob. ^j^g p^j.^^ ^yj^^^ g|j^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^ object of sport, scized hold of
the person in masquerade, drawing him by his garments |,
causing him to tumble on the ground, and making merry
with his vain efforts to escape from them and to make them
comprehend who he was. After dragging him a long way
over stones and through mud, the sailors and fishermen con-
cluded by shutting him up in a dark cellar. § Here he re-
mained till he contrived to communicate his misadventure to
the agents of the government. He was then forced to deliver
up the keys of all the royal castles, according to his engage-
ment, and was permitted freely to leave England.
* " Tunica foeminea viridi . . . cappam habens ejusdem coloris . . . mani-
catam . . . peplum in capita . . . pannum lineum in manu sinistra . . . virgam
venditoris in dextra." — Hovedeu.
f " Viderunt faciem hominis nigram et noviter rasam." — Ibid.
f " Et facta est statim multitudo virorum ac mulierum extrahentium de
capite peplum et trabentium eum prostratum in terram per manicas et capu-
cium." — Il^id.
§ " Pluribusque raodis turpiter tractavit per totam villam et . ■ , in quodara
cellario tenebroso . . . inclusit." — Ibid.
LONGCHAMP, CHANCELLOR. 115
On arriving in France, he immediately wrote to the King CHAP.
that Prince John, having got possession of his fortresses, was
about to usurp the throne, and pressing him immediately to Arrives in
return from the Holy Land. He seems to have convinced France.
Richard that he himself had acted as a good and loyal sub-
ject, and that his struggle with the Barons was only in the
support of the royal authority. To his honour it is recorded Visits
that, hearing of Richard's captivity in Germany, he repaired j^^i^
thither, and obtained permission to visit, in prison, that captivity,
generous master, whom the universe seemed to have aban-
doned.* Richard received him as a personal friend per-
secuted in his service, and employed him in repelling the un-
founded charge brought against him as a pretext for his
detention, and in conducting the negotiations for his libe-
ration.
As soon as Longchamp had been subdued and exiled by Geoffrey
John and the Barons, the office of Chancellor was restored to F'**"**- .
genet again
Geoffrey Plantagenet, now fully installed in his archbishopric. Chancellor,
and he held it till Richard's return to England, when he was
finally deprived of it. He experienced clemency to which
he was not much entitled, considering his perfidy and breach
of oath, and he seems to have employed himself in the dis-
charge of his ecclesiastical duties during the remainder of
this reign.
It will be convenient that I should here relate what fur- a.d. ]199,
ther is known of him as Ex-chancellor. After the death of fate of
Richard he was no longer suffered to live in tranquillity. Geoffrey
John seized all his goods, and the profits of his archbishopric, genet.
and Geoffrey raised a strong party against him. A truce
was established between them ; but this was of short dura-
tion. J ohn requiring for his wars, without the consent of
the great council of the nation, the tenth shilling of what
every body was worth, this tax was resisted as illegal by
* Thus the Chancellor is supposed to have serenaded the King : —
" O Richard, O mon Roy,
L'univers t'abandonne,
Mais pour moy je garde ma foy,
Toujours fidele a ta personne."
I 2
116 REIGN OF RICHAUD I.
CHAP. Geoffrey, who pronounced sentence of excommunication on
^" all within his diocese who should pay it. John vowed a
bitter revenge, and was proceeding to such extremities
His exile ao-aiust him that he went into voluntary exile, and died at a
and death, ^jjg^j^jj^jg ^^.^^ j^jg native land before the memorable aera when
the Barons at Runnymede obtained security against unlawful
taxation, and the tyranny of John was effectually restrained.
Long- But we must now return back to Longchamp. No sooner
iiiamp ^as Richard again in possession of the royal authority, than,
Chancellor, disregarding all the charges which were brought against his
vicegerent of abuse of authority, he re-instated him in the
office of Chancellor, and restored to him all his authority.
Parliament In 1194 a parliament was called at Nottingham. When
ham "'"^' it was Opened, Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, sat on
the King's right hand, and Geoffrey Archbishop of York, on
his left. But Longchamp, the Chancellor, was present, and
although only ranking according to the precedence of his see,
he guided all their deliberations. The session was about the
usual length, viz. four days. On the first day sentence was
passed on several rebellious Barons and sheriffs, who were
deprived of their castles and jurisdictions. On the second
day the King pronounced judgment against his brother John,
who was absent, for having, contrary to his oath of fealty,
usurped his castles, and entered into a conspiracy with the
King of France against him — when he was ordered to appear
by a certain day under pain of banishment. On the third
day a supply of two shillings on every ploughland was voted
to the King; and the last day was spent in hearing and
redressing grievances, and resolving that to nullify the King's
submission to the Emperor when in captivity, he should be
crowned again. This ceremony was actually performed at
Winchester.
Long- But Longchamp, the Chancellor, had soon to extricate the
Vrg^ King from a new perplexity. A calumny was propagated,
letter from and generally believed, that while in the East he had murdered
Man'^ofthe the Marquis of Moutfcrrat.* This charge was invented by
Mountain '
* See the tale of the " Talisman " by Sir Walter Scott.— Sir Robert Comyn's
• History of the Western Empire," ii. 265.
LONGCHAMP, CHANCELLOR. 117
Philip, King of France, Richard's great rival, with whom he CHAP.
was now at open war, and much damped the zeal of his
supporters, both in England and on the Continent. All pro- ^^ pie^r
testations and reasonable proofs of innocence being vain, the Kichard of
Chancellor forged a supposed autograph letter, professing to Marquis of
have been written by " The Old Man of the Mountain," to Mont-
'' . ferrat.
the Duke of Austria, in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin charac-
ters, — of which the following is a translation : —
" To Leopold, Duke of Austria, and to all princes and
people of the Christian faith, greeting. Wheijeas many Kings
in countries beyond the seas impute to Richard, King and
Lord of England, the death of the Marquis, I swear by the
God who reigns eternally, and by the law which we follow,
that King Richard had no participation in this murder.
Done at our castle of Messina, and sealed with our seal, Mid-
September, in the year 1503 after Alexander."
This extraordinary missive was formally communicated by
the Chancellor to foreign sovereigns, and he likewise sent
copies of it to the monks who were known to be employed in
compiling the chronicles of the time. Its manifest falsity was
not remarked in an ao^e when criticism and a knowledge of
eastern manners had made little progress in the north of
Europe. It had a sensible effect in weakening the im-
putations of the King of France among his own subjects,
and it greatly encouraged those of the King of England to
fight for a master whose character was thus proved to be im-
maculate.
Longchamp soon after resigned the Great Seal; but a.d. iigg.
Richard made as much use of his counsel as ever to the day Greafseal.
of his death. He was, in 1197, together with the Bishop of
Durham, sent on an embassy to the Pope, and while still in
the public employment, he died at Poictiers in the beginning His death,
of the following year. He certainly was a man of great
energy and ability, and, tried by the standard of honour and
morality which prevailed in the 12th century, he probably is
not to be very severely condemned either as a Chancellor or a
Bishop.*
♦ See 1 Pari. Hist. 7.
I 3
118
REIGN OF RICHARD I.
CHAP.
V.
EusTAcr,
liishop of
Ely, Chan-
cellor.
Origin of
Vice-chan-
cellors.
Vice-chan-
cellors
John de
Alen<;:on
and Mal-
chien.
Richard appointed as his successor, Eustace, Bishop of
Ely *, who had previously been Vice-chancellor.
In this reign we have tKe earliest distinct evidence of the
existence of the officer connected with the Great Seal, called
indifferently " Gustos Sigilli," " Sigillifer," and " Vice-can-
cellarius ; " but in all probability the office was long before
well known. It has been usual to consider the Great Seal
as inseparable from the person of an existing Chancellor,
and that the Keeper of the Great Seal, from the remotest
antiquity, exercised all the functions of the Chancellor under
another title ; but, as we shall see, for many ages to come
there were often concurrently a Chancellor and Keeper of
the Great Seal. When the King went abroad, sometimes
the Chancellor accompanied him with the Great Seal, another
seal being delivered to a Vice-chancellor, to be used for the
sealing of writs and despatch of ordinary business. At other
times the Chancellor remained at home, with the custody of
the Great Seal, and a Vice-chancellor attended the King
with another seal while he was abroad, and acted as Secretary
of State. While the King remained in England, if the
Chancellor went abroad, a Vice-chancellor was always ap-
pointed to hold the Seal in his absence ; and while the King
and the Chancellor were both in England, it often happened
that, from the sickness of the Chancellor, or his absence from
Court on public or private business, or from his being
ignorant of law or absorbed in politics, a Vice-chancellor was
appointed, who, as deputy, transacted all affairs connected with
the Great Seal, the patronage and profits still belonging to
the Chancellor.
Longchamp, while he held the office of Chancellor, always
had Vice-chancellors acting under him, who were intrusted
with the custody of the Great Seal. The first of these was
John de Alen^on, Archdeacon of Lisieux. Then came Roger
Malus Catulus, or Malchien. Hoveden relates, that while
Longchamp, the Chancellor, remained in England to admi-
nister the government, Malchien, as Vice-chancellor, at-
• According to Spelman, Eustace was made Chancellor in 1190, Gloss. 100.,
and according to Dugdale, in 1198. — Or. Jur. 5.
VICE-CHANCELLORS. 119
tended Richard in Sicily, on his way to Palestine, and was CHAP,
afterwards drowned near Cyprus, having the Great Seal
suspended round his neck.* It is said that the King, on his
return, ordered all charters that had been sealed with it to be
resealed with another seal, bearing a different impression,
made to replace it, — upon the suggestion that the lost seal
might have been misapplied, and therefore would not properly
authenticate the royal grants, — this being in reality a device
to draw money to his exhausted exchequer.
Subsequently, one " Master Bennet " was Yice-chancellor ; vice-chan-
but he must have been appointed in England by John and ^^^*"^ ^"'
the rebellious Barons, or by their Chancellor, for we find
him anathematised by Longchamp, who, as Bishop of Ely
and Pope's legate, could call in the censures of the Church
to aid his temporal authority. In a list of those excom-
municated for disobedience to the Chancellor, who repre-
sented the King, we find " Etiam denunciamus excommu-
nicatum Magistrum Benedictum, qui sigillum Domini Regis
contra statuta Regis et Regni, et contra prohibitionem nos-
tram, ferre praesumpsit."f
When Longchamp was again Chancellor, he had for his
Vice-chancellor one Eustace, styled " Sigillifer," Dean of
Salisbury, who succeeded him as Chancellor, and as Bishop
of Ely. Eustace likewise had a Vice-chancellor, Warine,
Prior of Loches.
Eustace and Warine remained in their respective offices Death of
without any thing memorable occurring to them, till the Lion-
hearted Richard, who had gained such renown by his pro-
digies of valour in the East, fell ingloriously before the little
castle of Chalos; and, as might have been expected, they
were immediately dismissed by his successor, who had been
at constant enmity with him during his life, and even
hated his memory.
We have one remarkable juridical monument of this Laws of
reign — the Laws of Oleron, the foundation of the maritime
* This occurrence induced Lord Coke to say, that the form of conferring the
office of Chancellor was by suspending the Great Seal round the neck of the
person appointed 4 Inst. 87,
t Hoved. P. ii. p. 707. n. 30.
I 4
120 REIGX OF RICHARD I.
CHAP, jurisprudence of modern Europe, and cited as authority at
the present day on both sides of the Atlantic. The Code is
said to have been framed by .Richard himself, when on a visit
to his continental dominions, but was probably the work of
Vice-chancellor Malchien, or some lawyer who had accom-
panied him.*
• Some are now disposed to ascribe the Laws of Oleron to a different author
and to a later age. Luders's Essays ; Hallam's Middle Ages ; Penny Cyclopadia,
tit. Oleron, Laws of. But I do not think that their arguments outweigh the
record in the Tower of London, and the authority of Coke, Selden, Hale,
Prynne, and Blackstone. No doubt the Code is a collection of rules and cus-
toms which had gradually sprung up, but I see no sufficient reason to doubt
that it was compiled and published to the world under the authority of
Richard.
WALTER HUBERT, CHANCELLOR. 121
CHAPTER VI.
OF THE CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGN OF KING JOHN.
We have now materials for an exact history of the Great CHAP.
Seal. From the beginning of the reign of ^ing John to '
the present time, it has seldom been placed in the custody of ^.d. 1 1 99,
any person, even for a single day, without a memorandum of
the transfer being entered in records still extant.
This, the most worthless of English sovereigns, having Accession
usurped the throne in derogation of the rights of Arthur, j^ygj^j^^
the unfortunate son of Geoffrey his elder brother, was Arch-
anxious to prop up his defective title by the support of the Qant^j..''
Church; and, with that view, he aj)pointed as his Chan- bury,
cellor Walter Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, who
had been for a short time Chief Justiciar, during the stormy
period of the preceding reign.* While he held this office,
the monks of Canterbury had complained to the Pope that,
contrary to the canons of the church, their archbishop was a
judge in causes of blood, and that, being involved in secular
affairs, he neglected his ecclesiastical duties. The Pope,
therefore, sent a paternal remonstrance to the King, re-
quiring him to remove the Archbishop from all lay employ-
ments, and, for the future, not to admit him, or any priest,
into any secular office.
Hubert, however, without hesitation, accepted the offer of
the Chancellorship from John, and was in the habit of boast-
ing of its power and emoluments. It is related that, when
he was stating how much this office was to be preferred to
any other, he was thus rebuked by Hugh Bardolfe, an un-
lettered baron, — " My Lord, with your good leave, if you
would well consider the great power and dignity of your
spiritual function, you would not undertake the yoke of
lay servitude." f The office was too lucrative to be aban-
doned for such a gibe, and the Archbishop, on the contrary,
* Spel. Gloss. 100. Or, Jur. 5. f Hovcden, 451.
122 REIGN OF KING JOHN.
CHAP, immediately obtained a charter from the King which, under
pretence of regulating, increased the fees to be taken by him
and his officers.*
• The reader may be amused by a translation of this curious document.
" Ordinance of the King concerning the Fees of the Great Seal of England.
" John, by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of
Normandy, Aquitain, and Earl of Anjou, to his archbishops, bishops, abbots,
earls, barons, justiciaries, sheriffs provosts, and all bailiffs and faithful people,
greeting. Forasmuch as divine mercy has called us to the government of the
kingdom of England, which belongs to us of hereditary right, and, under the
unanimous assent and favour of the clergy and people, has most mercifully
exalted us to be king ; we desire with great desire, as indeed we ought, to
provide fully for the liberty and freedom of the clergy and people ; and for the
honour of God and the holy church, and the peace and tranquillity of the clergy
and people, to entirely abolish bad and wicked customs which have arisen either
from covetousness, bad counsel, or evil disposition of the mind.
" And forasmuch as the Seal of Richard, our illustrious brother, formerly
King of England, of good memory, in his days had fallen into that state, that
for certain acts pertaining to the Seal some things were received out of the usual
ancient course, more from inclination than reason, to the prejudice of the regal
dignity and the liberty of the kingdom ; to wit, for letters patent of protection
eighteen shillings and fourpence were given, for which only two shillings ought
to have been given, and for simple confirmations in which nothing new is
inserted, twelve marks and five shillings were given, for which only eighteen
shillings and fourpence ought to have been given ; we, for the health of the
souk of ourself, of Henry, formerly king of England, our father, of happy
memory, and of the said King Richard, our brother, and all our ancestors and
successors, will and grant, and at the instance of the venerable father Hubert,
Archbishop of Canterbury, our Chancellor, do ordain that in future times
nothing shall be received by the Seal of us or our successors, for acts, beyond
what was anciently ordained to be received for the Seal of the Kings of England,
and which was received for the Seal of Henry, our father, formerly King of
England, of good memory, to wit, for a charter of new infeofFment of lands,
tenements, or liberties, shall be taken one mark of gold or ten marks of silver for
the use of the Chancellor, and one mark of silver for the use of the Vice-chan-
cellor, and one mark of silver for the use of the prothonotary, five shillings for
wax. For a simple confirmation, in which nothing new is added, shall be given
one mark of silver for the use of the Chancellor, one besant for the use of the Vice-
chancellor, and one besant for the use of the prothonotary, and twelve pence for
wax. For a simple protection two shillings shall be given.
" If any one shall presume to act contrary to this our ordinance, he shall
incur the anger of Almighty God, and of us, and every curse by which an
anointed and consecrated king can curse. Moreover, the aforesaid Archbishop
of Canterbury, our Chancellor, and all bishops who at our consecration laid
hands on us, have with our consent promulgated sentence of general excommu-
nication against all who shall presume to act contrary to this our ordinance.
To this our ordinance which we have made concerning our Seal, we have put
that Seal in witness and perpetual confirmation. Witness, &c.
" Ciiven under the hand of Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, our Chan-
cellor, at Northampton, on the 7th day of June, in the first year of our reign."
— Fad. 7.5. Beyond these fees, it appears in an ancient memorial concerning
the constitution of the king's house, registered in the Red Book of the Exche-
quer by Alexander de Swereford, that the Chancellor at this time had five
shillings a day, besides an allowance of Siranel's bread, salt, wine, candles, &c.
Lib. Kab. fol. xxx. col. 2. The Chancellor had also in the next reign "ad
sustentationem suam et clericorum Cancellaria Regis D. marcarum per an-
WALTER HUBERT, CHANCELLOR. 123
Hubert retained the office of Chancellor till his death, in CHAP.
1205, but does not seem to have attended much to its
duties, as he constantly had the assistance of Vice-chan- Qg^th of
cellors; first of Simon Fitz-Robert, Archdeacon of Wells, Lord
and John de Gray, Archdeacon of Cleveland, jointly ; then
of John de Brancestre, Archdeacon of Worcester; next of
Hugh Wallys, Bishop of Lincoln ; and, lastly, of Josceline de
Wells, afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells. «
This is the most disgraceful period in the annals of Eng- 27th May,
land. Arthur, the right heir to the throne, was murdered ^^^^*
by the King, and the English were expelled from Normandy,
and almost the whole of the possessions in France which had
been united to the Crown since the accession of the house of
Anjou.
John, upon his return after these disasters, attempted to
throw the blame of them upon the Chancellor and his other
ministers in England, whom he accused of remissness in not
sending him proper supplies ; and, under pretence of a new
expedition to recover his Continental dominions, he, in the
most arbitrary manner, extorted taxes from his subjects,
which he wasted in wanton prodigality.
On the death of Hubert, the Archbishop, the office of Oct 3.
Chancellor came into the King's hands*, and then the ' *
Great Seal remained some time in the custody of John de
Brancestre, who had before acted as Vice-chancellor,
while the King considered how he should dispose of it. To
raise money for his necessities, he at last put it up for sale.
The purchaser was one Walter de Gray, who paid doAvn Great Seal
5000 merks (equal to 61,245/. of present money) for it ^^tw^vniyE
during the term of his natural life, and the grant was made Guay.
out to him in due form. Under this he actually held the
Chancellorship, without interruption or dispute, for six years.
He began by doing the duties of the office himself f, but he
afterwards had for Keepers of the Seal, or Vice-chancellors,
* nic devenit Cancellaria in manum Domini Regis post mortem H. Canta-
riiensis Archiepiscopi. — Chart. 7 John, m. 8.
f Hie recepit Uominus W. de Gray Cancellariam. And of the first charter
next following it is said, " Data per manum Walteri de Gray, iij die Octobris,
anno vii." — Chart. 7. J. n. 51.
124 REIGN OF KING JOHN.
CHAP. Hugh Wallys, and Richard de Marisco, Archdeacon of Eich-
^ ^" mond, who afterwards was himself Chancellor,
jj;^ ^^^ Walter de Gray, having become, by purchase, " Keeper of
duct. the King's Conscience," appears to have been much in his
confidence, and to have abetted him in those fatal measures
which brought the Crown of England under feudal subjection
to the see of Rome. But Hugh Wallys, the Vice-chancellor,
who had expressed great zeal on the King's side, went over
to the opposite faction on receiving a favour which was
intended as a reward for his fidelity.
Vicc-chan- The grand dispute had arisen respecting the appointment to
lys.*"^ * " ^^^ see of Canterbury, the Pope having consecrated Langton
archbishop, without the King's authority or privity. Langton
was not allowed to take possession of his archiepiscopal throne,
and was obliged to reside abroad. In the mean time the see
of Lincoln became vacant, and Wallys was elected to it by
the King's recommendation, on the condition that he should
not recognise Langton as archbishop. The Bishop elect de-
sired leave to go abroad in order to receive consecration from
the Archbishop of Rouen ; but he no sooner reached France
than he hastened to Pontigny, where Langton then resided,
and paid homage to him as his primate.* It has happened in
all ages of the church that ecclesiastics, on reaching the dig-
nity of the mitre, have preferred the interest of their order to
the ties of gratitude or the reputation of consistency, and
have speedily forgotten the express or implied undertaking
which was the condition of their elevation. The pliant
Archdeacon, become Bishop of Lincoln, showed himself a
rigid supporter of papal supremacy, and received consecration
from Langton, whom John still disowned. By way of
punishment for his contumacy, he was for five years deprived
of the temporalities of his bishopric. He afterwards took
an active part in obtaining Magna Charta, acting, it is to be
feared, rather from revenge than from patriotism.
A.n. 1313. Walter de Gray was still Chancellor when the most igno-
minious charter passed to which the Great Seal of England
* Hume calls this person " Hugh Wells," and describes him as " Ch in-
cellor," but JValli/s was his true name, and he never held the Great Seal as
Chancellor Vol. ii 60.
WALTER DE GRAY, CHANCELLOR. 125
has ever been appended. Pandulph, the Pope's legate, not CHAP,
being satisfied with John's promise that he would acknow-
ledge Langton for primate, — that he would restore all the Surrender
exiled clergy and laity who had been banished on account of of England
the contest, — that he Avould make them full restitution of p^
their goods and compensation for all damages, — and that every
one outlawed or imprisoned for his adherence to the Pope
should immediately be received into favour, — required John
to resign his kingdom to the Church, — to put himself under
the immediate protection of the Apostolic See, — to acknow^
ledge the Pope as his liege lord, and to authenticate the act
by an instrument under the Great Seal, which should be
confirmed by the national council. Accordingly, with the
King's concurrence, a charter was framed in his name, in
which he declared that, " not constrained by fear, but of his
own free will, and by the common consent and advice of his
barons, he had, for the remission of his own sins and those
of his family, resigned England and Ireland to God, to St.
Peter and St. Paul, and to Pope Innocent and his successors
in the apostolic chair ; he agreed to hold these states, as feu-
datory of the church of Rome, by the annual payment of
1000 marks — 700 for England, 300 for Ireland; and he
stipulated, that if he or his successors should ever presume to
revoke or infringe this charter, they should instantly, except
upon admonition they repented of their offence, forfeit all
right to their dominions."
To the honour of the memory of Walter de Gray and his
deputies, and to the credit of the nation, there is reason to
believe that the King could not find a subject in his domi-
nions sufficiently base to put the Great Seal to this charter,
although, owing to the presence of a French army, and the
deplorable condition to which public affairs had been reduced,
it could not be successfully resisted. From an entry in the
Patent Roll it appears that about this time the Great Seal
was in the King's own keeping, and we may reasonably sup-
pose that he affixed it to the charter with his own hand.*
* English historians, '.vhen they would infer the feudal dependence of Scot-
land on England from the homage done by William while a prisoner of war to
Henry II,, notwithstanding the release of Richard I, of any such claim, utterly
126
KEIGN OP KING JOHN.
CHAP.
VI.
De Gray
Bis!<op of
Worcester
. and Arch-
bishop of
York.
His igno-
rance.
His death
and cha-
racter.
A.D. 1214.
Richard
DE Ma-
RISCO,
Chancellor.
Lord Chancellor de Gray now bartered his office for prefer-
ment in the Church. He was first elected Bishop of Lichfield
and Coventry, but some obstacle arising about his consecration,
he never was in possession of this see. In 1214, however,
he became Bishop of Worcester. He finally reached the dig-
nity of Archbishop of York, — not without difficulty, for the
Chapter long refused to elect him on the ground that he was
" minus sufficiens in literaturd,^^ notwithstanding that* he had
studied at the University of Oxford, and for some years
filled the office of Lord Chancellor. His election being at
last carried, he could not for some time obtain consecration
from the Pope, who again urged the objection of " crassa
ignorantia.''^ This was hardly denied ; but the topic relied
upon in answer was his virgin chastity amidst the general
profligacy of churchmen. Still the scruples of His Holiness
could not be overcome without an exacted present of 10,000/.
sterling. This is said to have compelled the Archbishop to
lead, for some time, a very mean and penurious life, and
unjustly to incur the censure of covetousness ; but having
reached extreme old age, and been Archbishop forty years,
he not only contributed much to the ornamenting of the
cathedral, but he annexed the manor of Thorpe, in York-
shire, to the archiepiscopal see, and bought York Place, in
Westminster, of the Dominicans, w^hich remained the town
residence of his successors till it was made over, by Cardinal
Wolsey, to Henry VIIL
The next Chancellor after Walter de Gray, was Richard
DE Marisco*, Dean of Salisbury, Archdeacon of North-
umberland, and afterwards Bishop of Durham, who twice held
the office. His first Chancellorship ceased in about a year,
when the King .pjoing into Poitou, Peter de Rupibus, Bishop
of Winchester, was appointed Chief Justiciar and Regent,
forget that, according to their reasoning, there is much more ground for contend-
ing that England is now subject to the Pope of Rome as superior ; for this
superiority was solemnly yielded by tlie king and the legislature; not only King
John, but King Henry III. did homage to the pope as liege lord ; the stipulated
tribute or render as the badge of dependence was paid for ages, even by such a
prince as Edward I., — and there has never at any time been a renunciation of
the claim by the court of Rome.
» Rot. Cart. 16 John, m. 7.
OFFICE OF CHANCELLOR IN ABEYANCE. 127
and the Great Seal was delivered to be held under him to CHAP.
Ralph de Neville.*
The King soon returned to England, and continuing his 29th Dec.
tyrannical and oppressive measures, the insurrection of the 1213.
Barons took place, which ended in their obtaining Magna J""^ 19.
Charta. No one witnesses it as Chancellor, and it does not Magna
clearly appear in whose keeping the Great Seal then was, Charta.
there being no farther entry in the records on the subject
during the rest of this reign; but there is great reason to
believe that it remained in the hands of Ralph de Neville, -7-
the Nevilles, already a powerful family, taking part with the
King, and Hugh de Neville being mentioned among the
barons who appeared on his side at Runnymede. f
Whoever might then be Chancellor or Keeper of the Great
Seal, he had nothing to do with the framing of Magna
Charta. There was no negotiation as to terms. Archbishop
Langton and the insurgent barons dictated whatever clauses
they deemed desirable ; and it is considered a great proof of
their moderation and wisdom, that they merely guarded
against abuses, and introduced useful reforms, without touch-
ing on the essential prerogatives of the Crown. The Bishop
of Winchester and the Bishop of Worcester, who had been
the King's Chief Justiciar and Chancellor, certainly were
with him at Runnymede, and one of them might have acted
as Chancellor on this occasion. At all events, the Great
Seal was in due form affixed either by the King personally,
or by some one under his authority, not only to the original,
but to various copies of the Great Charter sent to arch-
bishops, bishops, and priors, to be safely kept in perpetiiam
rei memoriam. |
From this time till his death, John could scarcely have Death of
had any counsellors near him, and he seems merely to have ^"^ ° "*
* Nono die Octobris anno regni Domini Regis quinto decimo liberavit
Magister Ricardus de Marisco, Archidlaconus Richemundiae et Northumbria!
Domino Regi sigillum apud Ospreng. Vicesimo secundo die Decembris
liberatum fuit sigillum apud Windlesor Radul])ho de Nevill sub Domino Win-
toniensi Episcopo deferendum. — Put. 15 J. m. 8. n. 28. m. 6. n. 18.
f This was after the famous fine paid by his wife to the king, of 200 hens,
that she might be allowed to sleep with Ralph one night." — Madd. Exch. 326.
I 4 Inst. Proeme. Some of them are still extant. See Bl. Ed. of Charters,
p. 303.
128 KEIGN OF KING JOHN.
CHAP, acted according to the Impulses of his own capricious mind;
^^' all regular government must have been at an end, and the
administration of justice entirely suspended. We may, there-
fore, consider the office of Chancellor as In abeyance till the
autumn of the following year, when John, after a long agony
of body and spirit, closed his wicked and disgraceful career.
A.D. 1216. The Chancellors during this reign did nothing to be entitled
to the gratitude of posterity, and were not unworthy of the
master whom they served. The guardians of law were the
feudal barons, assisted by some enlightened churchmen, and
by their efforts the doctrine of resistance to lawless tyranny
was fully established in England, and the rights of all classes
' of the people were defined and consolidated.
Beginning We here reach a remarkable asra In our constitutional
law'**'"*^ history. National councils had met from the most remote
times ; but to the end of this reign their acts, not being pre-
served on record, are supposed to form a part of the lex non
scripta, or common law.* Now begins the distinction be-
tween common and statute law, and henceforth we can dis-
tinctly trace the changes which our juridical system has
undergone. These changes were generally Introduced by
the Chancellor for the time being ; and I shall hereafter
consider it my duty to notice them in each successive reign.
* It was in the interval between the Conquest and the end of the reign of
King John, that what we call the Common Law of England, which differs es-
sentially from the Anglo-Saxon law, must have been framed. — See Hallam's
Middle Ages, ii. 122.
RICHARD DE MARISCO, CHANCELLOR. 129
CHAPTER VII.
CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGN OP HENRY HI. TILL THE AP-
POINTMENT OF QUEEN ELEANOR AS LADY KEEPE9 OF THE
GREAT SEAL.
Henry III. on his accession, being still a child, the valiant chap.
Earl of Pembroke, who had held the office of Mareschal at
the conclusion of the late reign, was elected Protector with ^^ ^^^^
royal authority, and he appointed B-ichard de Marisco Marisco.
Chancellor.* The conduct of these two men was Avise and
conciliatory. • They Immediately summoned a parliament. In Confirma-
which the Great Charter, with a few alterations, was con- Q^g^j
firmed In the name of the Infant sovereign. Charter,
For three years all grants passed under the seal of the
Protector, although In the King's name.f A new Great Seal
was then made X, but that It might n^t be abused to the King's
disherison, an act was passed that " no charter or letters
patent of confirmation, alienation, sale, or grant of any thing
In perpetuity, should be sealed with the King's Great Seal
until his full age ; and that If any such were sealed with that
seal they should be void." In the ninth year of his reign
the Great Charter was again confirmed, as It now appears at
the head of the statute law of England.
De Marisco had for his Vice-chancellor Ralph de Neville, Ralph de
an ambitious and unprincipled man, who was constantly in-
triguing against him, and finally supplanted him. cellor.
In the year 1226 a national council was held at Oxford,
at which, contrary to the advice of the Chancellor, and by the
instigation of Hubert de Burgh and De Neville, the King,
after declaring himself, resolved to take the management of
public affiiirs Into lils own hands, cancelled and annulled the
• Pat. Rol. 3 H. 3. m. 14. Spel. Gloss. 100. Or. Jiir. 8.
f " Tn cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras sigillo comitis mariscalli
rectoris nostri sit^illatas, quia nondum sigillum habuimus, vobis mittimus, teste
WiLLiELMo comite Mariscallo." — 1 Hale's Pleas of the Crown, ch. xvi,
J Claus. 3 H. 3. m, 14. hie incepit sigillum regis currere.
VOL. T. K
Neville,
"Vice-chan-
130
REIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP.
VII.
Miscon-
duct of
Vice-chan-
cellor De
Neville.
Letter of
remon-
strance
from the
Chancellor
to the Vice-
chancellor.
Great Charter and the Charter of the Forest, which he had
previously confirmed and directed to be observed throughout
the kingdom, — now alleging that they were invalid, having
been granted during his minority, when there was no power
in his own person or his seal to infringe the prerogatives of
the Crown.
This was followed up by another arbitrary act, with a view
to fill the treasury, for which a precedent in Richard's reign
was cited. All persons enjoying liberties and privileges were
required to take a fresh grant under the Great Seal, the King
being now of age, and they were compelled to pay for these
renewals according to the extortionate discretion of the Jus-
ticiar and the Vice-chancellor, who were the authors of the
measure.
The insolence of Vice-chancellor Neville,' backed by
Hubert de Burgh, who was now rising rapidly to the uncon-
trolled power he afterwards possessed, grew to such a pitch,
that he entirely superseded De Marisco in all his functions,
and in writing to him styled him merely "Bishop of Durham,"
without deigning to give him his title of " Chancellor."
This conduct drew forth the following reprimand : —
" Richard, by the grace of God Bishop of Durham, Chan-
cellor of our Lord the King, to his beloved Ralph de Neville,
Dean of Lichfield, greeting. It is marvellous in our eyes,
and it must be a subject of general astonishment, that in your
letters you have omitted to address us by the title of * Chan-
cellor,' since you must be well aware that we were solemnly
appointed to that office, and that by God's grace we are still
resolved to enjoy its powers and pre-eminence, the attempts
of our enemies recoiling upon themselves, and in no respect
shaking our constancy. However much they may strive to
partition me, I am resolved to remain entire.
"Know, that in letters with which I have been lately
favoured from our lord the Pope and several of his cardinals,
they have all saluted me by the title which you suppress, and
you are bound to follow, or rather to worship their footsteps.
" Be advised then by me for the future to act a discreeter
part, and having a proper respect for others when you write
to them, give them the appellations of honour to which they
Culminis qui cupi
Et sedata si
Qui populos regi
Quod mors iinini
Vobis prasposi
Quod sum vos eri
'laudes pompasquesui
si me peiisare veli
memore super omnia si
non parcit honore poti
similis fueram bene sci
_ad me currendo veni
2
DE NEVILLE, CHANCELLOK. 131
are entitled. Reverence for the law requires that every one chap.
should be called by the name of his dignity. Accius the '
poet, being addressed at supper by his own proper name,
brought his action of damages.*
" We might consider this suppression of our title by you
as a premeditated injury, and act accordingly ; but we are
contented with this remonstrance for the present, in the hope
of your amendment. Farewell. "f
If any such hope was really entertained it was disappointed.
De Neville not only did all the duties of Chancellor, but took
every opportunity of insulting his superior, and refused to
give him any account of fees received. De Marisco, finding
that he could obtain no redress, sent in the long-wished re-
signation, and retired to his diocese, where he soon after
died. :j:
* See " Rhetoricorum ad Herennium," lib. i. 14., where the case being put that
" the fact is admitted and the law is disputed," Cicero, or whoever the author
may be, gives this illustration : " Mimus quidam nominatim Accium poetam com-
pellavit in scena : cum eo Accius injuriarum agit : hie nihil aliud defendit, nisi
licere nominari eum, cujus nomine scripta dentur agenda." The Chancellor has
changed " scena " into " coenaculo." " Scena cum eo " had, probably, been
first turned into " scoenaculo." This is a specimen of the perils to whicli ma-
nuscript literature is exposed. However, the familiarity of the Mediaeval
writers, from Bede downwards, with the Latin classics is often very striking.
f " Ricardus Dei gratia Dunelmensis Episcopus Domini Regis Cancellarius
dilecto suo Radulpho de Neville Decano Lichefeldensi Salutem. Mirabile fuit
in oculis nostris et satis admirari dignum vos nomen Cancellarii in Uteris vestris
nobis destinatis suppressisse ; cum expericntiam vestram non lateat nee consci-
entiam vestram latere debeat, nos dicta dignitatis officio fuisse et esse sollemp-
niter assignatos, ejusdem praerogativse preeminentia gratia Dei ulterius gavisuros,
oblatrantium morsibus in se ipsos redeuntibus, et nostri constantiam in nullo
contaminantibus. Quia quid me dimidiant integer esse volo. Dominus autem
Papa, et Cardinales sui quamplures, nos pridie literarum suarum beneficiis
memoratfe dignitatis appellatione minus suppressa gratia sui visitarunt, et vos
eorum non solum sequi sed potius adorare vestigia tenemini. Et de consilio
nostro de cjetero non intercepto discretiori judicio teneamini, reverencia locum
suum decenter etiam sortita inter caetera attributa personae de jure, et ratione
convenientia nequaquam in Uteris vestiis exterminata. Legis enim reverencia
est quemvis nomine dignitatis nuncupare, et Accium Poetam in coenaculo
proprio nomine compeilatum injuriarum egisse. Et nos sepedicta* suppressionis
occasione licet condigna et consimiU ratione injuriarum agere possimus in pra;-
sentiam dignum duximus sub expectatione melioris subticere. Valete." — Ex
Orig. in Turr. Lond.
J He was interred in his own cathedral, where a monument was erected to
his memory with the following curious epitaph : —
132
KEIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP.
VII.
A.D. 1227.
Dk Ne-
ville,
Chancellor.
A.n. 1231.
Grant to
him of
office of
Chancellor
for life.
The title of Chancellor was conferred on De Neville, who
had for some time enjoyed the powers and the profits of the
office.*
This ambitious man was now also Bishop of Chichester,
and was bent upon engrossing the highest civil and ecclesias-
tical dignities. That he might be secure in the office of
Chancellor against such acts as he himself had practised, he
obtained a charter from the King, dated the 12 th of February,
in the 11th year of the reign, "granting and confirming to
him the King's Chancery, to hold during his w^hole life, with
all the issues, liberties, and other things thereto belonging, as
freely, quietly, entirely, and honourably as the Chancellors
of former Kings, his predecessors, held the same."
Four years after he received a renewal and confirmation of
this grant, " with power that he might bear and keep the
Seal, either by himself in person as long as he pleased, or by
some other discreet, sufficient, and fit assignee ; which assignee
should be sworn to the King for his faithful service for the
true and faithful keeping of the said Seal, in the room of the
said Ralph, before receiving it into his custody ; and if such
assignee died, or became professed in religion, or should be
put out for any reasonable cause, either by the King or the
Chancellor, or if the assignee refused to keep the Seal any
longer, then the Chancellor, in the room of such assignee, was
to substitute some other discreet, sufficient, and fit person, who
should be sworn to the King for his faithful service, in like
manner as the first assignee was before he received the Seal
into his keeping."! For some reason, which we do not under-
stand, this grant Avas twice renewed, nearly in the same
words. According to Matthew Paris, these grants were con-
firmed in Parliament, so that the Chancellor was not to be
deposed from the custody of the Seal unless it were so ordained
by the consent and advice of the whole realm.|
De Neville's cupidity was not yet satisfied, and in the
* Rot. Cart. 1 1 Hen. 3.
t Thisjis an exact translation of the clause giving a power to appoint a
deputy, which shows that the multiplication of words in legal instruments is
not a very modern invention.
I Itaque scilicet ut non deponeretur ab ejus sigilli custodia nisi totius regni
ordmante consensu et concilio.
DE NEVILLE, CHANCELLOR. 133
eighteenth year of the reign, the King "granted and con- CHAP,
firmed for himself and his heirs to Ralph Bishop of Chichester,
then his Chancellor of England, the Chancellorship of Ireland, ^^ 1233^
to hold during the life of the Chancellor, with all the appur- He is like-
tenances, liberties, and free customs to the said Chancellor- chancellor
ship of Ireland belonging. And the King sent a writ patent, "^ Ireland,
dated at Gloucester the 21st May, in the eighteenth year of
his reign, to Maurice Fitzgerald, his Justiciar of Ireland,
reciting the said grant of the Chancellorship of Ireland, and
ordering " that G. de Turville, Archdeacon of Dublin, should
be admitted Vice-Chancellor, the Chancellor having deputed
him thereto."* This, I believe, is the only instance of the
office of Chancellor of England and Chancellor of Ireland
being held at the same time by the same individual.
Neville for a while enjoyed the additional dignity of And Guar-
Guardian of the realm. The King, going into Gascony with realm.
Hubert de Burgh, and taking the Great Seal with him,
appointed the Chancellor and Stephen de Segrave to govern
the kingdom during his absence, directing all writs and
grants to be sealed with another seal, which he gave into the
Chancellor's keeping. f
This insatiable lover of preferment still longed for higher Disap-
ecclesiastical dignity, and had nearly reached the summit of P'''"*^? °^
his ambition, for, upon a vacancy in the see of Canterbury, he macy,
was elected Archbishop ; but the Pope thought him too much
attached to the Crown by his civil offices, and assumed to him-
self the power of annulling the election. In the hope of better
success b}^ bribery another time, the Chancellor went on
amassing immense wealth by the plunder of England and
Ireland.
Hubert de Burgh was no check on his rapacity, for the Chief
Justiciar had obtained a similar grant for life of his own
office, although it had hitherto been always held during plea-
sure. His grant likewise was confirmed in Parliament ; and,
to support these corrupt jobs, the plausible maxim was relied
upon, that judges ought to be independent of the Crown.
But little respect was paid to charters or acts of parliament Triumph of
Peter de
Itupibus.
* Rot. Cart. 17 Hen. 3. m. 8. f !'»'• ^^ Hen. 3. m. 3
K 3
134 REIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP, making judges for life when the opposite ftiction prevailed,
^^^' and Peter de Rupibus or des Roches, Bishop of Winchester,
at the head of it, succeeded to absolute power in the name of
the feeble Henry.
A.D. 1235. As soon as this revolution was accomplished, an attempt
was made to remove De Neville from his office, and the Great
Seal was demanded from him in the King's name ; but he
refused to deliver it up, alleging, that as he had received it
from the common council of the realm, he could not resign it
without their authority.*
Some time after this the Chancellor was elected by the
monks of Winchester bishop of that see, in preference to the
King's half-brother, who was a candidate for it on the court
interest. Hereupon, the King's indignation being beyond
control, he bitterly reproached both the Chancellor and the
De Neville monks ; he banished the Chancellor from court, and forcibly
*^f Gr^at taking possession of the Great Seal, delivered it into the
Seal. custody of Geoffrey, a Templar, and John de Lexing-
ton.! De Neville, residing in his diocese, retained the title
of Chancellor, and the emoluments of the office.
He was then summoned to return to court and to perform
his official duties ; but he refused, as his enemies had a com-
plete ascendancy there, and he felt that, although he might as
a priest be safe from personal violence, he must be exposed to
perpetual mortification and insult. For this contumacy he
was superseded.
"Simon THE He was succecdcd, if not by a very learned or able, by a
Ch'^^^n'' ^®^y honest man, " Simon the Norman," who is cele-
brated among the few who have lost the office of Chancellor
by refusing to comply with the royal will, and to do an
unconstitutional act. He was a great favourite at court, and
seemed likely to have a long official career, but is said to
* M. Par. 294. 319.
f " Cum autem videret Rex, iterum instantiam precum suarum effectu
caruisse, justae postulationi monachorum adversando, multaconvitia congessit in
eundem Episcopum ; dicens eum impetuosum, iracundum, perversum ; vocans
omnes fatuos, qui eum in Episcopum postularunt. Insuper sigillum suum
quod idem Episcopus universitatem regni receperat custodiendum Rex violenter
abstulit et fratri Galfrido Templario, et Johanni de I.exirsbuna commisit baju-
landum; emoiumentis tamen ad Cancellariam spectaiitibus Episcopo quasi
Canccllario redditis et assignatis." — M. Paris, 320.
DE NEVILLE, CHANCELLOR. 135
liave Incurred the King's displeasure (more probably Queen CHAP.
Eleanor's) because he -would not put the Great Seal to a
grant of fourpence on every sack of wool to the Earl of
Flanders, the Queen's uncle. He was too good for the Dismissed
times in which he lived, and we hear no more of him, except ^"^ oaesty.
that he was " expelled from court." *
The Great Seal was then sent into the temporary keeping a,d. 1242,
of Richard Abbot of Evesham : but before a new Chan-
cellor was appointed a sudden counter-revolution took place
at court. Hubert de Burgh, who, on his disgrace, had been
obliged to take sanctuary in a church, and, being dragged
thence by the King's orders, had been confined in the castle
of Devizes, — contrived to make his escape, — immediately
found himself at the head of a great confederation, — put all
his enemies to flight, and was once more lord of the as-
cendant, — although he declined to resume his own office,
thinking that he could irregularly enjoy more power without
it. By his influence, the Great Seal was restored to De Neville, De Neville
who continued in the undisturbed possession of the office of the office'of
Chancellor till his death. Notwithstanding increasins: in- Chancellor,
firmities, he was afraid to employ a Vice-chancellor, lest he
should be the victim of the same policy which he had practised
against his predecessor De Marisco. He expired in Novem- His death,
ber, 1244, in his episcopal palace, which he had built In
Chancery Lane, now the site of Lincoln's Inn.f
Notwithstanding the unscrupulous means he employed to Hischarac-
advance himself, and the rapacity of which he was guilty, he ^^^'
is said to have made a good judge. Matthew Paris, in re-
lating the manner in which the Great Seal was forcibly taken
from him, speaks of him as one " who long irreproachably
discharged the duties of his office |," and afterwards warmly
praises him for his speedy and impartial administration of
justice to all ranks, and more especially to the poor §
* Spel. Gloss. 100. M. Par. 320.
f " Venerabilis Pater Episcopus Cicestrensis Redulphus de Neville, Cancel-
larius Anglia?, vir per omnia laudabilis, ct immota colnmna in regni negotiis,
fidelitatis, Londini in nobili palacio suo, quod a fundamentis non procul a Novo
Templo construxerat vitam temporalem terminavit, perpetuam adepturus." —
M. Par. A.n. 1244. Dug. Or. Jur. 230.
X " Qui irreprehensibiliter officium diu ante administraverat." — M. Par. 328.
§ " Radulphus de Neville qui erat Regis fidelissimus Cancellarius et incon-
K 4
136
REIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP.
VII.
Statute of
Merton.
Attempt
by parlia-
ment to
acquire
right of ap-
pointing
Chancellor.
Under the presidency of De Neville, in the twentieth year
of the King's reign, was held the famous parliament at Mer-
ton Abbey, in Surrey, where he was overruled upon a pro-
posal brought forward, *' that children born out of wedlock
should be rendered legitimate by the subsequent marriage of
their parents." All the prelates present were in support of
the measure ; but all the earls and barons with one voice
answered, " We will not change the laws of England hitherto
used and approved." *
Shortly before De Neville's death, a national assembly had
been summoned to meet at Westminster for the purpose of
obtaining a pecuniary aid. But the bishops and the barons
took time to consider, and the result of their deliberations
was to give to the King a statement of grievances, which if
he would redress, the aid required should be granted to him.
The chief grievance was, that by the King's interference
with the Great Seal the course of justice had been inter-
rupted, and they therefore desired that both the Chancellor
and Justices should be elected " per solemnem et universalem
omnium convocationem et liberum assensum,^^ and that, if upon
any occasion the King should take his Seal away from the
Chancellor, whatever might be sealed with it should be con-
sidered void and of none effect till it should be re-delivered to
the Chancellor.
The King negatived the petition, and would go no further
than to promise that he would amend any thing he might find
amiss. This refusal raised such a storm, that, to quiet it,
he was obliged to grant a charter, by which he agreed that
the Chancellor should be elected by the common consent
cussa columna veritatis, singulis sua jura, precipue pauperibus, singulis juste
reddens et indilate." — M. Par. p. 312.
• We have not a list of the lords spiritual and temporal at this parliament, to
ascertain their comparative numbers ; but we have such a list of those sum-
moned to and present at various subsequent parliaments, showing that the
spiritual peers sometimes considerably outnumbered the temporal ; and the
difficulty arises, why, upon matters respecting the church and churchmen, on
which they always acted together, the prelates did not succeed in carrying
whatever measures they wished. But I suspect that although the two bodies
sat in the same chamber, they were long considered as separate orders, the
consent of each being necessary to the making of laws, so that although the
bishops and mitred abbots might be more numerous, they could not carry a law
against the will of the earls and barons.
RANULPH BRITON, CHANCELLOR. 137
of the great council. But this was soon disregarded; for CHAP.
. . . VII.
popular election was found quite as bad as appointment by '
court favour or corruption, and the complaints against the
venality and extortion of the Chancery were louder than
before.*
A rapid succession of Chancellors followed during the
remainder of this reign, few of them much distinguished for
learning or ability ; and the personal contests in which
they were engaged were of no permanent interest. We
shall therefore do little more than enumerate their names.
" History," says Hume, " being a collection of facts which
are multiplying without end, is obliged to adopt arts of
abridgment, — to retain the more material events, and to drop
all the minute circumstances which are only interesting during
the time, or to the persons engaged in the transactions. This
truth is no where more evident than with regard to the reign of
Henry III. What mortal could have patience to write or
read a long detail of such frivolous events as those with which
it is filled, or attend to a tedious narrative which would follow,
through a series of fifty-six years, the caprices and weaknesses
of so mean a prince ? " We must be consoled by the reflec-
tion that we are now approaching the period when our repre-
sentative constitution was formed, and the administration of
justice was established on the basis upon which they remained
through nearly six centuries to our own time.
The next Chancellor was Ranulph Briton, Bishop of Ranulph
Bath and Wells, of whom we know little, except that almost chancellor
immediately after he received* the Great Seal, he is said to
have died of apoplexy, — without any insinuation that his
days were shortened by remorse at having deserted his party
in agreeing to accept it. He is represented likewise as having
been Chancellor to the Queen, an oflfice I do not find men-
tioned elsewhere, the Queen Consort being considered suffi-
ciently protected by being privileged as a feme sole, and having
a right to sue by her attorney-general. f
• M. Par. 564. Mad. Ex. 43.
f " Ranulfus Brlto Regi et Reglna; CaticcUarius Ictliali apoplexia corruit."
INI. Paris, p. 719. n. 40. Spclman doubts whether he was more than Keeper
of the Great Seal under De Neville Gloss. 110.
138
REIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP.
VII.
A.D. 1244.
A.D. 1246.
John
Maunsel,
Chancellor.
Origin of
the dis-
pensing
power in
England.
Tins Chan-
cellor the
greatest
pluralist on
record.
He was succeeded by Silvester de Everdon *, who had
been the King's chaplain and Vice-chancellor, and who very
soon retired from state affairs against the wishes of the King,
being elected Bishop of Carlisle, and choosing to devote him-
self to the superintendence of this remote see.
Next came John Maunsel f, who held the office of Lord
Chancellor for nearly two years. He had gained some dis-
tinction as an ecclesiastical judge while Chancellor to the
Bishop of London. While he held the Great Seal, he was
promoted to be provost of Beverley ; but he does not seem
to have obtained any farther preferment. This could not
have arisen from the want of courtly compliance ; for it was
in his time that the dispensing power was first practised by
a King of England since the Conquest, and he introduced
the non obstante clause into grants and patents. The Chan-
cellor might have urged by way of extenuation, that till this
reign the prerogative could hardly be said to be under the
restraint of law. The novelty being objected to, the defence
actually made was, " that the Pope exercised a dispensing
power, and why might not the King imitate his example ? " —
which made Thurkesley, one of the King's justices, exclaim,
" Alas, what times are we fallen into ? Behold, the civil
Court is corrupted In imitation of the ecclesiastical, and the
river is poisoned from that fountain." These irregularities
becoming more grievous, they were made the subject of
solemn remonstrance to the King by the great men assembled
m Parliament, who, complaining of the conduct of the
Chancellor, desired " that Such a Chancellor might be
chosen as should fix the state of the kingdom on its old
basis." The King promised " that he would amend what
he had heard was amiss," but did not farther attend to the
remonstrance.
If Maunsel did not reach the mitre, he was a considerable
pluralist, as he Is computed to have held at once 700 eccle-
siastical livings, having, I presume, presented himself to all
that fell vacant, and were in the gift of the Crown, while he
Avas Chancellor. Matthew Paris observes of him, that " it
* Rot. Pat. 29 Hen. 3. m. 20.
t Rot. Pat. 31 Hen. 3. m. 2.
JOHN DE LEXINGTON, CHANCELLOR. 139
may be doubted whether he was either a wise or a good man CHAP,
who could burthen his conscience with the care of so many
souls."*
John de Lexington, who had been entrusted with the John ue
custody of the Great Seal during his absence on an em- To^^'chmi-
bassy, succeeded him as Chancellor f , and continued in the cellor.
office four years, having for his keepers of the Seal Peter
de Rivallis and William de Kilkenny, Archdeacon of
Coventry.
Great disputes now arose respecting the King's partiality Complaint
to foreigners, and the national discontents were loud and J^enrthat
deep. Yet the Chancellor at first was not blamed as author Chancellor
of the bad measures of the government ; and, on the contrary, consulted,
regret was expressed that he was not more consulted. In an
answer by the Parliament to a demand of the King for sup-
plies, they complained, among many other grievances, " that
he had neither Chancellor, Chief Justiciar, nor Treasurer in
his council, as he ought to have, and as his most noble pre-
decessors had before him." — " The King, when he heard all
this, was much confounded within himself, and ashamed," says
M. Paris, " because he knew it all to be very true."
The Parliament obtaining no redress, afterwards petitioned Petition to
for the removal of the present Chancellor, Chief Justiciar, j'^^o^^
and Treasurer, and the appointment of others deserving to
be employed and trusted.
This roused the indignation of the King, who said, " The King's
servant is not above his lord, nor the disciple above his
master; and what is your King more than your servant, if
he is to obey your commands ? Therefore my resolution is
neither to remove the Chancellor, Justiciar, nor the Trea-
surer at your pleasure, nor will I appoint any other." The
Barons unanimously replied, that their petition being refused,
they would no longer impoverish themselves to enrich
foreigners, and the Parliament being dissolved without any
supply, the King was obliged to raise money by the sale of
his plate and jewels4
Lexington continued Chancellor till he was succeeded by
a Lady Keeper.
* M. Paris, 856. f Rot. Claus. 33 Hen. 3. m. 2.
\ 1 Pari. Hist. 23. 25.
answer.
140
BEIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAPTER VIII.
LIFE OF QUEEN ELEANOR, LADY KEEPER OF THE GREAT SEAL.
CHAP.
VIII.
A.D. 1253.
Queen
Eleanor,
Lady
Keeper.
Her pa-
rentage.
Wit and
beauty.
In the summer of the year 1253 King Henry, being about
to lead an expedition into Gascony to quell an insurrection
in that province, appointed Queen Eleanor Lady Keeper
of the Great Seal during his absence, with this declaration —
" that if any thing which might turn to the detriment of the
Crown or realm was sealed in the King's name whilst he
continued out of the realm with any other seal, it should be
utterly void." The Queen was to act with the advice of
Richard Earl of Cornwall, the King's brother, and others of
his council.*
She accordingly held the office nearly a whole year, per-
forming all its duties, as well judicial as ministerial. I am
thus bound to include her in the list of " Chancellors and
Keepers of the Great Seal," whose lives I have undertaken
to delineate.
Eleanor was the second daughter of Berenger, Count of
Provence, and his wife Beatrice of Savoy. From infancy
she was celebrated for her wit and her beauty. While only
thirteen years old she had written "an heroic poem in the
Provencal tongue, and it was sung by troubadours, who
added verses of their own, pi-aising the unparalleled charms of
" Alienora la bella.''''
In the year 1235 Henry HI. had agreed to marry Joanna,
a daughter of the Count de Ponthieu, but broke off the
* The commission to her as " Lady Keeper " is extant, and curious. " De
Magno Sigillo commissio. Ilex omnibus, &c., sahitem. Noverit universltas
vestra quod nos in Vasconiam proficiscentes dimisimus Magnum Sigillum nos-
trum in custodia dilecta Reginaj nostra? sub sigillo nostro privato et sigillis
dilecti fratris et iidelis nostri Ricardi Comitis CornubicE et quorundam aliorum
de cohsilio nostro; tali conditione adjecta quod si aliquid signatum fuerit
nomme nostro, dum extra regnum Angliae fuerimus, alio sigillo quam illo, quod
vergere potcrit in corona nostrae vel regni nostri detrimentum vel diminutionem,
nullius sit momenti et viribus careat omnino." — T. &c, pat. 37 H. 3. m. 8.
LADY KEEPER QUEEN ELEANOR. 141
match on hearlnor so much of the attractions of Eleanor of CHAP.
. . VIII.
Provence, and sent an embassy to solicit her to share his '
throne. He would trust no layman on such a delicate
mission, but chose for his ambassadors four sober priests —
the Bishops of Ely and Lincoln, the Master of the Temple,
and the Prior of Harle. After some difficulties about dower
had been surmounted, the contract was joyfully signed,
although Henry was more than double the age of the
" Infanta ; " — and she was delivered, with all due solemnity,
to the very reverend plenipotentiaries.
The royal bride began her journey to England, attended Marriage
by all the chivalry and beauty of the south of France, " and He„j.y.
followed by a stately train of nobles, demoiselles, minstrels,
and jongleurs." Having been feasted with great distinction
by Theobald King of Navarre, himself a poet, and welcomed,
on crossing the French frontier, by her elder sister. Queen of
St. Louis, she landed safely at Dover, and, on the 4th of
January, 1236, she was united to Henry, by the Archbishop
of Canterbury, before she had completed her fourteenth
year.*
We have the following description of her from Piers of
Langtoft : —
" Henry owre Kynge at Westmonster tuke to wyfe
Th' Earle's daughter of Provence the fayrest Maye in lyfe,
Her name Elinore of gentle nurture
Beyonde the sea there was no suche creature."
The contemporary chronicles are filled with accounts of the
festivities with which she was received in the City of London,
and the jewels and rich dresses which she wore at her coro-
nation — particularly of the wedding present of her sister,
the Queen of France — ^a large silver peacock, whose train
Avas set with sapphires and pearls, and other precious stones,
wrought with silver and gold, used as a reservoir for sweet
waters, which were forced out of its beak into a chased silver
basin for the use of the guests at the banquet.
Although Eleanor conducted herself Avith great personal
propi'iety at the English court, her popularity was short-lived.
* Matthew of Westminster, p. 295.
142
KEIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP.
VIII.
Her unpo-
pularity.
Quarrels
with the
citizens of
London.
Unfortunately she was accompanied by an immense number
of relations and countrymen, — and the King's half-brothers,
sprung from his mother's second marriage with the Count de
la Marche, coming over soon after and obtaining great pre-
ferment, it was said that " no one could prosper in England
but a Provencal or a Poictevien."
She enriched one uncle, Peter of Savoy, by a large grant
of land between London and Westminster, a part of which
still bears his name ; and for Boniface, another uncle, she
obtained the Archbishopric of Canterbury by writing, with
her own hand, a very elegant epistle in his behalf, " taldng
upon herself," indignantly says Matthew of Westminster,
" for no other reason than his being of kin to her, to urge
the suit of this unfit candidate in the warmest manner ; and
so my lord the Pope named to the primacy this man, who
had been chosen by a woman ! "
She likewise soon commenced an unextingulshable feud
with the citizens of London, by requiring that all vessels
freighted with corn, wool, or any valuable cargo navigating
the Thames, should unlade at her hithe or quay called
" Queenhithe," where she levied an excessive tax upon
them, which she claimed to be due to the Queen-consort of
England.
In spite of such extortions, so poor were she and her
husband by their largesses to foreigners *, that they ceased
to put on their royal robes, and unable to bear the expense
of keeping a table, they daily invited themselves, with a
chosen number of their kindred or favourites, to dine with
the rich merchants of the city of London, or the great men
of the court, and manifested much discontent unless presented
with costly gifts at their departure, which they took, not as
obligations and proofs of loyal affection to their persons, but
as matters of right.
Eleanor never made any attempt to acquire the slightest
knowledge of English, the use of which was still confined to the
* Her finances had likewise been very much deranged by a large bribe she
had found it necessary to give to the Pope for his decree declaring null the
precontract of Henry with Johanna of Ponthieu, on account of which the validity
of her own marriage had been questioned.
LADY KEEPER QUEEN ELEANOR. 143
lowest ranks, — Norman-French or Provencal being spoken CHAP,
at Court*, — and Latin being the language of the church.
There were great rejoicings when she gave birth to an heir j^^^^ ^339
to the throne, afterwards Edward I., one of the bravest Birth of
and wisest of our sovereigns ; and we ought to honour her
memory for the skilful manner in which she conducted his
education, notwithstanding the indiscreet interference of her
imbecile husband.
But while Henry was generally liked, her manners were
so haughty and overbearing, that she quarrelled with Hubert
de Burgh, Peter des Roches, Simon Montfort, and the leaders
of all parties, — as well as being odious to the populace from
her ill-concealed contempt for English barbarism. She
acquired, however, a great ascendant over the mind of the
King, who had sufficient sense to value her superior under-
standing and accomplishments.
In the prospect of his going into Gascony in 1253, having She re-
intrusted her with the custody of the Great Seal, on the 6th ^q^'^I ^^^,
of August he sailed from Portsmouth for Bourdeaux to take 6th August,
the command in person of an army there assembled, and the
Queen was left in the full exercise of her authority as Lady
Keeper.
The sealing of writs and common instruments was left, lier con-
under her direction, to Kilkenny, Archdeacon of Coventry ; j" j' ^*
but the more important duties of the office she executed in Keeper.
person. She sat as judge in the Aula Regia, beginning her
sittings on the morrow of the nativity of the blessed Virgin
Mary.f
These sittings were interrupted by the accouchement of the Her ac-
judge. The Lady Keeper had been left by her husband in a
state of pregnancy, and on the 25th of November, 1253, she
was delivered of a princess, to whom the Archbishop of Can-
terbury, her uncle, stood godfather, and baptized by the name
of Catherine, being born on St. Catherine's day.|
* Proclamations to preserve the peace were read in three languages, French,
Latin, and Saxon. We still have the commencement in the first Oyez 1 Oyez !
Oyez ! corrupted into O yes ! O yes ! O yes !
t " Placita coram Domina Rcgina et consilio Domini Regis in Crastino
Nativitatis Beat. Mariaj." — Rot. Thes. 37 Hen. 3.
\ " Et nomen aptante et baptizante infantulam Archiepiscopo, vocata est
couche-
ment.
144
REIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP.
VIII.
Her ex-
action of
" queen
gold."
A parlia-
ment.
A.D. 1254.
She resigns
the Great
Seal.
The Lady Keeper had a favourable recovery, and being
churched*, resumed her place in the Aula Regia.
She now availed herself of the King's absence, not only to
enforce rigorously her dues at Queenhithe, but by demanding
from the city of London a large sum which she insisted they
owed her for " aurum reginaj " or " queen gold," — being a
claim by the Queens of England on every tenth mark paid
to the King on the renewal of leases on crown lands or the
granting of charters, — matters of grace supposed to be ob-
tained from the powerful intercession of the Queen.f Eleanor
in this instance demanded her " queen gold " on various
enormous fines that had been unrighteously extorted by the
King from the plundered citizens. For the non-payment of
this unjust demand, the Lady Keeper, in a very summary
manner, committed the Sheriffs of London, Richard Picard
and John de Northampton, to the Marshalsea Prison, and she
soon after sent Richard Hardell, the Lord Mayor, to keep
them company there, for the arrears of an aid unlawfully
imposed towards the war in Gascony.
These arbitrary proceedings caused the greatest alarm and
consternation ; for the city of London had hitherto been a sort
of free republic in a despotic kingdom, and its privileges had
been respected in times of general oppression.
In the beginning of 1254 a parliament was called, and the
Queen being present and making a speech, pressed for a
supply ; but, on account of her great unpopularity, it was
peremptorily refused.
A new arrangement was then made for carrying on the
government ; the Great Seal was transferred into other
hands, and on the 15th of May she sailed from Portsmouth
with a courtly retinue of ladies, nobles, and knights, and
joined the King at Bourdeaux. They then visited Paris,
where Queen Eleanor had the happiness of meeting her three
Catherina, eo quod die Sanctae Catherinse nata, aera hauserat primitivum."
— M. Paris.
• One of the grandest scenes ever seen in England was the queen's churching
after the birth of her eldest son, — all the great ladies of the land being summoned
to attend the queen to church ; — but the ceremony on this occasion was conducted
very privately.
t 1 Bl. Com. 221.
LADY KEEPER QUEEN ELEANOR. 145
sisters, all splendidly married*, and where a banquet was CHAP.
given, much celebrated by the chroniclers, at which the kings
of France, of England, and of Navarre, with all their prime
nobility, were present, trying to outvy each other in courtesy
as well as splendour.
Eleanor and her husband landed at Dover on the 5th of a.d. 1255.
January, 1255, and on the 27th of the same month made
their public entry into London with extraordinary pomp ; but
notwithstanding the display of banners and tapestry by the
different companies, it was evident that hatred of the Queen
was still rankling in the hearts of the citizens.
She disdained to take any step to mitigate their resent-
ment. All the violations of Magna Charta were imputed
to her, and she was charged with instilling her own political
opinions into her eldest son.
The following is a specimen of the ballads published upon Ballads
]lQY : upon her.
" The queen went beyond the sea, the king's brethren also,
And ever they strove the charter to undo ;
They purchased that the pope should assoil I wis
Of the oath and the charter, and the king and all his.
" It was ever the queen's thought, as much as she could think,
To break the charter by some woman's v/renckef ;
And though Sir Edward J was proved a hardy knight and good,
Yet the same charter was little to his mood." §
In the following year, while residing in the Tower, she was Pdted by
threatened with violent treatment by the citizens of London, t'^cLondon
and she resolved for safety to proceed by water to the Castle
of Windsor ; but as she approached London Bridge the po-
pulace assembled to insult her. The cry ran, " Drown the
Witch" and besides abusing her with the most opprobrious
language, and pelting her with dirt and rotten eggs, they
had prepared great stones to sink her barge when she should
attempt to shoot the principal arch. She was so frightened
• Dante, in celebrating Ramondo Berlinghieri, seems to have been most of
all struck with the elevation of his daughters : —
" Quattro figlie ebbe, e ciascuna reina." — Parad. c. vi.
f Wrenching or perverting the meaning of the charter.
\ Prince Edward. § Robert of Gloucester.
VOL. I. L
146
REIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP.
VIII.
4th Aug.
1265.
She flies
abroad.
Returns to
England.
Takes the
veil.
The death.
Her cha-
racter.
that she returned to the Tower. Not considering herself
safe in this fortress, she took sanctuary at night in the Bishop
of London's palace, within the precincts of St. Paul's. She
was thence privately removed to Windsor Castle, where
Prince Edward was at the head of a military force. He
never forgave the Londoners the insult they had offered to his
mother.
In the civil wars that took place at the close of her hus-
band's reign, Eleanor often showed great determination and
courage, and after repeated disasters still made head against
the impetuous Earl of Leicester. At last, when the con-
federated barons were triumphant and Henry was made a
prisoner, she took refuge with her younger children in France;
but after the battle of Evesham she returned to England and
had her revenge upon the citizens of London, who for their
ill behaviour to her were fined 20,000 marks to her use. She
continued to act a conspicuous part during the remainder of
this reign.
Soon after the accession of her son to the crown, she
renounced the world and retired to the monastery of Am-
bresbury, where, in the year 1284, she actually took the veil.
She had the satisfaction of hearing of the brilliant career of
her son, and she died in 1292, when he was at the height of
his glory, having subdued Wales, pacified Ireland, reduced
Scotland to feudal subjection, and made England more pros-
perous and happy than at any former period.
Although the temper and haughty demeanour of Elea-
nor were very freely censured in her own time, I believe
no imputation was cast upon her virtue till the usurper
Henry IV., assuming to be the right heir of Edmund her
second son, found it convenient to question the legitimacy
of Edward her first-born, and to represent him as the fruit
of an adulterous intercourse between her and the Earl
Marshal. Then was written the popular ballad represent-
ing her as confessing her frailty to the King her husband,
who, m the garb of a friar of France, has come to shrive her
in her sickness, accompanied by the Earl Marshal in the same
disjniise.
LADY KEEPER QUEEN ELEANOR. ^"^^
" Oh, do you see yon fair-haired boy * CHAP.
That's playing with the ball ? VI I L
He is, he is the Earl Marshal's son,
And I love him the best of all.
" Oh, do you see yon pale-faced boy f
That's catching at the ball ?
He is King Henry's only son,
• And I love him the least of all."
But she was a very different person from her successor,
Isabella of France, Queen of Edward II., and there is no
reason to doubt that she was ever a faithful wife and a loving
mother to all her children.
Although none of her judicial decisions, while she held the
Great Seal, have been transmitted to us, we have very full and
accurate information respecting her person, her career, and
her character, for which we are chiefly indebted to Matthew
Paris, who often dined at table with her and her husband, and
composed his history of those times Avith their privity and
assistance. :j:
* Prince Edward. ■(• Prince Edmund.
I Mat. Par. 562. 654. 719. 799. 884. 989. 1172. 1200. 1202. Miss Strick-
land's Lives of the Queens of England — tit. " Eleanoe."
148
REIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAPTER IX.
LORD CHANCELLORS FROM THE RESIGNATION OP LADY KEEPER
QUEEN ELEANOR TILL THE DEATH OF HENRY HI.
CHAP.
IX.
William
DE Kil-
kenny,
Chancellor.
A.D. 1254.
Reprimand
to the
clergy.
Kilkenny's
resignation.
On Queen Eleanor's resignation of the office of Lady Keeper,
William de Kilkenny, who had been employed by her to
seal writs while she held the Great Seal*, was promoted to
the office of Chancellor.
He did not continue in it long, and in his time nothing
memorable occurred, except the representation from the clergy
respecting alleged encroachments by the Crown upon their
order. A deputation, consisting of the Primate and the
Bishops of Winchester, Salisbury, and Carlisle, came to the
King with an address on the frequent violation of their pri-
yileges, the oppressions with which he had loaded them and
all his subjects, and the uncanonical and forced elections which
were made to vacant ecclesiastical dignities. Lord Chancellor
Kilkenny is said to have written the King's celebrated answer,
— " It is true I have been faulty in this particular^: I ob-
truded you, my Lord of Canterbury, on your see : I was
obliged to employ both entreaties and menaces, my Lord of
Winchester, to have you elected. My proceedings, I confess,
were very irregular, my Lords of Salisbury and Carlisle, when
I raised you from the lowest stations to your present dig-
nities. I am determined henceforth to correct these abuses ;
and it will also become you, in order to make a thorough re-
formation, to resign your present benefices, and try again to
become successors of the Apostles in a more regular and
canonical manner."!
On St. Edward's day, in the year 1255, William de Kil-
* Rex dilectae consorti sutc A, eadem gratia Reginae salutem. Mandamus
vobis quod cum delectus clericus noster W. de Kilkenni, Archidiaconus Coven-
trensis ad vos venerit, liberatis ei sigillum scaccarii nostri bajulandum et custo-
diendum usque ad reditum nostrum de partibus Wasconia, &c. — Pat, 37.
H. 3. m. 5.
t Mat. Par. a. d. 1253.
HENRY DE WENGHAM, CHANCELLOE. 149
kenny* resigned his office of Chancellor, but he was still in CHAP.
such favour, that, though suspected of having misapplied
funds that came officially into his hands, the King granted
him letters patent, whereby he declared that William, having
long served him diligently and acceptably, should be quit of
all reckonings and demands for the whole time that he had
been Keeper of the King's Seal in England. He was after- Embassy
wards sent on an embassy to Spain, where he died on the ^'^ P**"'
21st of September, 1256. He is said to have been a very
handsome person, eloquent, prudent, and well skilled in the
municipal laws of the realm, as well as in the civil and canon
law.
On the day of his resignation, the Great Seal was delivered Henry de
to Henry de Wengham, afterwards Bishop of London, — a.d.^'izs"
and, with Walter de Merton for his deputy, he remained
Chancellor till he was removed by the mutinous Barons who
for some time established an oligarchy in England, f
The ill-humour of the nation was manifested at a General
Council called to meet in London at Easter, 1255, when the
attempt was renewed that the Chancellor and other great
officers should be appointed by the Prelates and Barons, as
was said anciently to have been the custom, and that those
officers "might not be removed, except upon notorious faults,
without the common assent. The King refusing these
demands, a resolution was carried to postpone the further
consideration of supply till Michaelmas. J
Simon de Montfort was now taking advantage of the
unpopularity of the government for his own aggrandisement,
and attempting successfully to wrest the sceptre from the
feeble hand which held it. In June, 1258, met " the Mad Mad Par-
Parliament," where, notwithstanding the resistance of the
Chancellor and the King's other ministers, were passed the
famous "Provisions of Oxford," by which twenty-four Barons " Provi-
were appointed, with unlimited power, to reform the Common- Oxford."
wealth, and annually to choose the Chancellor and other
great officers of state. § The King for the time submitted.
* Rot. Pat. 39 H. 3. m. 16. t 1 I'arl. Hist. 29.
* M. Paris, 904. 1 Pari. Hist. 27. § Rot. Pat. 39 H. 3. m. 16.
L 3
150
REIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP.
IX.
Oct. 18.
1260.
Nicholas
DE Ely
made
Chancellor
by the
Barons.
King re-
covers his
authority.
A parlia-
ment.
and even Prince Edward was obliged to take an oath to obey
their authority.
De Wengham was for some time permitted by them to
retain the office of Chancellor, having made oath that he
would duly keep the King's Seal under their control.*
However, to give a full proof of their prerogative, they sub-
sequently removed him, and elected in his place Nicholas
DE Ely, Archdeacon of Ely f, a mere creature of their own.
The old Great Seal, surrendered up by De Wengham, was
broken in pieces, and a new one was delivered to the Chan-
cellor of the Barons. We have a very circumstantial account
of this ceremony, showing that the King was present as a mere
puppet of the twenty-four. After relating the oath of the
new Chancellor, and that he forthwith sealed with the
new seal, it says that " the King delivered the pieces of the
old broken seal to Robert Wallerand, to be presented to
some poor religious house of the king's gift." J
But the nation was soon disgusted by the arbitrary and
capricious acts of Montfort and his associates : there was a
strong reaction in favour of the King, and for a time he
recovered his authority. Before proceeding to resume the
full exercise of bis royal functions, he applied to Rome for a
dispensation from " the Provisions of Oxford," which he had
very solemnly sworn to observe. This was readily promised
him ; but, unluckily, Alexander the Pope died before the
dispensation was sealed, and considerable delay was likely to
arise before a successor could be elected.
Henry or his advisers, to take advantage of the present
favourable state of the public mind, called a Parliament to
meet in the castle of Winchester. There he openly declared
• The oath made by the Chancellor was to this efFect : — " That he would not
seal writs without the command of the King and his Council, and in the presence
of some of them, nor seal the grant of any great wardship, great marriage, or
escheat, without the assent of the Council or the major part of it, nor would seal
any thing contrary to the ordinances made or to be made by the twenty-four, or
the greater part of them, nor would take any reward but only such as other
Chancellors have formerly received ; and if he should appoint a deputy, it should
be only according to the power to be provided by the council." — Annal
Burton, 413.
t Rot. Pat. 44 H. 3. m. 2.
t Pat. 44 H. 3. n. 2. Claus. Rol. 44 H. 3. n. 2.
WALTER DE MERTON, CHANCELLOR. 151
that he would no longer be bound by " the Provisions of CHAP.
. • IX
Oxford," which had rendered him more a slave than a King. '
He then called before him the Chancellor and Justiciar
appointed by the Barons, and demanded from them the seals
and the rolls of their respective offices. They answered that
they could not lawfully obey him, without the consent of the
Council of twenty-four. The baronial officers were, however,
in his power: they were obliged to submit, and the Great
Seal was delivered up to Henry.
He appointed Walter de Merton as Chancellor.* At Walter de
the same time, to put on an appearance of moderation, cif^'lj™^]^^
the following Letters Patent were passed under the Great a.d. 1261.
Seal, in compliment to the Ex-chancellor thus forcibly dis-
placed : —
" The King to all whom, &c. Know ye that our beloved clerk,
Master Nicholas, Archdeacon of Ely, did, on the day of St. Luke
the Evangelist, in the 44th year of our reign, receive from us our
Great Seal to be kept, which said seal we received from him on
Tuesday next after the Feast of the Translation of St. Thomas the
Martyr, in the 45th year of our reign. We have therefore spe-
cially to recommend him for his good services to us. In witness,
85c. Witness the King, at the Tower of London, on the 14th day
of July." t
De Wengham would probably have been restored to the
office ; but he had fallen into bad health, and he died soon
after. De Merton's appointment was by patent, with an
express declaration that it was " without the consent of the
Barons^ At the same time a grant was made to him of 400
marks a year for support of himself and the Chancery, so long
as he should remain in office. X
* Rot. Pat. 45 H. 3. m. 8.
t Pat. 45 H. 3. m. 7. Liberata 45 H. 3. m. 3. Pat. 49 H. 3. m. 18.
4 This sum would be equal to about 4000Z. of present money. An addition
of 100 marks was made to the salary of his successor. Out oi this the Chan-
cellor had to pay the Chancery clerks or Masters in Chancery, and to defray
other expenses of the Chancery ; but he had besides, as we have seen, high fees
on grants from the crown, and he generally held large ecclesiastical benefices,
so that he must have had a reveime and maintained a state equal to the great
hereditary Harons. In the reign of Henry II. the Chancellor was allowed " five
shillings a day, two deinean and seasoned simnels, one sextary of clear wine, one
sextary of vinum expansabile, one pound of wax and forty pieces of candle." The
five shillings per diem would have been then equal to about 1400/. per annum,
L 4
152
KEIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP.
IX.
History of
De Merton.
Keepers of
Seal.
Public
confusion.
Walter de Merton Is the most considerable man we have
found in the office during the present reign. He gained great
distinction as a student at Oxford, where he afterwards
founded Merton College. He had been appointed to act as
Vice-chancellor from his knowledge of law and capacity for
business. He was twice Lord Chancellor, and, being ap-
pointed to the see of Rochester, he was distinguished as a
prelate for his sanctity and good works.
In 1262 the King went abroad, and was accompanied by
John de Mansel, his secretary, appointed Keeper of the Seal,
Avhile Walter de Merton, remaining at home, was continued
in the office of Chancellor.* Henry returned to England in
a few months, and Walter de Merton continued for some
time to act as his minister, under the title of Chancellor,
employing Keepers of the Seal to do the laborious duties of
the office. Of these the only distinguished man was John
de ChishuU, who was afterwards Chancellor.
Not only " the Provisions of Oxford," but the Great
Charter, and the Charter of the Forest, were now dis-
regarded, and the doctrine was promulgated, which had abet-
tors among lawyers down to the revolution of 1688, that no
royal grants or acts of the legislature are binding on the
Sovereign if they infringe his essential prerogatives, the nature
and extent of which are to be judged of by him and his
ministers.
The bold and artful Montfort, in exile, hearing of the
discontents occasioned by these arbitrary measures, came over
secretly from France, again collected the forces of his party,
and commenced an open rebellion. He seized and imprisoned
John de Mansel, the Ex-keeper of the Great Seal, because
he had published the bull at last obtained from Rome, absolv-
ing the King and kingdom from their oaths to observe " the
but it is impossible to estimate the value of the other items. From a schedule
found in the chamber of accounts at Paris, it appears that Philippe d'Antoigni,
Chancellor to St. Louis, a contemporary sovereign, received for himself and his
horses seven shillings a day ; and another schedule states that the same Chan-
cellor received seven shillings a day for himself, his horses, his grooms (valets a
cheval), and for all others except his clerk and his valet-de-chambre, who sat at
the king's tables.
liot. Claus. 47 ri. 3. m. G. The Chancellor, during the king's absence,
was only to seal instruments attested by H. le Despenser, the Justiciar.
NICHOLAS DE ELY, LORD CHANCELLOR.
153
Provisions of Oxford ;" and he threatened the utmost vengeance
against William de Merton, and the other adherents of the
King, as soon as they should fall into his power. Deserted
by all ranks, they found it prudent to set on foot a treaty of
peace, and to make an accommodation with him on terms the
most disadvantageous. " The Provisions of Oxford " were
confirmed, — even those which entirely annihilated the royal
authority, and the Barons were again reinstated in the sove-
reignty of the kingdom. Their first step was to remove
William de Merton from the office of Chancellor, and to
restore it to their partisan, Nicholas de Ely.*
He continued to hold the Great Seal as Chancellor till
the famous parliament assembled by Simon Montfort, in
the 49th of Henry III., which was summoned by writs in
the form now used, — which was attended by representatives
from counties, cities, and boroughs, and which was the model
of all succeeding parliaments in England.
Under this last settlement an interval of quiet arose,
during which Henry crossed the Channel, to confer with the
French monarch, who was then holding a meeting of his
states at Boulogne. The Great Seal remained in the custody
of Archdeacon Nicholas, who, during the King's absence, put
it only to instruments of course.f
Henry returned to celebrate the feast of the Translation
of St. Edward, and to hold a Parliament at Westminster.
Here a party sprung up for the King, and an attempt was
made to repeal " the Provisions of Oxford," and to restore to
the Crown the power of appointing the Chancellor ; but the
Earl of Leicester still had a majority of spiritual and lay
Peers. Several treaties were attempted between the mo-
CHAP.
IX.
A.D. 1263,
Writs for
Simon de
Montfort's
parliament,
49 Hen. 3.
A.D. 1265.
Reference
to King of
France.
* Tlie entries in the Close Roll are still worded as if the government had been
regularly proceeding under the royal authority. " Here W. de Merton departed
from court, and on Thursday next before the feast of St. Margaret the Virgin,
in the presence of Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, and of the other nobles
of England, Master Nicholas, Archdeacon of Ely, took at Westminster the cus-
tody of the King's Seal, and he immediately sealed with it." — Rot. CI. 47 H. 3.
t Memorandum, that on the 18th of September the Lord the King departed
from Westminster towards foreign parts, and the King's Great Seal remained in
the custody of Nicholas, Archdeacon of Ely, who acted during the King's stay
l)eyond the sea. He however sealed nothing but writs which were attested
by H. le Despenser, Justiciar of England, &c Pat. 47 H. 3. m. 1.
154 REIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP, derate men of both parties, and, according to the custom of
the age, it was at last agreed to refer " the Provisions of
Oxford," and all other matters in difference, to the arbitration
of the French King.
Jan. 1264. The royal arbitrator, having taken upon himself the burthen
of the reference, and having patiently heard both sides in full
assembly of his nobility, gave judgment in favour of the
King of England, by declaring " the Provisions of Oxford "
null and void, and adjudging that the King might nominate
his Chancellor, and the other great officers of the kingdom,
according to his own pleasure.
The King was proceeding to act upon the award ; but the
Barons refused to be bound by it, alleging that it was con-
tradictory on the face of it, and that the arbitrator had ex-
ceeded his authority.
May, 1264. Both parties again flew to arms, and soon after was fought
Lewes." t^^ " Mise " or " battle of Lewes," which ended in the
captivity of Henry, of his brother the King of the Romans,
of Prince Edward his son, and of Comyn, Bruce, and all the
chief opponents of Montfort who survived the perils of that
bloody field.
Meeting of The parliament was called in the King's name, the King
Montfort's l^^ing apparently on the throne, the Lords spiritual and tem-
parliament. poral attending, and the commonalty of the realm fully re-
presented by the knights, citizens^ and burgesses who had been
elected under the new-fashioned writs which Montfort or his
Chancellor had framed. This assembly, however, had merely
to register the decrees of the usurper. An Act was passed
(the first professing to have the sanction of the third estate),
according to the following tenour : — " This Is the form of the
peace unanimously approved of by our Lord the King, and
the Lord Edward his son, and all the Prelates and Barons,
together with the whole community of the kingdom of England^''
— the leading enactment being, that, for the reformation of the
state of the kingdom, there should be chosen three discreet
and faithful men who should have power and authority from
the King of choosing nine counsellors, out of whom three at the
least, by turns, should always be present at Court, and the
King, by the advice of those nine, should make his Justiciar,
NICHOLAS DE ELY, LORD CHANCELLOR. 155
Chancellor, Treasurer, and all the other great and small officers ^^^^'
connected with the government of the kinfjrdom.* ^
For some reason not explained, Nicholas de Ely was re-
moved by De Montfort from the office of Chancellor. He
was probably siispected of having temporised between the
two parties, and of having countenanced the reference to the
King of France. He is to be had in remembrance as the
first Chancellor who ever sealed writs for the election of
knights, citizens, and burgesses to Parliament.f Whether he. Origin of
as a native of England, suggested the measure — foreseeing the commons.
benefits it might confer upon his country — or De Montfort,
Avho had been born and educated abroad, introduced it from
some country in which the third estate Avas admitted to grant
supplies and have a share in legislation, — or whether the two
thought of nothing but a present expedient for enlarging and
confirming their power, by taking advantage of the popularity
they then enjoyed with the classes on whom the elective fran-
chise was bestowed, without looking to precedent or regarding
distant consequences, it would now be vain to conjecture.
Although there was much of accident with respect to the
time when the institution first appeared among us, yet it could
not have continued to flourish if it had not been suited to the
state of society and the wants of the nation. In spite of
violence and oppression, in spite of continued foreign or
domestic war, commerce made advances, wealth increased
among the middling orders, the feudal system began gradually
to decline, and both the King and the people favoured a new
power which was more submissive than the Barons to the
regular authority of the Crown, and at the same time afforded
protection against their insolence to the inferior classes of the
community.
Nicholas de Ely seems, after Montfort's fall, to have re-
♦ 1 Pari. Hist. 31.
f Some writers have attempted to give a much earlier date to the popular
representation in England, but I think without success ; for not only are there
no earlier writs for the election of representatives extant, but there is no trace of
the existence of such a body in accounts of i)arlianientary proceedings, where, if
it had existed, it must have been mentioned, — as the trial of Thomas a Becket,
which is as minutely reported as the impeachment of Warren Hastings. Tlie
great council of the nation hitherto consisted of the prelates and barons, assisted
by the officers of states and the judges.
156
EEIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP.
IX.
Thomas dk
Canti-
LUPK,
Chancellor.
A.D. 1265.
His salary.
conciled himself to the Court, for though he did not again
hold any civil office, he was made Bishop of Worcester in
1268, and before the end of that year translated to the see of
Winchester, which he held till his death in 1280.
The new Chancellor appointed by the twenty-four Barons
now vested with supreme power, was Thomas de Can-
TiLurE.* He was of noble extraction, being son of William
Baron de Cantilupe, of an illustrious Norman family. Being
destined for the church, he studied at Oxford, where he
made great proficiency in the Canon Law : he took the degree
of Doctor of Laws, and became Chancellor of that University,
then an annual office ; but he had not yet reached any
higher ecclesiastical dignity than that of Archdeacon of
Staflibrd.
Lord Chancellor Cantilupe had a grant of 500 marks a- year,
payable at the Exchequer at four terms in the year, for the
support of himself and the clerks of the King's Chancery f,
so long as he should continue Archdeacon of Staffiard.
He had a very short and troubled possession of his new
office. Prince Edward had escaped from imprisonment, and
was again in the field at the head of a numerous and well
appointed ai'my. Cantilupe's services were wanted to assist
in opposing him at a distance from London, and the Great
• The entry on the record, however, shows that the government was still
decently carried on in the King's name. " On Wednesday next after the feast
of St. Peter in cathedra, Master John de Chishull, Archdeacon of London (who
had been sigillifer), restored to the King his Seal, and he on the same day com-
mitted the custody of it to Master Tliomas de Cantilupe, who immediately
sealed with it." — Claus. 49 H. 3. m. 9.
f This document is still extant, and is curious as recognising the election of
the Chancellor by parliament, and showing the form observed when a grant was
to pass under the Great Seal in favour of the Chancellor himself " Rex
omnibus, &c., salutem. Cum dilectus nobis in Christo Magister Thomas de
Cantilupo, per nos et magnates nostros qui sunt de Concilio nostro, electus sit
in Cancellariam Regni nostri, et nos ipsum ad officium illud gratanter admiseri-
mus, nos sustentationi sua; et clericorum Cancellarice nostras providere volentes,
concessimus ei quingentas marcas, singulis annis percipiendas ad Scaccarium
nostrum, &c., ad sustentationem suam et Clericorum Cancellariae nostra; pre-
dict£e quamdiu steterit in officio. In cujus, &c. Teste Rege apud Westmon.
xxvj° die Marcii. Et sciendum quod Dominus Rex manu sua propria plicavit
istud breve et in presentia sua fecit consignari, presentibus similiter H. le
Dispenser, Justiciario Anglia;," &c Pat. 49 II. 3. m. 18. This grant was
continued to his successors, as we several times find credit given to sheriffs for
payments made to the Chancellor by the King's order in discharge of the allow-
ance of 500 marks for the sustentation of himself and the clerks of the Chancery.
—Mag. Rot. 52 II. 3. 50 II. 3.
THOMAS DE CANTILUPE, LORD CHANCELLOR.
157
Seal was temporarily transferred to Ralph de Sandwich,
Keeper of the Wardrobe, to be kept by him till Thomas de
CantUupe should return, under the superintendence, and to
be used with the concurrence, of Peter de Montfort, Roger
St. John, and Giles de Argentine.* Ralph de Sandwich
was probably a personal attendant on the King in whom no
confidence was reposed. The three superintendents were
devoted adherents of the party, who now kept the King pri-
soner, and ruled in his name.
Before Thomas de Cantilupe did return the battle of
Evesham was fought, — Simon de Montfort was slain, and
his party was for ever extinguished.
Prince Edward is celebrated for the merciful disposition he
now displayed. No blood was shed on the scaffold, and all
who submitted were pardoned. Cantilupe, though removed
from his oflfice, was afterwards taken into favour, made Bishop
of Hereford, and employed in an embassy to Italy, where he
died in 1282. Notwithstanding the political factions in which
he was engaged, he acquired a character for extraordinary
sanctity ; miracles were said to be wrought by his dead body.
He was canonised by Pope John XXII. ; and all his succes-
sors, the Bishops of Hereford, out of respect to his me-
mory, have used his family arms as the heraldic bearings of
their see.
The victory of Evesham having fully re-established the
royal authority during the remainder of this reign, Walter
GiFFARD, who had always steadily adhered to the court party,
was appointed to the office of Chancellor, f
* The following memoranduin of this transfer is to be found in the Patent
Roll : — " That on Thursday next after St. John Port Latin Master Thomas de
Cantilupe, the King's Chancellor, delivered the King's Seal to Ralph de Sand-
wich, the keeper of the wardrobe, in the presence of the King and of Hugh le
Despenser, Justiciar of England, and Peter de Montfort, to be kept by him
until Thomas should return ; — to be used in this manner — Ralph to keep it in
the wardrobe under the seal of Peter de Montfort, Roger de St. John, and
Giles de Argentein, or one of them — when taken out, Ralph to seal the writs
of course in the presence of the person under whose seal it had been then
inclosed, or in his absence if he was not minded to be there, but mandatory
writs only in the presence of such person and with his assent ; and when the
writs either of course or mandatory were sealed, then the King's Seal was to be
sealed up under the seal of one of the three persons above named, and to be
carried by Ralph into the wardrobe, to be there kept in form aforesaid, until
Thomas de Cantilupe should return," — Rot. Pat. 49 H. 3. m. 16.
t Rot. Pat. 49 H. .3. m. 10.
CHAP.
IX.
Aug. 4.
1265.
Battle of
Evesham.
Death of
Cantilupe.
Walter
GiFFAEn,
Chancellor
Aug. 10.
1265.
158
REIGN OF HENKY III.
CHAP.
IX.
Resigns,
being made
Arch-
bishop of
York.
Godfrey
GiFFARD,
Chancellor.
A.D. 1266.
Removed
for incom-
petency.
He was of a good family, and of great abilities. Having
mastered all that was to be learned in England, he completed
his education in Italy, Avhere he was ordained priest and made
private chaplain to the Pope. On his return to his own coun-
try, mixing in secular affairs, he rose to be Lord Treasurer, an
office which he lost by a sudden revolution in the state. In
1264 he reached the secure elevation of the prelacy, being
made Bishop of Bath and Wells. This dignity he held when
he received the Great Seal. In about a year after, the Arch-
bishopric of York falling vacant, he aspired to it, and had the
court interest ; but William de Langton, Dean of York, was
elected by the Chapter. Both parties appealed to the Pope,
and, after a keen struggle, Giffard succeeded through his
superior interest. As soon as he was installed Archbishop,
he voluntarily resigned the Great Seal, and devoted himself
to the government of his new see, which he held above ten
years. He left behind him the reputation of great learning,
as well as of integrity and piety.
He was succeeded in the office of Chancellor by Godfrey
GiFFARD, Archdeacon of Wells *, another member of the
same family, who, through his mother, was related to the
King, and seems to have owed his promotion entirely to
court favour. He was removed from the office after he had
held it a very short time, without any turn in politics, and
without any advancement in the church, — whence it is in-
ferred that he was found wholly incompetent for secular
duties. Nevertheless he was afterwards considered suffi-
ciently qualified for high ecclesiastical preferment, and in
1269 he was appointed to the see of Worcester, which he
held without reproach for 24 years. While he was Chan-
cellor, in the 5 2d year of the King's reign, a parliament
assembled at Marlbridge, where many useful laws were
passed for restraining the abuse of Distresses, regulating the
mcidents of tenure, and improving civil and criminal pro-
cedure. Several of these display great discrimination, and
an acquaintance with the general principles of Jurisprudence
Rot. Pat. 51 H. 3. m. 22. 52 H. 3. m, 30. Rot. Claus. 52 H, 3. m. 10.
RICHARD DE MIDDLETON, LORD CHANCELLOR. 159
greatly above the comprehension of the Chancellor ; and if he criAP.
introduced them, they must have been framed by superior
men whom he had the wit to employ.*
The next Chancellor was a man of much renown in his John de
day, John de Chishull, Dean of St. Paul's. He had risen ^^^^""jj^
from an obscure origin by his own powers, and being well Oct. so.
skilled in the civil and common law, with a great readiness for ^^^^•
business, he had been found very useful to Lord Chancellor de
Merton, who made him his Vice-chancellor. f Having always
taken the royalist side, he was persecuted by the Barons ; but
they being now crushed, his fidelity was rewarded with the
office of Chancellor, which he filled with great applause till
the year 1270, when he exchanged it for that of Treasurer.
In 1274 he was made Bishop of London, and he spent the
remainder of his days in works of charity, and in seeking to
expiate the sins he had committed in his political career. |
His successor in the office of Chancellor was Richard de Richard
Middleton, of whom so little is known that it has been ^on, Chan-
questioned whether he was a layman or an ecclesiastic ; but ceiior.
there can be little doubt that he was one of the active aspir- i269.
ing priests who, in those troublous times, were employed
as secretaries to the King, and were intrusted with the Great
Seal as a step to high promotion in the church. While he
was Chancellor he certainly provided for the expenses of the
King's chapel out of the profits of his office, and no doubt
officiated in it as chaplain. § He died while Chancellor, on
* See Stat. Marlb. 52 H. 3.
t There is an entry in the Charter Roll, 49 H. 3., which has induced some
to suppose that Chishull was Chancellor before Cantilupe, but though he de-
livered the Great Seal to the King, he had not before held it as Chancellor.
J Matthew of Westminster. — The family of de Chishull was settled for several
centuries at Little Bardfield in Essex ; and in the parish register of that place
there is the following entry respecting him, which seems to have been written
about the year 1539 : — " John de Chishull, archdeacon of London, and treasurer
of England, was made Keeper of the Great Scale in the yeare of our redemption
one thousande two hundred sixtie and four, being the eight and fortie yeare of the
raigne of King Henry the Third. This man was consecrated Bishopp of Lon-
don in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred seventie and foure, the
third kalendes of May. He died in the yeare that the word of the father became
flesh one thousand two hundred seventie and nine, the fourth ides of February,
in the seventh yeare of the scourge of the Scotts and Welshmen." — Extracted
from the parish register by my son Hallyburton.
§ In the fifty- fifth year of King Henry III., John le Fauconer, receiver of the
fees of the Great Seal, rendered to De Middleton his account, which is still
extant, and in which he is allowed certain disbursements for the King's chapel,
160
REIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP.
IX.
Prince
Edward in
the Holy
Land.
John de
Kirby,
Keeper of
Great Seal.
Aug. 7.
1272.
Sunday before the Feast of St. Lawrence, in the year 1272,
before any other provision had been made for him*, and the
Great Seal was deposited in the King's wardrobe to abide the
disposal of the Council who now governed the kingdom.
Prince Edward, having crushed De Montfort and the as-
sociated Barons, — seduced by his avidity for glory, and by
the passion of the age for crusades, had undertaken an expe-
dition, in conjunction with St. Louis, to recover the Holy
Sepulchre, and, after the death of that pious and romantic
sovereign, was now signalising himself by acts of valour in
Palestine, and reviving the splendour of the English name
among the nations of the East. King Henry, overcome by
the cares of government and the infirmities of age, was
visibly declining, and could no longer even appear to take a
part in the government. Letters were written in his name
to the Prince, urging his immediate return, and pointing out
the dangers to which the state was exposed from the mu-
tinous Barons, who were again commencing their machi-
nations and disorders. In the mean time the Council did
not venture to appoint a new Chancellor, but delivered the
Great Seal to John de Kirby, with the title of Vice-chan-
cellor, that he might seal writs with it, and do what was
requisite for the ordinary routine of government till the
Prince's arrival.
Kirby was a churchman, eager for promotion ; — as yet only
Dean of Winburn and Archdeacon of Coventry, but active,
cunning, and unscrupulous. His conduct in this emergency
gave such satisfaction, that in the ensuing reign he was made
Bishop of Ely and Lord Treasurer. But he is accused by
among other expenses to be defrayed by the Chancellor. " Compotus Johannis
le Fauconer Receptoris denariorum provenienciura de exitibus Sigilli Regis, a
festo Apostolorum Simonis et Judae, anno Liiij usq ; ad idem festum anno Lvj
incipiente, videlicet per duos annos. — Summa summarum, DCCCCLxxiij 1.
xvj s. In thesauro nichil." Among the credits, " Et Johanni Partejoye custodi
summarum Regis Cancellarii pro vadiis suis per CCCxxx dies vj 1. iij s. ix d.
per idem breve [Regis]. Et in percameno ad opus clericorum Cancellariee
predictcE, et aliis minutis expensis ejusdem Cancellariae et Capella; Regis xiij 1.
ij s. vi d. per idem breve." Mag. Rot. 55 H. 3. Rot. 1. a. in Rot. Compotor.
The amount of these fees is considerable, regard being had to the value of money
in those times.
• Die Dominica proxima ante festum Sancti Laurentii obiit Ricardus de
Middleton quondam Cancellarius Regis et Sigillum Regis liberatum fuit in
Garderobam Regis. — Chart. 56 H. 3. m. 2.
STATE OF THE LAW. 161
contemporary writers of having neglected his spiritual for his chap.
temporal duties, and of^ having taken but little notice of the
flocks committed to his charge, except when he was to shear
them.
He held the Great Seal from the 7th of August, 1272, to
the 16th of November following, the day that closed the in-
glorious reign of Henry III. The moment that the King had
breathed his last, Kirby surrendered it to Walter Archbishop
of York and the rest of the Council assembled to take mea-
sures for securing the accession of the new Sovereign.*
During this reign there were sixteen Chancellors, and
many Keepers f of the Great Seal besides; but none of
them of much historical importance. Learning was very
low, and was confined entirely to the clergy. Not only
were the Chancellors of this order, but many dignitaries of
the Church were Justices in the Courts at Westminster and
in the Eyre. Nay, the advocates in the secular courts were
ecclesiastics, and from them only could any competent Judges
be selected. There was a canon published about this time,
" Nee advocati sint clerici, vel sacerdotes, in foro seculari,
nisi vel proprias causas vel miserabilium prosequantur.^^ The
exception excused their appearance in Westminster Hall,
and their violation of the rule was, from necessity, con-
nived at. I
After the Great Charter and the Charter of the Forest had Character
been confirmed, the King's ministers were too much occu- of Chancel-
. . . . 1°''^ during
pied in counteracting the plots and resisting the violence of reign of
the mutinous Barons to have much leisure for legal reform,
and the only attempts at it by legislation were the statutes of
Merton § and Marlbridge. || Several provincial and legatine
constitutions were passed by convocations of the clergy, at
the instigation or with the concurrence of clerical Chan-
cellors, for exempting ecclesiastics from all secular jurisdic-
• Rot. Claus. and Pat. 57 H. 3. m. 1.
f In the longer reign of George HI. there were only eight.
\ But the inns of court for education in the common law were about this
time established, and a separate order of laymen learned in the common law
sprung up and flourished.
§ 20 H. 3., the chief enactment of which was to encourage the inclosure of
waste land.
II 52 H. 3., for regulating the right of distress.
VOL. I. M
lien. II L
162
EEIGN OF HENRY III.
CHAP.
IX.
Bracton,
merits uf.
Abolition
of office of
Chief Jus-
ticiar.
tion, and effecting those objects which had been defeated by
the constitutions of Clarendon and the vigorous adminis-
tration of Henry II.
It is curious that, in the most disturbed period of this tur-
bulent reign, when ignorance seemed to be thickening and
the human intellect to decline, there was written and given
to the world the best treatise upon law of which England
could boast till the publication of Blackstone's Commen-
taries, in the middle of the eighteenth century.* It would
have been very gratifying to me if this work could have been
ascribed, with certainty, to any of the Chancellors Avhose
lives have been noticed. The author, usually styled Henry
de Bracton, has gone by the names of Brycton, Britton, Bri-
ton, Breton, and Brets ; and some have doubted whether all
these names are not imaginary. From the elegance of his
style and the familiar knowledge he displays of the Roman
law, I cannot doubt that he was an ecclesiastic who had ad-
dicted himself to the study of jurisprudence ; and as he was
likely to gain advancement from his extraordinary profi-
ciency, he may have been one of those whom I have commemo-
rated, — although I must confess that he rather speaks the
language likely to come from a disappointed practitioner than
of a Chancellor who had been himself in the habit of making
Judges.f For comprehensiveness, for lucid arrangement, for
logical precision, this author was unrivalled during many ages.
Littleton's work on Tenures, which illustrated the reign of
Edward IV., approaches Bracton; but how barbarous, in
comparison, are the Commentaries of Lord Coke, and the
Law treatises of Hale and of Hawkins ! X
Towards the end of this reign the office of Chief Jus-
ticiar, which had often been found so dangerous to the
* Tlie book must have been written between the years 1262 and 1267, for it
cites a ease decided in the 47th of H. 3., and takes no notice whatever of the
Statute of Marlbridge, which passed in the 52d of H. 3.
f Describing the judges of his time he calls them, " Insipientes et minus
docti, qui cathedram judicandi ascendunt antequam leges dedicerint."
I It must be admitted that juridical writing is a department of literature in
which the English have been very defective, and in which they are greatly
excelled by the French, the Germans, and even by the Scotch. The present
state of the common law may now probably be best learned from " the notes of
Patteson and Williams on Serjeant Williams's notes on Saunders's Reports of
Cases decided in the reign of Charles II.," and written in Norman- French.
STATE OF THE LAW.
163
CHAP.
IX.
Disruption
of Aula
Regia.
Crown, fell into disuse. Hugh le Despenser, in the 49th of
Henry III., was the last who bore the title.* The hearing
of common actions being fixed at Westminster by Magna
Charta, the Aula Regia was gradually subdivided, and
certain Judges were assigned to hear criminal cases before the
King himself, wheresoever he might be, in England. These
formed the Court of King's Bench. They were called
" Justitiarii ad placita coram Rege," and the one who was to
preside " Capitalis Justiciarius." He was inferior in rank to
the Chancellor, and had a salary of only 100 marks a yearf,
while the Chancellor had generally 500. Henceforth the Chancellor
Chancellor, in rank, power, and emolument, was the first of law.
magistrate under the Crown, and looked up to as the great
head of the profession of the law.
There are some cases decided in this reign which are still
quoted as authority in Legal Digests; — the writs and sum-
monses to Simon de Montfort's parliament are now given in
evidence on questions of peerage, — and the England in which
we live might be descried.
• Dugdale, in his Chronica Series, when he comes to 55 H. 3., a.d. 1271,
changes the heading of his column of justices from " Justiciariorum Angliae" to
"Justic. ad Plac. coram Rege."
f Dugd. Or. Jur. p. 104. The puisnes had only forty pounds a year. The
chief justice of Common Pleas had one hundred marks, the chief baron forty
marks, and the puisne barons twenty. 2 Reeve's Hist, of Law, 91. This is
certainly poor pay, and I am afraid may have induced the judges to be guilty of
the corrupt conduct for which they were punished in the following reign.
The work was, however, very light till the times when salaries were so much
increased. In the reign of Henry VI. the judges never sat more than three
hours a day, from eight in the morning till eleven, employing the rest of their
time in refection, reading, and contemplation, while the councillors and Serjeants
went to the parvise at Paul's to meet their clients. — Fort, de Laud.
H 2
164 REIGN OF EDWARD T.
CHAPTER X.
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL DURING THE
REIGN OF EDWARD I. TILL THE DEATH OF LORD CHANCELLOR
BURNEL.
CHAP. Edward being proclaimed King, while still absent from
' England, the Council, as an act of power authorised by the
Nov. 20. urgency of the case, resolved to appoint a Chancellor. After
ll''^- nine days' deliberation they selected Walter de Merton,
Walter de •' ■'
Mertok, who had filled the office in the preceding reign, and who.
Chancellor, jj^ying always been a zealous royalist, they had every reason
to believe would be agreeable to the new Sovereign.
The letters addressed to the Prince requiring his presence
had produced the desired effect, and he had reached Sicily on
his return from the Holy Land, when he received intelligence
of the death of his father. Learning the quiet settlement of
the kingdom, he was in no hurry to take possession of the
throne ; but from France he wrote a letter dated the 9th of
August, in the first year of his reign — " To his beloved
Clerk and Chancellor, Walter de Merton," confirming his
appointment, and requesting him to continue to discharge the
duties of the Chancellorship.*
* " Edward, by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, and
Duke of Aquitaine, to his beloved Clerk and Chancellor, Walter de Merton,
greeting.
" We give you special thanks for the diligence you have applied to our affairs
and tliose of our kingdom, beseeching that what you have so laudably begun
you will happily take care to continue, causing justice to be done to every one
in matters which belong to your office, inducing others also to do the same, not
sparing the condition or rank of any person, so that the rigour of justice may
control those whom the sense of equity cannot restrain from injuries. Those
things which you shall have rightly done in this matter we, God willing, will
cause to be fully confirmed.
" Given at Mellune on Seine, 9th of August, in the first year of our reign."
This letter shows that the king clearly conceived he had a right to remove the
Chancellor if he liad thought fit, though he had been appointed by the council.
This appointment Is adduced by Prynne in his " Opening of the Great Seal,"
as a proof that the Chancellor was the officer of the parliament, not of the king ;
but the appointment of De Merton was an act of power exercised in the king's
name, and demanded by necessity, as at the decease of Henry III. there was no
LORD CHANCELLOR BIIRNEL.
165
The nobles assembled at the "New Temple" in London*
had ordered a new Great Seal to be made, having the name
and style of Edward inscribed upon it, and in the attestation
of public documents by the guardians of the realm during
the King's absence the words occur, — "In cujus, &c., has
literas sigillo Domini Regis quo utimur in agendis, eodem
absente, fecimus consignari." — De Merton displayed extra-
ordinary ability as Chancellor, and materially contributed to
the auspicious commencement of the new reign.
To the great joy of the people the King at last arrived,
was crowned, and took the Government into his own hands.
He ordered another Great Seal, under which he confirmed the
grants made in his absence, by "inspeximus" — according to
the following form : — "Is erat tenor praedictarum literarum
quas praedicto sigillo nostro fecimus quo praedicti locum
nostrum tenentes utebantur, quod quia postmodum mutatum
est, tenorem literarum prasdictarum acceptantes prsesenti
sigillo nostro fecimus consignari." f
De Merton was now removed from the office, — not because
his conduct was at all censured, but the King wished to
promote to it a personal friend who had followed him in all
his fortunes, and for whose abilities and character he had the
highest respect. The bishopric of Rochester was bestowed
on the Ex-chancellor, and he employed his time in building,
endowing, and making statutes for Merton College, Oxford,
where his memory is still revered. He died in 1277.$
On the day of St. Matthew the Apostle §, 1274, the office
of Chancellor was conferred on Robert Burnel, and he
continued to hold it with great applause for eighteen years.
Chancellor, and the Seal was deposited in the wardrobe. Unless some one had
been appointed Chancellor, writs could not have been sealed, and the govern-
ment of the country could not have been conducted till the king should return
or manifest his pleasure upon the subject.
• Mat. West. 401. f Pat. Rot. 1 Ed. J.
^ In the reign of Queen Elizabeth, his tomb being much dilapidated, it was
repaired by the Warden and Scholars of Merton, who supplied an epitaph giving
a minute account of the life and dignities of their Founder, and concluding with
these lines :
" Magne senex titulis Musarum sede sacrata,
Major Mertonidum maxime progenie.
Ha;c tibi gratantes post secula sera nepotes,
Et votiva locant Marmora, Sancte Parens."
CHAP.
X.
His con-
duct and
character.
A.D. 1274.
Sept. 21.
1274.
Robert
Burnel,
Chancellor.
§ Sept. 21.
M 3
166
REIGN OF EDWARD I.
CHAP.
X,
Birth and
education.
Accom-
panies
Prince
Edward to
the Holy
Land.
during all which time he enjoyed the favour and confidence
of Edward, and was his chief adviser in all public affairs.
He is a striking example of the unequal measure with which
historical fame has been meted out to English statesmen.
Although intimately connected with the conquest and settle-
ment of Wales; — although he conducted Edward's claim to
the superiority over Scotland, and pronounced the sentence
by which the crown of that country was disposed of to be
held under an English liege Lord; — although he devised a
system for the government of Ireland upon liberal and en-
lightened principles; — although he took the chief part in the
greatest reforms of the law of England recorded in her
annals, — and there can be no doubt that he occupied a con-
siderable space in the public eye during his own age, — his
name has since been known only to a few dry antiquaries
incapable of appreciating his merits.*
Robert Burnel was the younger son of Robert de Burnel,
of a powerful family settled from time immemorial at Acton
Burnel, in the county of Salop, f Here the future Chancellor
was born $ ; here, he afterwards, by the King's licence, erected
a fortified castle ; and here, to illustrate his native place, he
prevailed on the King to hold a parliament at which was
passed the famous law, " De Mercatoribus," called " the
Statute of Acton Burnel."
As his elder brother, Hugh, was to inherit the paternal
estate, and was, of course, to do military service as a knight
and baron, Robert was destined to rise in the state by civil
and ecclesiastical employments, which were then generally
combined. He early distinguished himself by his proficiency
not only in the civil and canon law, but in the common law
of England ; and there is reason to think that after he had
taken holy orders, he practised as an advocate in the Courts
at Westminster. During the Barons' wars, while still a
young man, he was introduced to Prince Edward, who was
* In Hume's very superficial history of the reign of Edward I., Lord Chan-
cellor Burnel is not once named or alluded to.
t I'le little village of Acton Burnel, picturesquely placed near the foot of
the northernmost Caer Caradoc in Shropshire, and contiguous to a Roman road
ongmally connecting Wroxeter with Church Stretton, is remarkable both for its
early history and its architectural xnvaains.—Hartshorne.
\ Rot. Pat. 12 Ed. 1. m. 7. m. 18.
LORD CHANCELLOR BURNEL. 167
about his own age, and was much pleased with his address CHAP.
and social qualities, as well as his learning and ability. He '
became chaplain and private secretary to the heir apparent,
suggested to him the counsels which enabled him to triumph
over Simon de Montfort, and attended him in his expedition
to the Holy Land.*
When appointed Chancellor he had reached no higher
ecclesiastical dignity than that of Archdeacon of York. He
was soon after raised to the see of Bath and Wells, — with
which he remained contented, devoting the whole of his
energies to affairs of state.
He presided at the Parliament which met in May, 1275, May, 1275.
and passed " the Statute of WESTMi>fSTER the First," fo*^/^'
deserving the name of a Code rather than an Act of Par- Statute op
liament. From this chiefly, Edward I. has obtained the ^^^^ ^^^
name of " the English Justinian " — absurdly enough, as the First.
Roman Emperor merely caused a compilation to be made of
existing laws, — whereas the object now was to correct abuses,
to supply defects, and to remodel the administration of
justice. Edward deserves infinite praise for the sanction he
gave to the undertaking ; and from the observations he had
made in France, Sicily, and the East, he may, like Napoleon,
have been personally useful in the consultations ^for the
formation of the new Code, — but the execution of the plan
must have been left to others professionally skilled in juris-
prudence, and the chief merit of it may safely be ascribed to
Lord Chancellor Burnel, who brought it forward in parliament.
The statute is methodically divided into fifty- one chapters, provisions
Without extending the exemption of churchmen from civil of the
jurisdiction, it protects the property of the Church from the
violence and spoliation of the King and the nobles, to which
it had been exposed. It provides for freedom of popular
elections, then a matter of much moment, as sheriffs, coroners,
and conservators of the peace were still chosen by the free-
holders in the county court, and attempts had been made
unduly to influence the election of knights of the shire,
almost from the time when the order was instituted. It
* Rot. Claus. 2 Ed. 1. m. 4. Rot. Pat. 50 H. 3. m.
M 4
168
REIGN OP EDWARD I.
CHAP.
X.
Its omis-
sions.
A.D. 1281.
Conquest
of Wales.
contains a strong declaration to enforce the enactment of
Magna Charta against excessive fines which might operate
as perpetual imprisonment. It enumerates and corrects the
great abuses of tenures, — particularly with regard to the
marriage of wards. It regulates the levying of tolls, which
were imposed in an arbitrary manner, not only by the Barons,
but by cities and boroughs. It corrects and restrains the
powers of the King's escheator and other officers under the
Crown. It amends the criminal law, putting the crime of
rape on the footing to which it has been lately restored, as
a most grievous but not a capital offence. It embraces the
subject of " Procedure " both in civil and criminal matters,
introducing many regulations with a view to render it cheaper,
more simple, and more expeditious.
Having gone so far, we are astonished that it did not go
farther. It does not abolish trial by battle in civil suits, —
only releasing the demandant's champion from the oath
(which was always false) that he had seen seisin given of
the land, or that his father, when dying, had exhorted him to
defend the title to it. But if total and immediate abolition
of this absurd and impious practice had been proposed, there
would have been sincere and respectable men who would
have stood up for ancestral wisdom, — asserting that England
owed all her glory and prosperity to trial by battle in civil
suits, and that to abolish it would be impiously interfering
with the prerogative of Heaven to award victory to the just
cause.
Lord Chancellor Burnel was soon to appear in a very difie-
rent capacity. Llewellyn, Prince of Wales, had given great
assistance to the Montfort faction, and though he was in-
cluded in the general amnesty published after the battle of
Evesham, there was a lurkino; resentment agrainst him for his
past misdeeds, and a strong desire to curb and curtail his
power, that he might be less dangerous in future. By the
Chancellor's advice he was summoned to this parliament to
do homage for his principality, which he admitted that he held
of the British Crown. The Welsh Prince neglected the
summons and sent for excuse, — " that the King, having
LORD CHANCELLOR BURNEL. 169
shown on many occasions an extreme animosity against him, CHAP,
he would not trust his person with his declared enemy."
Nevertheless, he offered to come, provided Edward would give
him his eldest son in hostage, with the Earl of Gloucester
and the Lord Chancellor. We may believe that Burnel,
known to be very unfriendly to the Welsh, would not have
been very willing to trust himself among these savage men In
the recesses of Snowdon.
The Prince was peremptorily summoned to appear at a par- judo-ment
liament held in 1276, — and, making default, — after a solemn against
hearing of the matter in his absence, he was adjudged by the
mouth of the Chancellor to be guilty of felony, and war was
immediately proclaimed against him. Llewellyn being soon ^ ^ ,„^^
after slain in battle, the principality of Wales was completely
subjugated, and Burnel was employed to devise measures for
its pacification and future government. He was stationed LordChan-
at Bristol, where he held courts of justice for the southern cellor em-
. . /> . . ployed in
counties, and gave general directions for the introduction of govem-
English institutions among the natives, who, notwithstanding pr"nci*^a.
their boast of ancient independence and love of poetry, had Hty.
made very little advance in civilisation or the common arts of
life. He then prepared a Code under which Wales was
governed till the reign of Henry VIII., when it was allowed
to send members to parliament, and was fully included
within the pale of the English constitution. This was first,
in the form of a charter, to which the Great Seal was affixed,
but being confirmed in a parliament held at Kuthlan Castle,
it is generally called " Statutum WalliEe," or " the Statute
of Rutland*;" reciting that Wales, with its inhabitants,
had hitherto been subject to the King jure feudali, but had
now by divine providence fallen in proprietatis dominum, — it
introduces the English law of inheritance, — regulates the
jurisdiction of the " Justiciarius de Snaudon" — establishes
sheriffs and coroners, — and provides for the administration of
civil and criminal justice. Seconded by the immense castles
erected by Edward, which now give us such a notion of his
wealth as well as of his wisdom, this Code had the effect of
* 10 Ed. 1.
170
REIGN OF EDWARD I.
CHAP.
X.
preserving tranquillity, and gradually preparing the way for
greater improvements.
,Qg In May, 1282, the King paid his Chancellor a visit of three
Parliament days at Acton Bumsl, and the following year spent six weeks
Omncei- with him there, from the 29th of September to the 12th of
lor's Castle November, during the trial of Prince David for high treason
Burnel!" before the Parliament at Shrewsbury, from which, as an
aifair of blood, all prelates were absent. After the disgraceful
sentence passed on the last of a princely line, — that for bravely
defending his own rights and the independence of his country,
he should be dragged at horses' heels through the streets of
Shrewsbury, hanged, beheaded, and divided into four quarters,
to be distributed through the four chief towns of England*;
the King, to gratify his host, adjourned the parliament to
Acton Burnel, and it is said that the prelates, barons, knights,
citizens, and burgesses assembled in the great hall of the
strong castle which, by royal licence, the Chancellor had built
in his native place, f Here was passed the most admirable
statute, "De Mercatoribus:}:," for the recovery of debts, —
showing that this subject was fully as well understood in the
time of Chancellor Burnel as in the time of Chancellor Eldon
or Chancellor Lyndhurst. The grievance (which is peculiar
to England) of being obliged to bring an action and have a
* There was a keen controversy between York and Winchester for his right
shoulder, which was awarded to the capital of Wessex.
f Pro Roberto Burnel Bathon 'et Well ' \ Rex omnibus ad quos etc. salutem.
Episcopo de manso Kernellando. J Sciatis quod concessimus pro nobis
et heredibus nostris venerabili patri Roberto Burnel Bathoniensi et Wellensi
Episcopo Cancellario nostro quod ipse et heredes sui mansum suum de Acton
Burnel muro de petra et calce firmare et Carnellare possint quandocumque
voluerint, et mansum illud sic firmatum et carnellatum tenere sibi et heredibus
suis in perpetuum ; sine occasione vel impedimento nostri et heredum nostrorum
Justiciariorum et ministrorum nostrorum quorumcunque. In cujus etc. T. R.
apud Lincolniam, xxviii die Januarii. Pat. 12. Ed. 1.
The remains of the castle still attract the curious in mediaeval architecture.
It is a quadrangular structure, enclosing an area of 70 feet by 47, with
engaged square towers at each angle. 'Die interior has been much disturbed,
and is now so choked up with modern erections, that the dimensions and uses
of the original chambers can no longer be ascertained. However, there had
certainly been a spacious hall on the first floor, lighted by three large windows
to the south, in which, probably, the parliament assembled. There seems to be
no doubt that the three estates of the realm were not then separated as has been
supposed into two chambers, but deliberated together, and formed one legislative
assembly. — See Rymer, vol. ii. 247., and preamble of statute. Hartshome on
" Ancient Parliament, and Castle of Acton Burnel."
t 11 Ed. 1.
X.
LORD CHANCELLOR BURNEL. 17 1
debt established by the judgment of a court of law before chap,
enforcing payment of it, where there is not the smallest
doubt of the validity of the instrument by which it is con-
stituted, has always been a reproach to the administration of
justice in this country. To mitigate the evil, the Statute of
Acton Burnel enacts, that where a debt has been acknow-
ledged before the Mayor of a town, — immediately after de-
fault of payment, there shall be execution upon it, and that
by an application to the Chancellor the creditor may obtain
satisfaction by sale of the debtor's goods and alienable lands
in any part of England.*
As long as Burnel continued in office, the improvement of
the law rapidly advanced, — there having been passed in the
sixth year of the King's reign the " Statute of Gloucester ;"
in the seventh year of the King's reign the " Statute of Mort-
main ;" in the thirteenth year of the King's reign the " Statute
of Westminster the Second," the " Statute of Winchester,"
and the " Statute of Circumspecte agatis ; " and in the eigh-
teenth year of the King's reign the " Statute of Quo Warranto,^^
and the " Statute of Quia Emptores" With the exception of
the establishment of estates tail, which proved such an obstacle
to the alienation of land till defeated by the fiction of Fines
and Common Kecoveries, — these laws were in a spirit of
enlightened legislation, and admirably accommodated the law
to the changed circumstances of the social system, — which
ought to be the object of every wise legislator. The provisions
for checking the accumulation of property in the possession of
ecclesiastical corporations, for defining the jurisdiction of the
ecclesiastical courts, for preventing subinfeudation by enact-
ing that on every transfer of land it shall be held of the
chief lord of the fee, and for the appointment of the circuits
of the judges, such as we now have them, deserve particular
commendation. But we must not conclude the brief notice
of the legislation of this period, under the auspices of the
Chancellor, without mentioning the " Ordlnatio pro Statu
* I liavc repeatedly, but ineffectually, attempted to extend the principle of
this measure to modern securities, — bonds, and bills of exchange, — and to assi-
milate our law in this respect to that of Scotland, of France, and of every other
civilised country.
17i EEIGN OF EDWARD I.
CHAP. Hibernise*," for effectually introducing the English law into
^* Ireland, and for the protection of the natives from the
jjj^ j^i^ rapacity and oppression of the King's officers ; — a statute
for govern- framed in the spirit of justice and wisdom, which, if steadily
"reiand enforced, would have saved Ireland from much suffering, and
England from much disgrace,
vice-chan- The Chancellor, being so deeply engaged in state affairs,
^1'?' was often unable to attend to his judicial duties, and he was
obliged from time to time to intrust the Great Seal to the
custody of a Keeper, who acted under him. This was gene-
rally John de Kirby, who had been in possession of the
Great Seal, as Keeper, without any Chancellor over him, at
the conclusion of the last reign. In 1278 there is an entry
that, on the Chancellor going abroad, he delivered the King's
Seal into the King's wardrobe, to be kept under the seal of
Kirby, whom the Chancellor had appointed to expedite the
business of the Chancery.f There is an original letter extant
in the Tower, written in the following year by the King to
Kirby, in which he is desired to come to the King, and to
leave the Seal, sealed up under his own seal, in the custody
A.D. 1279. of Thomas Bek. From the 25th of May to the 19th of
June the Chancellor was with the King in France. During
this time the Seal was in the joint keeping of Kirby and
Bek, and it was restored to Burnel on his return.:}: There
are likewise several entries of the Seal being delivered to
Kirby when the Chancellor was about to visit his diocese,
or to retire to his country house (ad partes proprias).^
Kirby, for his good services, was in 1287 made Bishop of
Ely. The subsequent Keepers of the Seal, under Burnel,
were Hugh de Hendal, Walter de Odiham |, and William de
Marchia.
A.D. 1290. However, the Chancellor himself, as head of the law,
* 17 Ed 1. f Rot. Clans. 6 Ed. 1. m. 12.
I Rot. Vase. 7 Ed. 1. Rot. Claus. 7 Ed. 1. m. 6. Rot. Pat. 7 Ed. 1.
m. 1.5.
§ Rot. Pat. 4 Ed. 1. m. 16. Rot. Pat. 10 Ed. 1. m. 18. m. 14. Rot.
Claus. 10 Ed. 1. m 6. 11 Ed. 1. m. 8. Rot. Pat. 12 Ed. 1. m. 7. 18. Madd.
Exch. 49. Rot. Claus. 12 Ed. 1. m. 4.
II He on one occasion delivered the seal to these two as early as 1284 at
Aberconwav, when he was going to Acton Burnel. Rot. Claus. 12 Ed. 1.
m. 47.
LORD CHANCELLOR BURNEL. 173
exercised a vigilant superintendence over the administration chap.
of justice, and in the parliament held at Westminster, in the
beginning of the year 1290, brought forward very serious Prosecu-
charges against the Judges for taking bribes and altering the tion by
records, — upon which they were all convicted except two, of the
whose names oug-ht to be held in honourable remembrance — Judges for
, , , bribery and
John de Matingham and Elias de Bekingham. Sir T. Way- corruption,
land. Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, being found the
greatest delinquent, had all his goods and estate confiscated
to the King, and was banished for life out of the kingdom.
Sir A. de Stratton, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, was fined
34,000 marks. Sir R. de Hengham, Chief Justice of the
King's Bench, was let off with a fine of 7000 marks, for
although he had improperly altered a record, it was not
supposed to have been from corrupt motives. The taint had
spread into the Court of Chancery, and E.. Lithebury,
Master of the Rolls, was fined 1000 marks. These sentences,
pronounced in parliament by the Chancellor, had upon the
whole a very salutary effect, but are supposed, for some ages,
to have induced the Judges to adhere too rigorously to forms
and the letter of the law.
The Chancellor was now engaged in assisting the King in a.d. 1290.
the most memorable transaction of his reign, the settlement
of the dispute respecting the succession to the Crown of
Scotland, which arose on the death of Alexander III. The Dispute
ambitious scheme of getting possession of Scotland by a cession to
claim of feudal superiority when the hope of accomplishing crown of
the object by marriage had failed, is, no doubt, to be ascribed
to Edward himself; but the manner in which it was con-
ducted was chiefly devised by Burnel. He accompanied the May, 1291.
King to Norham, and there addressed the Scottish Parliament,
assisted by Roger de Braba9on, the Chief .lustice.
It is remarkable tliat the English Chancellor spoke to the Chancellor
Scotch parliament in French*; but this was then the court ^^^gTu" h
language, not only of England, but of Scotland, wliere almost nobles in
French.
* Rymer, vol. ii. 543. It is hardly possible that, like Chancellor Longchamp,
he knew no other language than French, — the vernacular tongue, springing from
the Anglo-Saxon, being now generally spoken in England and in the lowlands of
Scotland.
174 REIGN OF EDWARD I.
CHAP, the whole of the nobility were of Norman extraction, —
superior knowledge and address having established the illus-
A D i'J9i. trious descendants of Rollo in the northern part of the island,
as superior bravery had in the southern.
His dex- Nothing can exceed the dexterity with which the com-
terity. petitors for the crown were induced to submit themselves to
the arbitrament of Edward, and the whole Scottish nation to
put themselves in his power. These results were chiefly
ascribed to the management of the Chancellor. The Prelates,
Barons, and Knights of Scotland, representing the whole
community of that kingdom, having met in a green plain on
the left bank of the Tweed, directly opposite to the castle of
Norham, in pursuance of the leave given them to deliberate
in their own country, — Burnel went to them in his master's
name, and asked them ** whether they would say any thing
that could or ought to exclude the King of England from
the right and exercise of the superiority and direct dominion
over the kingdom of Scotland which belonged to him, and
that they would there and then exhibit it if they believed
it was expedient for them ; — protesting that he would fa-
vourably hear them, — allow what was just, — or report what
was said to the King and his council, that what justice re-
quired might be done." Upon repeated demands, the Scots
answered nothing; whereupon the Chancellor recapitulated
all that had been said at the last meeting relative to the
King's claim ; and a public notary being present, the right of
deciding the controversy between the several competitors for
the crown of Scotland was entered in form for the King of
England. After which the Chancellor, beginning with
Robert Bruce, Lord of Annandale, asked him in the presence
of all the Bishops, Earls, Barons, &c., " whether, in demand-
ing his right, he would answer and receive justice from the
King of England as superior and direct Lord over the king-
dom of Scotland ? " Bruce, in the presence of them all, and
of the public notary, none contradicting or gainsaying,
answered "that he did acknowledo;e the King of England
superior and direct Lord of the kingdom of Scotland, and
that he would before him, as such, demand answer and receive
justice. The same question was successively put to all the
LORD CHANCELLOR BURNEL.
175
other competitors, who returned the like response. Not con-
tented with this, Burnel required that they should sign and
seal a solemn instrument to the same effect, — which they
accordingly did, — quickened by hints thrown out that the
candidate who was the most complying would have the best
chance of success.*
Eighty commissioners were appointed from both nations to
assist in taking evidence, and hearing the arguments of all
who were interested. Their meetings were held at Berwick,
and the English Chancellor presided over their deliberations.
Edward being obliged to return to the south to attend the
funeral of his mother. Queen Eleanor (Ex- Lady-Keeper of
the Great Seal), left Burnel behind at Berwick to watch over
the grand controversy, which was now drawing to a close.
The claims of all the competitors, except two, were speedily
disposed of ; and as between these the doctrine of representa-
tion prevailed over proximity of blood. The judgment was
accordingly in favour of Baliol, the grandson of the elder
sister, against Bruce, the son of the younger, — the judge
being probably influenced as much by a consideration of the
personal qualities of the competitors as by the opinion of the
great jurists in diifercnt parts of Europe who were consulted.
Baliol had already exhibited that mixture of subserviency and
obstinacy, of rashness and irresoluteness, which made him
such a desirable vassal for a Lord, resolved by all expedients,
as soon as a show of decency would permit, to get the feud,
by pretended forfeiture, into his own hands.
Lord Chancellor Burnel died at Berwick on the 25th day
of October, 1292, and was buried in his own cathedral at
Wells. He surely well deserves a niche in a gallery of British
statesmen.
He was censured for the great wealth he amassed f ; but he
employed it nobly, for he not only erected for his family the
castellated dwelling in which he received the King and par-
CHAP.
X.
A.D, 1292.
Chancellor
gives judg-
ment in
favour of
Baliol,
Death of
Burnel.
His cha-
racter.
* 1 Pari. Hist. 40.
t It appears from the inquisition held in the year after his death (21 Ed. 1),
that the extent of his temporal possessions was commensurate with his dignities,
as he held more than thirty manors, besides other vast estates in nineteen dif-
ferent counties. — Cal. Lug. p. m. L p. 1 15.
176 REIGN OF EDWARD I.
CHAP, liament, but likewise a splendid episcopal palace at Wells,
^' long the boast of his successors. Nepotism was another charge
against him, from his having done so much to push forward
two brothers and other kindred. This however must be re-
garded as a venial failing in churchmen, whose memory could
not be preserved in their own posterity.* If he was rather
remiss in the discharge of his episcopal duties, he is to be
honoured for the rational and moderate system he pursued in
ecclesiastical affairs, — neither encroaching on the rights of the
clergy, nor trying to exalt them above the control of the law.
As a statesman and a legislator, he is worthy of the highest
commendation. He ably seconded the ambitious project of
reducing the whole of the British Isles to subjection under
the crown of England. With respect to Wales he succeeded,
and Scotland retained her independence only by the unrivalled
gallantry of her poor and scattered population. His measures
for the improvement of Ireland were frustrated by the incur-
able pride and prejudices of his countrymen. But England
* The whole of the family possessions centred in the Chancellor's nephew,
Philip, who was summoned to parliament as a Baron by writ in 1311. The
male line of the family soon after failed; but in the reign of Edward III. the
Chancellor was represented, through a female, by Nicholas Lord Burnel, who
gained great renown in the French wars, and had a keen controversy respecting
the Burnel arms with the renowned warrior Robert de Morley. It happened
that they both were at the siege of Calais, under Edward II I., in 1346, arrayed
in the same arms. Nicholas Lord Burnel challenged the shield as belonging
to the Burnels only, he having at that time imder his command 100 men, on
whose banners were his proper arms. Sir Peter Corbet, then in his retinue,
offered to combat with Robert de Morley in support of the right which his
master had to the arms, but the duel never took place, probably because the
king denied his assent. The suit was then referred to the court of chivalry,
held on the sands at Calais, before William Bohun, Earl of Northampton, high
constable of England, and Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, earl marshal.
The trial lasted several days, when Robert, apprehending that the cause would
go against him, took an opportunity, in presence of the king, to swear by God's
flesh, that if the arms in question were adjudged from him, he never more
would arm himself in the king's service. On this the king, out of personal re-
gard for the signal services he had performed in those arms, and considering the
right of Nicholas Lord Burnel, was desirous to put an end to the contest with as
little offence as possible. He, therefore, sent the Earl of Lancaster, and other
lords, to Nicholas, to request that he would permit Robert de Morley to bear
the arms in dispute for the term of his life only, to which Nicholas, out of
respect to the king, assented. The king tiien directed the high constable, and
earl maishal, to give judgment accordingly. This they performed in the church
of St. Peter, near Calais, and their sentence was immediately proclaimed by a
herald in the presence of the whole army there assembled." — Pennant's North
Wales.
LORD CHANCELLOR BURNEL. 177
continued to enjoy the highest prosperity under the wise laws chap.
which he introduced.*
* Edward L, returning from the Holy I>and, at Bologna engaged in his
service Franciscus Accursii, a very learned civilian, whom he employed as his
ambassador to France and to Pope Nicholas III., — but, as far as I can trace, —
not in his law reforms, or in any part of his domestic administration. A hall at
Oxford was appropriated to the use of this Italian, — from which some have
supposed that he there gave lectures on the civil law. When he left England in
1281, he received from the king 400 marcs, and the promise of an annuity of 40
marcs. — See Palg. on Council, note L. p. 134. Duck. xxii.
VOL.T.. N
178 EEIGN OP EDWARD I.
CHAPTER XL
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL FROM THE DEATH
OF LORD CHANCELLOR BURNEL DURING THE REMAINDER OF THE
REIGN OF EDWARD I.
CHAP. On the death of Burnel the Great Seal was, for a short
^'- time, in the keeping of William de Hamilton*, a man of
~ business and of moderate abilities, who subsequently became
1292. Chancellor. But if he expected to succeed to the envied
John de q^qq on this occasion, he was disappointed ; for soon after the
Langton, ' ^^ _
Chancellor. King: heard of the loss he had sustained, he named as the
Dec. 17. new Chancellor John de Langton, a person who, though
1292. much inferior to his predecessor, acted a considerable part in
His origin, this and the succeeding reign. He was of an ancient family
in Lincolnshire, which produced Cardinal Stephen Langton,
Archbishop of Canterbury, so illustriously connected with
Magna Charta, and of which Bennet Langton, the friend of
Dr. Johnson, was the representative in the reign of George
IIL He early distinguished himself by his talents and in-
dustry, and rendered himself useful to Lord Chancellor Burnel.
Being introduced into the Chancery as a clerk, he rose to be
Master of the Rolls, and showed qualities fitting him for the
highest offices in the state, f
* There is an entry in the Close Roll, 20 Ed. 1., stating that the Great
Seal was in the keeping of Walter de Langton, keeper of the wardrobe, under
the seal of William de Hamilton ; but it is certain that Hamilton sealed the
writs, and did the business of the Great Seal, which was probably ordered to
be kept in the King's wardrobe under the superintendence of the keeper of the
wardrobe.
f Tlie following is a true copy of a letter of congratulation to him on his
appointment as Chancellor, lately discovered in the Tower : —
" Domino suo reverendo suus devotus in omnibus si quid melius sit salutem.
Immensa Dei dementia qua; suae virtutis gratia gratis interdum occurrit homini
non qua;sita vos ad regni gubernaculum in regite Cancellarias officio feliciter
promovit non est diu. Super quo Ei regratior a quo fons emanat indeficiens
totius sapientiEB salutaris. Sed ecce Domine vos qui in parochia de Langeton
orii'^inem duxistis sicut placuit Altissimo et ibidem refocillati fuistis maternis
sinibus nutritivis. Quae immenso gaudio vos post doloris aculeos pariendi
refocillavit ad honorem Dei et Regni gubernaculum quo praestis in quo ipse
placeat qui vos ad culmen honoris hujusmodi evocare dignatus 'est ut ei primo
JOHN DE LANGTON, LORD CHANCELLOR. 17!
He continued Chancellor for ten years to the entire satis- CHAP.
XT
faction of his royal master, who required no ordinary zeal '
and activity in his ministers.
Immediately upon his appointment he published an ordi- Ordinance
nance in the King's name for the more regular despatch of patch of
business, "that in all future parliaments all petitions shall business,
be carefully examined, and those which concern the chancery
shall be put in one bundle, and those which concern the ex-
chequer in another, and those which concern the justices in
another, and those which are to be before the King and his
Council in another, and those which are to be answered in
another."*
A parliament was called at Westminster soon after, when a.d. 1293.
the new Chancellor had to begin the session with disposing of EarTof °
a very novel appeal, which was entered by the Earl of Fife Fife ». King
against Baliol King of Scotland as vassal of Edward King
of England ; — and the question arose, whether the appeal lay ?
This was immediately decided by Lord Chancellor Langton,
with the unanimous concurrence of the Lords, in the affirm-
ative ; and the respondent was ordered to appear. Formerly
in the English parliaments there had always been placed on
the right hand of the throne, and on the same level with it,
a chair for the King of Scotland, who came to do homage
for Cumberland and his other possessions in England, — as
the Kings of England did homage to the Kings of France
for Normandy and Guienne. Baliol now claimed the place
and precedence of his royal predecessors ; but the Chancellor,
in the name of the House, announced the resolution of their
Lordships, " that he should stand at the bar as a private
person amenable to their jurisdiction, and that having been
guilty by his contumacy of a breach of feudal allegiance,
secundario domino Regi et popuio complacere possitis ad honorem Jesu Christi,
ut autem ei tiducialius obsequamini qui vos sic promovit de gratia sua speciali
ut ei visceralius obsequamini cum vacare poteritis afFectionc pleniori portitorium
quoddam non extra septa portarum portantem vobis mitto rogans quatcnus
exilitatem tanti munusculi exemplo Catonis placide admittentes servitium
divinum in eodem cxercere et discere vobis placeat in honorem illius qui omnia
creavit ex nichilo et retributor est universalis bonitatis." — Royal and other
Letters, temp. Edward I. 65. xx. S.
* Claus. 21 Ed. 1. m. 7. This shows the Aula Regia to have become
familiar.
Ji 2
180
REIGN OF EDWARD I.
CHAP.
XI.
Parliament
at Berwick.
A.D. 1297.
King goes
abroad.
three of his principal castles should be seized into the King's
hands till he gave satisfaction." *
Baliol, seeing the degradation to which he had reduced
himself and his country, soon after renounced his allegiance
as unlawfully extorted from him, and in the vain hope of
effectual assistance from France, set Edward at defiance.
" And now," says Daniel, " began the contests between the
two nations which spilt more Christian blood, did more mis-
chief, and continued longer, than any wars that we read of
between any two people in the world, "f
Lord Chancellor Langton had the proud satisfaction of pre-
siding at a parliament held at Berwick in 1296, after Edward
had overrun, and for the time subjugated, Scotland. There he
administered the oaths of allegiance to all the Scottish no-
bility, who were reduced to the sad necessity of swearing
fealty to the haughty conqueror, and of binding themselves
to come to his assistance at any time and place he might
prescribe. But Wallace soon arose ; — Robert Bruce was to
follow; — and amid the general gloom the Highland seers
could descry in the distant horizon shadows of the glories of
Bannockbum.
We must confine ourselves to events in which Lord Chan-
cellor Langton was more immediately concerned. The fol-
lowing year Edward, thinking that he had conquered Scot-
land, determined to carry on war against France, that he
might take vengeance for the perfidy of the monarch of
that country, by which he asserted he had been tricked out
of Guienne. Having assembled his fleet and army at Win-
chelsea, then the great port of embarkation for the Continent,
he hastened thither himself to meet them, accompanied by the
Chancellor, who on board the ship " Edward " delivered the
Great Seal into his own hand as he was setting sail for Flan-
ders. I The King carried it abroad with him, having appointed
John de Burstide, who attended him as his secretary, to keep
it. But Langton still remained Chancellor, and on his way
back to London, at Tonbridge Castle, another seal was de-
* 1 Pari. Hist. 41.
t Rot. Pat. 25 Ed. 1. n. 2. m. 7.
Rot.
t Dan. Hist. p. 111.
Claus. m. 7,
JOHN DE LANGTON, LORD CHANCELLOR. 18:
livered to him by Prince Edward, appointed guardian of the CHAP,
realm in the Kinji's absence.
A parliament was soon after held while the King remained ^ j,. 1297.
abroad, nominally under the young Prince, but actually Pariiament
under Langton. Here broke out a spirit of liberty which minster,
coidd not be repressed, and the Chancellor was obliged to
allow the statute to pass both Houses, called " The Confirm- « Confirm-
ation of the Charters," whereby not only Magna Charta charters*"^
and Charta de Foresta were confirmed ; but it was
enacted that any judgment contrary to them should be void ;
that copies of them should be sent to the cathedral churches
throughout the realm, and read before the people twice every
year * ; that sentence of excommunication should be pro-
nounced on all who should infringe theraf ; and that no aids
should be taken without the consent of parliament. X
The statute was in the form of a charter, but the Chan-
cellor conceived that he had no power to give the royal
assent by putting the seal to it, and it was sent to Flanders
by messengers from both Houses, to be submitted to Edward
himself. After much evasion and reluctance, he ordered De
Burstide to seal it with the Great Seal which he had brought
along with him.
The King, baffled in his military operations against France,
and alarmed by the news of an insurrection in Scotland
under Wallace, found it prudent to return to his own domi-
nions, and (according to the Close Roll) on Friday, the i4th
of March, 1298, he landed at Sandwich from Flanders, and
the next day, about one o'clock, John de Langton, the Chan-
cellor, came to the King's bed-chamber at Sandwich, and
there, in the presence of divers noble persons, by the King's
bed-side, he delivered up to the King the seal that had been
used in England during his absence, and the King imme-
diately after, with his own hand, delivered to the Chancellor
the Great Seal which he had taken with him to Flanders. §
Edward, having obtained (it is to be feared by the advice a.d. 1298
of the Keeper of his conscience) a dispensation from the Pope
Articuli
super
Chartas,"
* 25 Ed. 1. c. 2. f C. 3. t C. 4. C. 5 and 6, 2 Inst. 525.
§ Rot. Pat. 26 Ed. 1. mm. 2X 12. in dorso. 26 Ed. 1, Rot. 57. a.
N 3
182
REIGN OF EDWARD I.
CHAP.
XI.
Goes to
Rome.
from the observance of "the confirmation of the Charters" to
which he had given his assent when out of the realm, the
Parliament the following year passed the statute of " Articuli
super Chartas*," which introduced the new enactment, "that
the commonalty should choose three persons in every county
to be authorised by the King's letters patent under the
Great Seal, to hear and determine such complaints as should
be made of those who offended in any point against the
Charters, as well the King's officers as others, and to punish
them by imprisonment, ransom, or amercement, according to
the trespass." To this statute the King gave his royal assent
in person from the throne, "the Chancellor and the Judges
sitting on the woolsacks," and from this time no sovereign of
England has denied that the Charters are law, however in
practice they may have been violated, f
The Chancellor was now involved in a dispute in which he
was personally interested, and which caused him great trouble
and anxiety for some years. He had not had the good luck
to be promoted to the episcopal bench, — when the see of Ely
becoming vacant, he thought he was secure of it. But while
some of the monks voted for him according to the wishes of
the government, others gave their voices for their own Prior,
who, they said, would have much more leisure to attend to
the duties of a faithful overseer of the church of Christ.
The Court then lay at York, the Chancellor, as usual,
attending the King. He posted off to Lambeth to consult
the Archbishop of Canterbury, leaving the Seal with three
persons, John de Crancombe, John de Caen, and William de
Birlay, to be kept by them in their joint custody on the
King's behalf until he should return. | The Archbishop
advised him to proceed in person to Rome, the Prior of Ely
having already appealed to the Pope. Langton, without
resigning his office of Chancellor, had leave of absence to
prosecute his suit, and on the 14th of February, 1299, deli-
vered up the Great Seal, to be held during his stay abroad,
by John de Burstide as Keeper. He landed at Dover on his
* 28 Ed. 1. Stat. 3. f 1 Pari. Hist. 43.
t Rot. Pat. 26 Ed. 1. m. 27., and Rot. Claus. 26 Ed. 1. m. 10.
JOHN DE LANGTON, LORD CHANCELLOR. 183
return, on the 11th of June following, and on the 16th of the CHAP.
same month the Seal was re-delivered to him by the King. '
* XT.
He had not succeeded at the Vatican, notwithstanding all the ^ „. 1302.
influence exerted in his favour. The Holy Father, taking
this opportunity to show the plenitude of his power, entirely
set aside the election of the monks, consecrated the Bishop
of Norwich to the see of Ely, bestowed Norwich on the
Prior of Ely, and, by way of consolation to the English
Chancellor, made him Archdeacon of Canterbury.
On the 12th day of August, 1302, Langton resigned his Resigna-
office of Chancellor for some reason not explained to us. This ^°" ^
occurrence certainly did not proceed from a desire to sacrifice
liim to a rival, for the King was much perplexed in the ap-
pointment of a successor. The Close Roll gives a very cir-
cumstantial account of the ceremony of the resignation : —
" Be it remembered that in the 30th year of King Edward, on
Monday after the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin, about the
hour of vespers, in the chamber wherein the King then lodged, in
the Hostel of the Archbishop of York, near Westminster, imme-
diately after the King rose from council. Lord John de Langton,
the Chancellor of England, restored to the King his Great Seal,
and the King in the presence of Amadio Earl of Savoy, John de
Bretagne, and divers others of his council, delivered the same to
the Lord John de Drakensford, then Keeper of his wardrobe, to be
kept there." f
After a lapse of ten days, the King had not yet made up Adam de
his mind who should be Chancellor, but there being a ne- Keener oT'
cessity that the judicial business connected with the office Great Seal.
should proceed, the Great Seal was given under certain re-
strictions into the keeping of Adam de Osgodebey, Master of
the Rolls, of which we have the followine; entrv : —
" On the 23d of August, in the 30th year of the King, in the
King's chamber at Kensington, in the presence of Otho de Grandi-
son, Amadio Earl of Savoy, John de Bretagne, and others of the
King's Council, the King's Great Seal was delivered by the King's
order by the hand of Lord John de Drakensford, Keeper of the
wardrobe, to Lord Adam de Osgodebey, Keeper of the Rolls of the
Chancery, who was enjoined to keep it under the seal of Master
* Rot. CI. 27 Ed. 1. in. 11. f CI. Rol. 30 Ed. I. m. 8.
M 4
184
REIGN OF EDWARD I.
CEiAP.
XI.
A. D. 1302.
William
DE Grene-
FIELD,
Chancellor.
His family.
Attempt in
parliament
to make
office of
Chancellor
elective.
John de Caen, and the Lords William de Birlay and Robert de
Bardelley, until the King should provide himself with a Chan-
cellor* The Seal being so disposed of, the King set forward on
his journey to Dover by the way of Chichester."
At last, on the 30th of September following, a new Chan-
cellor was declared in the person of William de Grene-
FiELD, Dean of Chichester. The reader may be gratified by
the record of the appointment and installation : —
" On Sunday the morrow of St. Michael, in the same year, in
the King's Chapel, at St. Redegund, immediately after mass, in the
presence of Lord John de Drakensford and others, chaplains and
clerks of the said chapel of the King, Lord Adam de Osgodebey
delivered the Great Seal to our Lord the King, who then received
it into his own proper hands, and straightway delivered it to
Master William de Grenefield, Dean of Chichester, whom he had
chosen for his Chancellor, to keep, and the said Chancellor deli-
vered the said Seal again to the said Adam, to be carried with him
the said Chancellor to Dover ; and on the same day at Dover, the
Chancellor received it back from the said Adam, and the next day
sealed writs with it in the House of God there." f
Langton, the Ex-chancellor, remained some years without
any promotion; but in 1305 he was made Bishop of Chi-
chester, and he obtained quiet possession of that see, which
he continued to govern with great credit till he was again
restored to the office of Chancellor in the succeeding reign.
William de Grenefield (sometimes called Grenevill), now
his successor, was descended from an ancient family in the
West of England, represented by the present Duke of Buck-
ingham. He entered the Church when very young, and was
a Canon of York before he was Dean of Chichester. He
frequented the court of Edward I., and had shown qualities
which induced the belief that he would make a useful servant
to the Crown. When raised to his new dignity he is said to
have been " eminent in counsel, and very eloquent."
He and Edward's other ministers were excessively un-
popular, insomuch that at a parliament called soon after his
appointment, an attempt was made to carry a favourite
• — quousque Dominus Rex sibi de Cancellario providisset. CI. 30 Ed. 1.
m. 6.
t CI. Rol. 30 Ed. 1. m. 5.
DE GRENEFIELD, CHANCELLOR. 185
scheme several times brought forward in weak reigns about chap.
XI
this period of English History, but which we should hot have
expected to find proposed to him who had conquered Wales, ^ j, J302.
and led his victorious armies to the extremity of Scotland, —
"that the Chancellor, Chief Justice, and Treasurer should
be chosen or appointed by the community of the kingdom."
The King, by the Chancellor's advice, returned for answer, —
" I perceive you would at your pleasure make your King
truckle to you and bring him under subjection. Why have
you not asked the Crown of me also ? whilst at the same
time you look upon that as very fit and necessary for your-
selves which you grudge me that am your King ; for it is
lawful for every one of you, as master of his own family, to
take in or turn out what servant he pleases ; but if I may
not appoint my Chancellor, Chief Justice, and Treasurer, I
will be no longer your King : yet if they or any other officers
shall do you any wrong or injustice, and complaint be made
of it to me, you shall then have some reason to grumble if
you are not righted." This firmness had such an effect, that
the Barons humbly begged the King's pardon for their
presumption.*
The only other public matter in which Lord Chancellor Letter to
Grenefield was concerned, was in framing an answer to a letter *espe°tfn<»
which the Pope had written to Edward, remonstrating with indepen-
him upon his invasion of Scotland, and claiming that kingdom gcotknd.
as a right belonging to the see of Rome ; but his Holiness
was gravely assured that " ever since the coming of Brute
and his Trojans into this island, Scotland had been under
feudal subjection to the Kings of England, who had fre-
quently made gift of it to one of their subjects, and resumed
the gift at their pleasure." The Barons of England, to the
number of 112, unanimously concurred in "an address to
the Pope, devoutly kissing his blessed feet," in which they
told him " that he had no right to interfere in the affairs of
Scotland, which belonged exclusively to the Crown of Eng-
land." It is curious that although this address was voted in
Parliament and appears on the Parliament lioll, subscribed
* 1 Pari. Hist. 48, 49.
186
EEIGN OP EDWARD I.
CHAP.
XL
Resigna-
tion of De
Grenefield.
His jour-
ney to
Rome.
His death.
by all the Barons, it is not subscribed by the Chancellor or
any spiritual Peer.
De Grenefield had great reason to avoid appearing too
openly in this controversy, and notwithstanding his caution,
he seems to have given offence to the Roman Pontiff. On
the 4th of December, 1303, he was elected Archbishop of
York, and on the 24th of the same month the royal assent
was given to his election ; but although he was not liable to
any reasonable objection, the Pope refused to allow his con-
secration. Letters and proxies being ineffectual, the Arch-
bishop elect resolved to go in person to Rome ; and, to show
his devotedness to his spiritual duties, he absolutely resigned
the office of Chancellor before his departure.
The journey of the Ex-chancellor to Rome must have been
very rapid, and the energy of his personal application extra-
ordinary, for having delivered up the Great Seal at West-
minster on the 29th of December, 1304, he was consecrated
there on the 30th of January following, — his representations
on the equity of his case being fortified by a present to the
Pope of 9500 marks. He was admitted to the temporalities
of the see on the 31st of March, 1305 ; but he is said to have
been reduced to such poverty by the exactions of the Court of
Rome, that he was twice forced to have recourse to the clergy
of his diocese for subsistence, first by way of " benevolence,"
and the second time of " subsidy." He is celebrated for his
support of the Knights Templars, then persecuted by the Pope
and Philip of France. In the year 1311 he sat in the Coun-
cil of Vienna, called to quiet the disputes Avhich then agitated
the church, and representing the clergy of England he was
allowed precedence next after the Prince, Archbishop of
Treves. He died in 1315.*
During a temporary absence of De Grenefield, when he
had been sent on an embassy, Osgodebey, the Master of the
Rolls, had acted as Keeper of the Seal ; but on his resignation
* While he was Chancellor, the practice was established of members of the
House of Commons being allowed their wages. At the end of the session, writs
out of Ciiancery under the Great Seal were delivered to them, certifying their
attendance, and requiring the sheriff by assessment, to raise the necessary sura
for paying them — Rolls of Parliament, 33 Edward I.
DE HAMILTON, CHANCELLOR.
187
a new Chancellor was appointed, — William de Hamilton,
Dean of York.*
At the time of his nomination, being absent from court,
the Great Seal was delivered into the king's wardrobe to be
kept by John de Burstide; and on the 16th of January fol-
lowing it was delivered to the new Chancellor, who continued
to hold it above two years. Soon after he was appointed
there was an admonition given to him by the King in full
parliament (probably in consequence of a petition from the
Commons) against granting letters of protection from suits to
persons absent in Ireland, f
In 1306 the Chancellor put the Great Seal to the famous
statute " De Tallagio non concedendo |," framed in the form
of a charter, which had become necessary from the King, of
his own authority, having taken a talliage of all cities, bo-
roughs, and towns, and which finally put an end to the direct
claim of the kings of England to impose any tax, and drove
those Avho, in future, wished to rule without a parliament, to
resort to such subterfuges as "benevolences," and "ship-
money."
Any credit which De Hamilton might have had in inducing
the King to agree to this concession was outweighed by the
disgrace which he allowed to be brought upon the King and
the nation from the mock trial and murder of Sir* William
* Rot. Glaus. 33 Ed. 1. m. 22. " Master William de Grenefield, Canon of
York and the king's Chancellor, being elected Archbishop of York, did in the
king's chamber at Lincoln, on Tuesday next after the feast of the Lord's
nativity, to wit, on the feast of St. Thomas the Martyr, in the thirty-third year
of the king's reign, say to the king before liis council, that it behoved him to go
to Rome on the Thursday following relative to the business of the said election,
and begged the king to ordain what was to be done with the Great Seal ; and
the king then nominated and elected William de Hamilton, Dean of York,
Chancellor and Keeper of the Seal, and commanded the Archbishop elect to
deliver the Seal the next day into the wardrobe to Sir John de Burstide, to
remain there under the seals of Sir Adam de Osgodebey, &c., until the arrival
of the new Chancellor ; and the archbishop elect the next day, at the sealing
time, delivered the Seal to the king in bed." On the IGtli of January following,
by virtue of a writ of privy seal the Great Seal was delivered to Sir William de
Hamilton, so chosen Chancellor, and the same day after dinner he sealed a writ
for Master William de Grenefield, elect of York, tl)e Ex-chancellor. — Rot.
Tat. 33 Ed. 1. p. 1. m. 29.
t Rot. Pari. 38 Ed. 1. Memorandum quod v.j die April, a. 33. Dominus Rex
in pleno parliamento suo ajjud Westm. inhibuit Wilhilmo de Hamelton, Can-
cellario suo ne de cetero concedat alicui literas Regis de protectione in Hibn.
I 34 Ed. 1. 2 Inst. 531. Its genuineness has been questioned, — without
sufficient reason.
CHAP.
XL
A. D. 1304.
William
BE Hamil-
ton, Chan-
cellor.
Statute
« De Tal-
lagio non
conceden-
do."
Conviction
and execu-
tion of Sir
William
Wallace
for treason,
Aug. 1305.
188
EEIGN OF EDWARD I.
CHAP.
XI.
August 23.
1305.
Death of
the Chan-
cellor.
April 21.
1307.
Ralph de
Baldock,
Chancellor.
Wallace, who, owing no allegiance to the King of England,
was tried at Westminster under a commission sealed by an
English Chancellor, and was executed on Tower Hill as a
traitor, for having defended, against a public and oppressive
enemy, the liberties of his native land with signal conduct,
intrepidity, and pereeverance, entitling him to be placed in the
highest class of heroes and patriots.
De Hamilton did not live to see the eifect of this barbarous
policy in the rising of the Scottish nation, headed by Robert
Bruce, — all ready again to brave every danger in the hope of
freedom and vengeance. He died in possession of the office
of Chancellor on the 20th of April, 1 307, while in attendance
on the King near the Scottish border, — not having reached
any higher dignity in the church than that of Dean of York.
The Great Seal was found in a purse sealed up under the
private seal of the deceased Chancellor. The King imme-
diately declared his resolution to bestow the vacant office on
Ralph de Baldock, Bishop of London, then in the South, and
the following day, as the Great Seal could not be personally
delivered to him, his appointment was made out in the follow-
ing form : —
" Edward, by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ire-
land, and Duke of Aquitaine, to the Treasurer or his deputy, and
to the Barons of our Exchequer, health. Forasmuch as William
de Hamilton who was our Chancellor is now with God, we com-
mand and ordain that the Bishop of London be our Chancellor,
and that he come without delay to London to our said Exchequer
to receive in your presence our Great Seal, which we now send
thither by our dear clerks Adam de Osgodebey, Master John de
Caen, and Robert de Bardelley. We command you that you cause
the said Seal to be delivered to the said Bishop, and that you re-
ceive from him the oath of office belonging to the said office. Given
under our Privy Seal at Cornhill the 21st day of April, in the 35th
year of our reign."*
" Hereupon on the vigil of the Ascension next following, Ralph
DE Baldock, in the Court of Exchequer at Westminster, before
William de Carleton, Baron of the Exchequer, Deputy of the
Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, the King's Treasurer, then with
* Pas. Commun. 35 Ed, 1. Rot. 46.
A D. 1307.
DE BALDOCK, CHANCELLOR. 189
the King in the Marches of Scotland, before the other Barons, and CHAP.
also Roger de Braban^on, the King's Justiciary for Pleas before ■^^•
the King himself, and Ralph de Hingham, Justiciary of the Bench,
took the oath well and faithfully to demean himself in the office of
Chancellor, and the impressions of the private seals with which
the purse containing the Great Seal was guarded, being broken, it
was taken therefrom and delivered to the said Ralph de Baldock,
to be kept by him as Chancellor."*
De Baldock, by industry and ability, had reached his His educa-
present high station from an obscure origin. He studied at rise.
Merton College, Oxford, and made himself master of all the
learning of the times. He wrote in Latin " Annals of the
English Nation," a work which was praised in his lifetime,
although it has not come down to us. When appointed
Bishop of London, he gained great fame by the splendid
repair of St. Paul's Cathedral at his cost, and it was on this
occasion that the immense collection of ox skulls were dug
up, which fortified the tradition that here had stood a great
temple of Diana.
Having received the Great Seal he remained stationary. Death of
devoting himself to his official duties, till news reached ^^^ "
London of the death of the King. Edward, at the head of a
mighty army, was marching for Scotland to take vengeance
for the defeat which his General, Aymer de Valence, had
sustained from Robert Bruce, and (as he hoped) finally to
subjugate the Scottish nation ; but he sickened and died at
Burgh on Sands, near Carlisle, on the 7th of July 1307, in July 7.
the 69th year of his age, and the 35th of his reign.
In the present day such an event as the demise of the
Crown would be known in a few hours all over the kingdom ;
but for a period of eighteen days the news of the death of
Edward I. did not reach the Chancellor in London, who
down to the 25th of July, continued to seal writs as usual,
unconscious that a new reign had commenced. Letters of Accession
Privy Seal were then received from the new King, ordering jj ^^'^
that his father's seal should be sent to him under the seal of
the Chancellor, and accordingly he received it into his own
hands at Carlisle, on the 2d of August.f
* Rot. Fin. 35 Ed. 1. m. 1. Uot. Pat. .35 Ed. 1. m. 1,
t Rot. Fin. 1 Ed. 2. m. 11.
190
REIGN OF EDWARD I.
CHAP.
XI.
Removal of
DeBal.
dock.
His death.
Jurisdic-
tion of
Chancellor
in the reign
of Edw. I.
Improve-
ments in
law.
Gratitude
to law re-
formers.
His eagerness to change the Chancellor In whom his father
had confided, showed that the influence of personal favourites
was already felt, and was a prelude to his own misfortunes and
the disgrace which he brought upon the country.
De Baldock, freed from the cares of office, spent the re-
mainder of his days in the pursuit of literature and the ser-
vices of religion. He died on the 24th of July, 1313.
Althougrh we have no trace of the decisions of the Chan-
cellors of Edward I., we know, from recent discoveries in the
Tower of London, that they exercised important judicial
functions, both in the King's council and in their own court,
where they sometimes had the assistance of others, and some-
times sat alone. No case of importance was heard in the
Council when the Chancellor was absent; and cases were
referred by the Council for his consideration in Chancery,
either by himself, or with the advice of specified persons
whom he was to summon to assist him. Sometimes the sub-
ject of these suits was such as would now only be taken cog-
nisance of in courts of common law, — as disturbance of right
of pasture; — but others were of a nature that would now be
properly considered in a court of equity, — as assignment of
dower, a discovery of facts by the examination of the defend-
ant, and the exercise of the visitatorial power of the Chan-
cellor representing the Sovereign.
All writers who have touched upon our juridical history
have highly extolled the legal Improvements which distin-
guished the reign of Edward I., without giving the slightest
credit for them to any one except the King himself; but if
he is to be denominated the English Justinian, it should be
made known who were the Tribonians who were employed
by him : and the English nation owes a debt of gratitude to
the Chancellors, who must have framed and revised the sta-
tutes which are the foundation of our judicial system, — who
must, by explanation and argument, have obtained for them
the sanction of Parliament, — and who must have watched
over their construction and operation when they first passed
Into law. I shall rejoice If I succeed In doing tardy justice
to the memory of Robert Burnel, decidedly the first in this
class, and If I attract notice to his successors, who walked in
STATE OF THE LAW. X91
his footsteps. To them, too, we are probably indebted for CHAP,
the treatises entitled "Fleta*" and "Brittonf," which are ■^^"
said to have been written at the request of the King, and Lawbooks
which, though inferior in style and arrangement to Bracton,
are wonderful performances for such an age, and make the
practitioners of the present day, who are bewildered in the
midst of an immense legal library, envy the good fortune of
their predecessors, who, in a few manuscript volumes, copied
by their own hand, and constantly accompanying them, could
speedily and clearly discover all that was known on every
point that might arise.
We now approach a period when civil strife and national
misfortune suspended all improvement, and when a career of
faction and violence terminated in the deposition and murder
of the Sovereign.
* Fleta must have been written after the thirteenth year of the King, and
not much later ; for it frequently quotes the statute of Westminster the second,
without referring to the later statutes of the reign. The title is taken from
its having been written in the Fleet Prison.
■f Britton has been attributed to John Breton, Bishop of Hereford ; but this
cannot be correct, for he died in the third year of the King, and the Treatise
quotes the statutes of the thirteenth. It set the example of writing lawbooks
in French, which was followed for four centuries.
192
KEIGN OF EDWARD II.
CHAPTER XII.
CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGN OF EDWARD II.
CHAP.
XII.
July 8.
1307.
Accession
of Ed-
ward II.
John de
Langton,
Chancellor
the second
time.
It is not certainly known from records or otherwise, how the
young King disposed of the Great Seal from the time when
he received it at Carlisle till his return to London in the
autumn of the year 1307. He probably carried it with him
into Scotland in the short and inglorious campaign which
he then made in that country, — forgetting alike what the
exigencies of justice required in his own dominions, and the
dying injunctions of his father to lead on the expedition with
the utmost energy, and never to desist till he had reduced
the Scottish nation to complete subjection. From the hour
of his accession to the throne, he betrayed an utter incapacity
for government, and an unconquerable aversion to all serious
business. He seems for a long time to have appointed neither
Chancellor nor Keeper of the Seal. He retreated without
striking a blow, — disbanded his army, and thought of nothing
but conferring power and places on his favourite, Piers
Gaveston.*
"Whilst the Barons, from the beginning, showed the utmost
indignation at the advancement of this upstart, John de
Langton, Bishop of Chichester, who had been Chancellor in
the late reign, formed a coalition with him, and in re-
compense was restored to his former office. It was thought,
even by the Gascon youth himself, that it woulc^ have been
too great an outrage at once to have made him Chancellor,
although, as we shall see, he was ere long intrusted with
the Seal as Keeper.
The two years during which John de Langton was now
• A charge was afterwards brought against Gaveston of having about this
time put the Great Seal to blank charters, which he filled up according to his
fancy.
JOHN DE LANGTON, CHANCELLOE. 1&3
Chancellor, were chiefly occupied with the disputes between chap,
the King and the Barons on account of the preference shown '
to the foreign favourite.
Edward continued occasionally to find a respite beyond King
sea from the factious proceedings of his native subjects. In * ^^^ '
the beginning of 1308, going to Aquitaine, he left the Chan-
cellor guardian of the realm, and delivered to him a new
seal to be used for certain necessary purposes. The Great
Seal was intrusted to the keeping of William Melton, the
King's secretary, who accompanied him. On Edward's
return, the Chancellor delivered to him the Seal which had
been in use during his absence, and the King delivered back
to the Chancellor the Great Seal which he had carried with
him abroad.*
Soon after, the King paid a short visit to Boulogne, when King goes
the Chancellor seems to have accompanied him, for Piers J° ^°""
Gaveston was left with a seal to be used for the sealing of
writs and other necessary business. In the Close Roll we
have a very circumstantial account of the manner in which
this seal was dealt with in the Court of Exchequer on the
King's return, t
Edward was in the habit of occasionally taking the Seal King him-
into his own custody, and using it without any responsible the Great
adviser. Thus, on the 13th of June, 1308, at the New Seal.
Temple in London, the Bishop elect of Worcester, the Trea-
surer, ordered the Chancellor, pursuant, he said, to the verbal
commands he had received from the King, to send the Great
Seal to Windsor by Adam de Osgodebey, — which was ac-
♦ Rot, Cl. 1 Ed. 2. m. 7.
■j- « Whereupon William de Melton, controller of the King's wardrobe, came
and brought into the Exchequer the King's Seal used in England at the time
when the King was in foreign parts ; which Seal was used for sealing the writs
that issued out of the King's Chancery in England, at that time under the teste
of Peter de Gaveston, Earl of Cornwall, then the King's lieutenant in England,
and the said Seal being in a bag or purse of white leather, sealed with the Privy
Seal of John de Langton, Bishop of Chichester, Chancellor of England, was by
him delivered in at the Exchequer in the presence of the Chancellor of the same
Exchequer, and the Barons and the Remembrancer. And straightway the said
Seal, being in the purse so sealed up, was delivered to the Chamberlain of the
Exchequer to be kept in the King's treasury," &c Hil, Com. 1 Ed. 2. Rot.
40. b, Madd. Exch. 51, 52.
VOL. I. O
194
BEI6N OF EDWARD II.
CHAP.
XII.
A.D. 1310.
Revolution
in the go-
vernment.
The Chan-
eel I or re-
signs.
His cha-
racter.
cordingly done, — and it remained with the King till the 20th
of the same month, when it was again restored to the Chan-
cellor in London. In this interval, by the personal command
of the King, was sealed the patent appointing Gaveston
Lieutenant of Ireland, contrary to the sentence pronounced
against him in Parliament.*
In May, 1310, John de Langton was obliged to yield to
the storm raging against him and the favourite. A petition
was presented in Parliament, which, being backed by an
armed force, was equivalent to a command, praying that
Edward would dismiss his ministers, and devolve on a junto
the whole authority of the Crown, with power, for a limited
time, to enact ordinances for the government of the kingdom
and the regulation of the royal household.
Gaveston was banished, and Langton, resigning the Great
Seal, retired to his bishopric. f He did not again mix with
the factious disputes which long continued to. convulse the
kingdom. He seems to have been a man unscrupulous as to
the means by which he reached power, but, as far as he
thought consistent with the safety of his tenure of it, dis-
posed to promote beneficial measures, and to restrain irregu-
larities and excesses in the o-overnment. Having; assisted the
zeal of the first Edward for the public good, he continued,
while he remained in office, to a certain degree, to mitigate
the son's evil propensities, which at last produced conse-
quences so tragical. Lord Coke relates the following anec-
dote, to show that « this Lord Chancellor of England was of
a great spirit, and feared not the face of great men in that
dangerous time to do that which he ought. Earl Warren,
though married to the King's niece, carried off the Countess
of Lancaster from her husband to his castle of Kyegate, in
Surrey, and there lived with her in open advoutry. Lang-
ton, as Bishop of Chichester, according to his office and
duty, called the said Earle Warren in question for the said
shameful offence, and by ecclesiastical censures excommunl-
• See Mem. in Ci. R. 1 Ed. 2., which the Chancellor is supposed to have
enterea to show that he was not to be considered answerable for Gaveston's
apjjomtment.
t May 11. 1310.
WALTER REYNOLDS, CHANCELLOR. 195
cated him for the same ; in revenge whereof, the Earle CHAP.
adding a new offence to the old, came with many of his
followers, weaponed for the purpose, towards the Bishop to
lay violent hands upon him ; but the Bishop being well
attended with gentlemen and other his household servants
issued out, and not only manfully defended himself against
that barbarous attempt, but valiantly overcame the Earle,
and laid him and his gallants in prison : armaque in armatos
sumere jura sinunt.''^*
For some time after Langton's resignation of the Great Office of
Seal there was great difficulty as to the disposal of it. As j^^ abe - "'^
the person holding it necessarily came so much into the royal ance.
presence, even the Barons felt a delicacy in putting it into
the hands of any one personally obnoxious to the King.
For about two months it remained in the custody of In-
gelard de Warlegh f, with power merely to seal writs with it
in the presence and with the concurrence of three persons
specified ; and then Osgodebey, the Master of the Rolls, held
it for a short time under similar restrictions. |
At last, on the 6th of July, a compromise took place, and a.d. isio.
Walter Reynolds was declared Chancellor §, he having on ^^^l^^^,^
the occasion advanced lOOOZ., said to have been lent to the Chancellor.
King, but probably divided between the King and the Barons.
Reynolds, by his parts and address, had gained the favour Tutor to
of that discerning prince, Edward I., who made him tutor to E'^^a'''^ I^-
his son, a Privy Councillor, and Bishop of Worcester. He
cannot be held accountable for the defective character or
conduct of his royal pupil, who, though he might have been
expected to have inherited great talents from both his
parents, was by nature of an understanding narrow, frivolous,
and incapable of cultivation or correction. Edward was
nevertheless attached to his preceptor, in spite of profiting so
little by his tuition, and was much gratified by the forbear-
ance of the Barons in allowing one he loved to hold the office
which was substantially in their gift.
* 2 Inst. 574. He died 9th July, 1337, and he was buried in the cathedral
of Chichester, under the great south window, which remains to this day a
monument of his taste as well as of his magnificence.
t Rot. CI. 4 Ed. 2. m. 6. % Rot. CI. 4 Ed. 2. m. 26. § Ibid.
o 2
196
REIGN OF EDWARD II.
CHAP.
XII.
His con-
duct as
Chancellor.
His resig-
nation.
Execution
of Gave-
ston,
June 12.
1312.
Reynolds
the Ex-
chancellor
made
Keeper of
the Great
Seal.
Oct. 6.
1312.
Reynolds continued Chancellor till the 28tli of September,
1311, having twice during that time given the Seal to be
kept by Osgodebey, the Master of the Rolls ; — once when he
attended the King to Berwick-upon-Tweed, and the second
time when he went to assist at a general council of the
western church held at Vienne, in Dauphiny. Soon after his
return he resigned the office of Chancellor, or, more properly,
he was driven from it by the disputes between the King and
the Barons, which now raged with more violence than ever.
Edward had the indiscretion to recall Gaveston, and again
to load him wuth favours at court. This proceeding excited
such general disgust, that he was compelled to agree to an
act, to confer permanently upon a committee of Parliament
the power of appointing to all the great offices of state ; —
and Gaveston being taken prisoner, his head was struck off by
the hand of the executioner.
While these things were going on, the Barons, for expe-
diting judicial business, arranged that the Great Seal should
remain with the Master of the Rolls. Twice the King got
possession of it ; but he was obliged to return it to the same
custody.
The unpopular favourite being put to death, the Barons
became more moderate, and there was a reaction in the
nation against a parliamentary commission for carrying on
the government, which, in experience, had always been found
to aggravate the confusion whence it had arisen.
A settlement accordingly took place, upon the under-
standing that there should not, for the present, be a Chan-
cellor, but that the King should appoint a Keeper to do all
the duties of the office, under the superintendence of three
persons, to be named by the Barons.
Walter Reynolds was the new Keeper*, and he is a
singular instance of a person holding the Great Seal with
this title after having held it as "Chancellor," while there
are very many Instances of a person holding it as " Chan-
cellor " after having held it as " Keeper."
Reynolds was translated from Worcester to the see of
* Rot. Cl. 6 Ed. 2. m. 26.
WALTER REYNOLDS, CHANCELLOR. 197
Canterbury, by Papal permission, on the 1st of October, CHAP.
1313*; but he had a keen controversy for this dignity with
Thomas Cobham, Dean of Salisbury. He at last prevailed,
and, in April, 1314, he was installed in the archbishopric
with extraordinary magnificence. He still continued Keeper,
with the same restrictions ; the Great Seal being deposited in
a purse, under the seals of the superintendents, and, after
each day's sealing, restored to the purse in their presence.
Intestine feuds now ceased for a time, that the nation a.d. 1314.
might take vengeance on the Scots, who not only had recon- Bannock-
quered their own country, but, under Robert Bruce, had made burn,
successful inroads into England, enriching themselves by the
plunder of the northern counties. The Barons, forgetting their
paltry differences about the appointment of the Chancellor,
rallied round Edward, and he marched to the frontier with
a well-equipped army, amounting to a hundred thousand
men. It is Avell known that this expedition ended in the
fatal battle of Bannockbum, the greatest defeat which Eng-
land has sustained since the Norman conquest.
According to the English authorities, which I think may June is.
be relied upon, no one had attended the Kino* to the North *^^^'
. . Q Whether
as Chancellor or Keeper ; but Hume of Goldscroft, in his the Great
*' History of Scotland and of the House of Douglas," relates ^^^^ ^^^
that the Lord Keeper was among the slain, and that the battle of
Great Seal being taken as a trophy of the victory, was re • ^*""ock-
stored to the English by Robert Bruce. f Reynolds, who
* In December, 1313, Edward went on a pilgrimage to a statue of Our Lady
at Boulogne, still famous. During his absence, the Great Seal remained in the
custody of the Archbishop elect. — R. CI. 7 Ed. 2.
f " The English king did bring into the field all that he was able to make,
not only of English, but of his beyond-sea dominions; neither of those that were
his own subjects only, but he was also aided and assisted by his friends and con-
federates in Flanders, Holland, Zealand, Brabant, Picardy, Gascony, Normandy,
Guienne, Bullonois, and Bourdeaux ; of these and of his own countrymen he had
in all 150,000, intending to have exterminated the whole nation of Scots, with
so confident a presumption of victory, that he brought with him a Carmelite
friar (a poet according to the time) to commit his triumph to writing. He was
defeated by 30,000, or 35,000 at the most (as all agree), and that in a plain and June 22.
open field, where there was slain of his men 50,000." " The Carmelite also 1314.
changed his note, singing their victory whose overthrow be came to set forth,
and chanting their discomfiture whose praises he was hired to proclaim. He
thus began his ditty : —
" De planctu cudo metrum cum carmine nudo,
Risum detrudo, dum tali themate ludo.'"
Among the slain he enumerates " Sir Robert Northbrooke (Lord Keeper of the
o 3
198
EEIGN OF EDWARD II.
CHAP.
XII.
Council at
York.
Resigna-
tion of
Reynolds.
His sub-
sequent
career.
His death.
Chancellor
still chief
of Chapel
Royal.
had probably remained, with the Great Seal, in London,
went to York to be present at the Parliament, or rather
Council of the prelates and nobility, which Edward called on
his arrival there, after his precipitate flight. However, the
nation was in such consternation from their late calamity,
that no business was conducted at this assembly except the
exchange of the wife of Robert Bruce against some English
prisoners of war.
Reynolds did not long retain the Great Seal after his
return to the South, having finally resigned it on the 26th of
September, 1314.
He is much blamed for his subsequent conduct. He now
took part with the Court of Rome in its encroachments on
the prerogatives of the Crown, and he obtained no fewer than
eight bulls from the Pope, conferring upon himself privileges
and jurisdictions of a novel and invidious nature. But what
was much worse, he took part against the King, his former
pupil, who had treated him with so much personal kindness,
and had exalted him to his present height of greatness. By
abetting the profligate Queen and her associates, he was sup-
posed to have hurried the unhappy Edward to a prison and
a grave.
The Ex-chancellor became more superstitious as he became
more unprincipled, and he is said to have died of fear, because
the Pope had threatened him with spiritual censures for
having somewhat irregularly consecrated Berkeley, Bishop of
Exeter, with a view to please the Queen and her favourite.
While he was Chancellor there was published an ordinance
by the King, relating to the chapel at Windsor, which shows
that the Chancellor for the time being was still considered
chief of the Chapel Royal, and bound to see that it was pro-
vided with proper ornaments.*
On his resignation of the Great Seal he was succeeded by
Broad Seal) and Sir Ralph Mortimer, who had married the King's sister." He
adds, « Mortimer was dimitted ranscme free, and obtained the King's Broad Seal
at Bruce's hands." — pp. 32 — 35.
• " Et le Chaunceler de Roy, qui quil soit, pur coe quil est chef de la Chapele
nostre Seignour le Roy face chescun an un tour illoeges sil puit, pur congie de
nostre Seignour le Roy pur veer que la dite Chapele (i. e. de Wyndesor) soit
servie des ornementz," &c.— Ryl. Append, ad Plac. P. p. 535. Anno 6 Ed. 2.
JOHN DE SANDALE, CHANCELLOE. 199
John de Sandale, then Treasurer of the Exchequer, who chap.
was declared Chancellor *, and held the office near four years.
He had the good "luck to be speedily promoted to the Jqhn de
Bishopric of Winchester. Saxdale,
He was present at the parliament held at Lincoln on the Sept. 26.
28th of January, 1315, and superintended the judicial business ^2^^-
there transacted — when the Justices of both Benches brought
in briefs of such matters as were properly determinable in
parliament t; but the King himself declared the cause of the
summons*to be for advice and assistance against the Scots.
During almost the whole time he was Chancellor, there Keepers of
were concurrently Keepers of the Great Seal, whether to currentu". '
assist or control him, may be doubtful. In the entries in the
KoUs, a reason is generally assigned for the appointment of
these Keepers, — as that the Chancellor was going to the Earl
of Lancaster at Kenilworth on the King's business, — or was
absent from Court about his election to his diocese, — or was
employed on a foreign mission for the King.
De Sandale at last incurred the displeasure of Hugh le De Sandale
Despenser, the new favourite, and was removed from the ^^"^""^ •
office of Chancellor on the 11th of June, 1318. He lived in
obscurity about two years, and fortunately died before the
transactions occurred which brought such a reproach on the
memory of his predecessor.
Little is to be found respecting his character, conduct, or Epicurism
tastes, except that he appears to have been somewhat of an chancellor
epicure. In the 10th year of the King's reign (1316), he ^^ San-
dale.
• Rot. CI. 7 Ed. 2. m. 7.
f An order was made by the Lords that the Chancellor and the other judges
should lay before parliament the cases pending in their courts, which they
cannot decide without parliament. — Rolls, i. 350. By another order made at
this parliament, we have great light thrown upon the history of proxies in the
House of Lords. " Et injunctum fuit Johi. de Sandale, Cancellar. quod ipse
rcciperet procuratoria et excusationes Prelatorura et aliorum summonitorum ad
dictum parliamentum et non venientium et quod ipse ac alii quos Dns. Rex
sibi associaret, ea examinaret et excusationes sufficientes allocarent, dum tamen,
excusantes Procuratores herent sufficientes : et quod nomina non venientium
nee se excusantium nee procuratores destinantium Dno. Rcgi referrent, ita quod
ipse inde posset pcipere quod deberet." — Rolls, v. 2. p. 350, Other entries
show that the attendance of peers in early times was very strictly enforced, and
that aU who were absent without the king's licence were fined. But the King
gave such as he favoured leave to attend by a proxy, who was at first a stranger,
and afterwards another peer.
o 4
•^00
REIGN OF EDWAED II.
CHAP.
XII.
John sb
HOTHAH,
Chancellor,
June 11.
1S18.
Ascen-
dancy of
Earl'of
Lancaster,
Oct. 1319.
sent two famous poulterers, Adam Fitz Kupert and Thomas
de Duston, into divers parts of the realm to purchase delicate
poultry for his table, and he fortified them with letters patent
of intendance and safe conduct under the Great Seal, for
which he obtained a warrant under the King's sign-manual.*
His successor was John de Hotham, who rose to the
dignity of Chancellor by the successive steps of King's chap-
lain, Provost of Queen's College, Oxford, Chancellor of that
University, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Bishop of Ely.
He is said to have been a prudent and pious man, but of no
learning ; yet he now held the oflSce of Chancellor till the
beginning of the year 1320, and he was restored to it at the
commencement of the succeeding reign.
During his first Chancellorship he nominally presided at a
parliament held at York, where the Earl of Lancaster, at
the head of a military force, dictated all the laws that were
passed. One of these was, " that the Chancellor should make
a charter under the Great Seal, absolute and without con-
dition, pardoning the Earl of Lancaster himself, and all such
as he should by his letters name to the Chancellor, of all
treasons against the King, and other crimes of which they
might at any time hitherto have been guilty." Here likewise
a parliamentary sanction was given to an indenture which the
King had been forced to sign, providing that two Bishops,
one Earl, one Baron, named by parliament, and one Baron or
Banneret of the family of the Earl of Lancaster acting in his
name, should be present and remain with the King, to de-
liberate with and advise him in due manner, — and it was
ordered that this indenture should be carried by the Chan-
cellor to the Chancery, and enrolled there, f
While De Hotham continued Chancellor, it is difficult to
say whether he was to be considered the minister of the King
• Adam filius Robertl et Tliomas de Duston, Prelatarli venerabilis Patris
J. Wyntoniensis Episcopi Cancellarii Regis, quos idem 'Cancellarius ad prele-
triam pro sustentatione ipsius Cancellarii et Clericorum Regis de eadem Cancel-
laria pro dcnariis ipsius Cancellarii emendam et providendam ad diversas partes
rcgni mittat, habent literas Regis omnibus ballivis et fidelibus suis, quod eisdem
preletariis in praemissis intendentes sint et respondentes quociens et quando, &c.,
per unum annum duraturas. T. R. apud Westm. primo die Junii. — Pat.
10 Ed. 2. partii. m. 10.
t 1 Pari. Hist. 65,
JOHN DE SALMON, CHANCELLOR. 201
or of the Earl of Lancaster. There are three different entries CHAP.
XII
in the Close Roll of his going from court, being sent by the
King to the Earl of Lancaster, and of the appointment of
Keepers of the Great Seal in his absence ; but the object of
these missions must have been to receive the commands of the
haughty Baron, who was now master of the kingdom.
A new parliament was held in the beginning of 1320, the Resigna-
Earl of Lancaster still maintaining his ascendancy, — when charTcellor.
De Hotham, disgusted with the irksomeness of his position,
or frightened by the perils that were thickening round all who
were connected with the Court, resigned his office of Chan-
cellor*, and withdrew from secular affairs tiU Edward III.
was placed on the throne.
The new Chancellor was John de Salmon, Bishop of John de
Norwich f, who is stated in the Close Roll to have been chancellor
*' made in full parliament," meaning, I presume, by the body Jan. 26.
of the Barons, on the recommendation of the Earl of Lan-
caster, — the authority of the committee, which he ruled by
his proxy, being suspended while parliament was sitting, —
although in ordinary times a creation in " full parliament"
only means an exercise of the royal prerogative in the pre-
sence of the three estates of the realm, for the sake of greater
solemnity, and to do honour to the object of the royal favour.
There was now an interval of tranquillity in England, and A.n. 1320.
the Chancellor went to France Avith the King, who was Chancellor
o' goes to
summoned to do homage for the Duchy of Aquitaine. The France '
Great Seal was not carried abroad with the King as had been ^' '"^'
usual, but was ordered to be kept close in some secure place
during his absence, and the little seal which had been before
used when the King was absent in France, was to be again
used in England while he remained abroad. The Chancellor
* 23cl Jan. 1320.
f Rot. Glaus. 13 Ed. 2. m. 9. It is there stated that the King had com-
manded Ilotham not to execute any mandate under the Great Seal, in conse-
quence of the messages of any person of whatever rank who might come to him
in his Majesty's name, unless he had verbally, or under the Privy Seal declared
to him his pleasure thereupon ; that on the 23d of January, 1320, the Chancellor
delivered the Great Seal to the King at York, who with his own hands placed
it at the head of his bed, but subsequently intrusted it to three clerks in Chan-
cery, and on the following day the Uishop of Norwich, who had been appointed
Chancellor, in full parliament received it from the King.
202
REIGN OP EDWARD II.
CHAP.
XII.
Surrender
of Great
Seal by
Dc Salmon.
July, 1321,
Great Seal
in custody
of Queen
Isabella.
Isabella not
" Lady
Keeper."
scaled up the Great Seal and delivered it to the King, and
gave the little seal to the Master of the KoUs, to be assisted
by Kobert de Bardeley and William de ClyiF. He returned
to England in about two months, when the Great Seal was
restored to him.
He was soon after absent from court visiting his diocese,
and he made a journey to the marches of Scotland on a
public embassy, on which occasions, by his appointment, the
Master of the Rolls held the Great Seal and acted for him ;
but in the end of July, 1321, being grievously indisposed, he
surrendered the Great Seal to the King, that his majesty
might dispose of it as to him should seem good. The King
forthwith sent it by Richard Camel, his Chamberlain, to the
Queen, with directions that it should remain in her custody,
and that she should deliver it daily to the Master of the Rolls,
who should return it to her after each day's sealing. Imme-
diately on the Queen's receiving it, she delivered it to the
Lady Elizabeth de Montibus, lady of her bed-chamber, to be
enclosed in a casket, and every day on which the seal was re-
quired for use, the Master of the Rolls had it from the hands
of the Queen, or the Lady Elizabeth, and returned it to them
to be placed in the casket when the sealing was finished.* But
I cannot fairly include Queen Isabella more than the Lady
Elizabeth de Montibus in my list of " Keepers," whose lives
are to be written, as, unlike Queen Eleanor's, her functions
were merely ministerial ; she had no commission, and she was
not intrusted with any portion of judicial power. I am not
permitted, therefore, to attempt to enliven my tedious nar-
rative by entering into the details of her character or her
actions — her spirit, her enterprise, her deadly antipathies,
her guilty loves, her share in her husband's murder, or her
punishment by her heroic son.
On the 5th of November the Queen restored the Great
Seal to the King, and it remained a considerable time in his
own keeping ; his majesty intrusting it daily to persons who
were to use it, and receiving it back from them after each
day's sealing. At the end of some months De Salmon, who
* CI. Rol. 15 Ed. 2,
JOHN DE SALMON, CHANCELLOE. 203
was still considered Chancellor, having recovered his health, chap.
returned to Court and resumed the discharge of his duties.
XII.
He now took a decided part against the Earl of Lancaster, j^^ Salmon
who, become generally odious by his violent and arbitrary again acts
conduct, had raised the standard of revolt. The King, acting cellor.
by the Chancellor's advice, displayed more energy and conduct Chancellor
at this juncture than during any other part of his reign. Sud- Eai-rof
denly collecting an army, he marched against the rebels, took Lancaster,
their castles, dispersed their forces, got possession of the person ■^''^''"1**'^
of Lancaster, tried him by a court-martial, and ordered him Lancaster,
to be led to instant execution. ^^2^9^ ^^'
But the Chancellor in vain attempted to prevail on Edward Edward's
to begin a new plan of government, on the principle of an incurable
impartial administration of justice to all his subjects. The favourites,
banished Spensers were recalled and loaded with new favours.
Not only were the forfeitures of the Lancastrian party be-
stowed upon them, but to enrich them, royalist barons were
stripped of manors inherited from a long line of ancestors,
and the insolence of the younger Spenser was enflamed by
success to a pitch insupportable to all who approached him.
The Chancellor, although he had not opposed the recall of Resigna-
the Spensers, whose banishment had taken place under an rhan/[f^
arbitrary ordinance of the Barons, in which neither the Pre-
lates nor the Commons had concurred, strenuously resisted
the influence they were now acquiring, and their illegal acts
in the King's name. Finding his resistance ineffectual, he
resolved to retire from political life, and his resignation was
hastened by a severe recurrence of his former malady. He
finally resigned the Great Seal on the 5th of June, 1323.*
He died on the 6th of July, 1325, without having violated
his purpose to spend the rest of his days in retirement. He
is chiefly celebrated by his biographers for having built the
hall and chapel of the episcopal palace at Norwich, and for
having settled a maintenance for four priests there to pray for
the pardon of his sins.
The Spensers now for a time carried every thing their own
way without the slightest check to their authority, and they
* Rot. Cl. 17 Ed. 2. m. 39.
204 EEIGN OF EDWARD II.
CHAP, appointed for Chancellor one on whose fidelity, pliancy, and
^'^' zeal they entirely relied, Egbert de Baldock, Archdeacon
,„.,a of Middlesex.
A.n. 131:3.
lioBKRT DK Dreadful storms were impending, but such tranquillity pre-
Chancelbr mailed for a brief space as allowed the usual amusements of
the King to proceed. It is related that the Court being at
Windsor, and field sports going on in which the new Chan-
cellor did not take much delight, he obtained leave from the
King to return home for more suitable recreation. Impatient
to escape, he delivered the Great Seal to the King, while his
Majesty was engaged in hunting ; and when the chase was
over, it was placed in the custody of William de Ayremynne,
then Keeper of the Privy Seal.* From the 16th of No-
vember till the 12th December the Chancellor was absent on
a journey to York to treat with the Scots, during which
time the Great Seal was in the keeping of Hichard de Ay-
remynne, who had succeeded his brother William as Master
of the EoUs.f
Cirii war. Soon after his return the troubles began which terminated
fatally for him as well as his royal master. Those troubles
were mainly caused by the misconduct of Lord Chancellor
Baldock, who seems to have been a very profligate man,
and to have been unscrupulous in perverting the rules of
justice, regardless of public opinion, and reckless as to con-
sequences, so long as he gratified the royal favourites. It
was his maladministration which made the nation blind to the
enormity of the conduct of the Queen, now combined with
Mortimer, her paramour, against the King her husband.
A.D 1326. When she landed in Suffolk with her small army from
Queen!^' " Holland, three princes of the blood, the Earls of Kent, Nor-
folk, and Leicester, joined her, with all their followers.
Three Prelates, the Bishops of Ely, Lincoln, and Hereford,
brought her both the force of their vassals, and the authority
of their character. She rallied all ranks round her standard
by the declaration " that the sole purpose of her enterprise
was to free the King and kingdom from the tyranny of the
• Rot. Cl. 18 Ed. 2. m. 38. f Rot. Ci. 18 Ed. 2. ra. 26.
ROBERT DE BALDOCK, CHANCELLOR. 205
Spensers, and above all of their creature Lord Chancellor chap.
Baldock!" ^^^•
Edward, after ineffectually trying to rouse the citizens of Oct. 1326.
London to some sense of duty, having departed for the West, TheBishop
where he vainly hoped to meet with a better reception, the beheaded
rage of the populace broke out without control against him by the mob.
and his ministers. Having seized the Bishop of Exeter, a loyal
prelate, as he was passing through the streets, — beheaded him,
and thrown his body into the river Thames, — they made
themselves masters of the Tower, in the hope of there finding
the Chancellor, whom they threatened with a similar fate;
but he had fled to the King, carrying the Great Seal along
with him.
Before long Edward was a prisoner in Kenilworth Castle, Dec. 1326.
and the two Spensers and Lord Chancellor Baldock fell into
the hands of the insurgents. Spenser, the father, without Fate of the
form of trial, was immediately condemned to death by the Spensers.
rebellious Barons and hanged on a gibbet, his head being
afterwards set on a pole, and exposed to the insults of the
populace. The younger Spenser, the great favourite of the
King and patron of Baldock, was arraigned before Sir William
Trussel, a special Justiciar, and, without witness or proof of
any sort, sentence of death was instantly pronounced upon
him. The learned Judge's address to this prisoner is equally
bitter against the Chancellor, and shows how he would have
been dealt with had he been a layman : —
" Hugh, your father, Robert Baldock, and other false traitors Sentence
your adherents, taking upon you royal power, you caused the King «" younger
to withdraw himself, and carried him out of the realm, to the P'^"*^'"*
danger of his body and dishonour to him and his people, felo-
niously taking with you the treasure of the realm, contrary to the
Great Charter, Hugh, all the good people of the kingdom, great
and small, rich and poor, by common assent do award that you
are found as a thief, and therefore shall be hanged, and are found
as a traitor, and therefore shall be drawn and quartered ; and for
that you have been outlawed by the King and by common consent,
and returned to the Court without warrant, you shall be beheaded ;
and for that you abetted and procured discord between King and
Queen, and others of the realm, you shall be embowelled and your
206
REIGN OP EDWARD II.
CHAP.
XII.
A.D. 1326.
Chancellor
Baldock
seized by
the mob,
and thrown
into New-
gate.
Dies of his
wounds.
Prince Ed-
ward
chosen Gus-
tos of the
kingdom.
Imprison-
ment of
Edward II.
bowels burnt ; and so go to your judgment, attainted, wicked
traitor!"*
Baldock being a priest, he could not with safety be so
suddenly despatched ; but he was sent to the Bishop of Here-
ford's palace in London, and the populace were informed of
his arrival, and reminded of his misdeeds. As his relentless
enemies foresaw, the palace was broken open by a riotous
mob, — he was seized, and, after many indignities, thrown into
Newgate, — where he soon after expired from the cruel usage
he had sustained. There seems a considerable resemblance
between his fate and that of his successor. Lord Chancellor
JeiFreys, at a distance of 360 years ; but, though not charge-
able with the same degree of cruelty, his systematic perversion
of justice had excited a still greater degree of resentment
against him, or the rage of the people would have given way
to their reverence for the sacerdotal character. He had
reached no higher dignity in the Church than Archdeacon of
Middlesex. When he received the Great Seal a few months
before, he no doubt confidently expected that he should long
hold it, and that it would lead to the primacy.
On the 20th of October, 1326, the King having gone
away with Hugh le Despenser to Ireland, and left the realm
without any government, the prelates, earls, barons, and
knights assembled at Bristol, and chose Edward, the King's
son, Custos of the kingdom whilst his father continued ab-
sent. On the same day the Prince assumed the government,
and issued the necessary legal proceedings under his privy
seal, " because he had no other seal for the purpose."
When the King returned from Ireland he found himself
already dethroned. The Queen was now in the enjoyment of
supreme power. She kept her husband in close confinement,
hypocritically pretending to lament his misfortunes. She pre-
tended to associate the Prince her son with herself in the
government; and she contrived to get the Great Seal into
her possession, — which considerably facilitated her proceed-
ings, for less respect was paid by the multitude to the privy
seal, which she had hitherto used.
• 1 St. Tr. 36.
EDWARD II. DEPOSED. 207
The Bishop of Hereford was sent to the King, at Kenil- CHAP,
worth, with a deceitful message, to request that he would
give such directions respecting the Great Seal, as were ^ ^ ^^^e.
necessary for the conservation of the peace, and the due King sends
administration of justice. The King, without friend or ad- to Queen,
viser, said he would send the Seal to his Queen and son,
not only for these purposes, but likewise for matters of grace.
He then handed the Great Seal to Sir William le Blount,
who, on the 30th of November, delivered It to the Queen
and the Prince ; but the Queen had the uncontrolled domi-
nion over it. She pretended to hand it over to Ayremynne,
the Master of the Rolls, as Keeper, and she employed it to
summon a parliament at Westminster, in her husband's name,
for the purpose of deposing him. According to the tenour of
the writs under the Great Seal, the parliament was to be
held before the King, if he should be present; and if not,
before Isabel, the Queen-consort, and Edward, the King's
son.
The sympathies of the people beginning to be excited in Queen's
favour of the King, and her scandalous commerce with Mor- ^^°^^ *™^"
timer being published to the world, she was under some ap-
prehension of a counter-revolution; but she uttered a pro-
clamation, setting forth the misgovernment of the Spensers
and the late Lord Chancellor Baldock, to the great injury of
Holy Church and the dishonour of the King and his heirs,
and she gathered a strong army round her to overawe the
metropolis.
At the parliament which met on the 7th of January, 1327, Edward ir.
no Chancellor was present. Adam de Orleton, Bishop of ^^"^^ '
Hereford, acted as Prolocutor, and put the memorable ques-
tion to the assembled Lords and Commons, — " Whether
King Edward the father, or his son Edward, should reign
over them ? "
The articles against the King contained no specific charge
of misrule to give any colour to the proposed deposition, and
no proof was adduced in support of them. Nevertheless, no
one ventured to raise a voice in his behalf; and a deputation
sent to Kenilworth extorted from him a resignation of the
Crown. Then Sir William Trussel, of whose oratory we
208
REIGN OF EDWARD II.
CHAP.
XII.
A.D. 1327.
Murder of
Edward II.
Adam be
Orleton
acts as
Chancellor.
His equi-
vocal line
respecting
the murder
of the
King.
Origin of
office of
Master of
the Rolls.
have had a specimen, in the name of the whole Parliament,
renounced their allegiance in the following form : —
" I, William Trussel, procurator of the prelates, earls, and
barons, and other people in mj procuracy named, having for this
full and sufficient power, do surrender and deliver up to you,
Edward, heretofore King of England, the homage and fealty of the
persons in my procuracy named, &c. ; and do make this protestation
in the name of all those that will not, for the future, be in your
fealty or allegiance, nor claim to hold any thing of you as King,
but account you as a private person, without any manner of royal
dignity."
On the 20th of January, 1327, the deposition of Ed-
ward 11. being completed, Edward III., then a youth of
fourteen years of age, was proclaimed King, and was sup-
posed to begin his reign, although it was not till the 21st of
September following that, in Berkeley Castle, were heard the
agonising shrieks caused by the horrid deed of Gournay and
Montravers.
Without any formal appointment as Chancellor, after the
death of Baldock, Adam de Orleton, Bishop of Hereford,
must be considered as having acted in that capacity under
the Queen. He is famous not only for having conducted the
proceedings in parliament on the deposition of Edward, but
for being supposed to have counselled his murder by the
equivocal line which he composed and sent to his keepers,
" Edwardum occidere nolite timere; — bonum est."
although he contended that his words, by a proper punc-
tuation or pause, conveyed a strong injunction against
regicide.*
No important change was introduced into the law during
the reign of Edward II., but the institutions of his father
were steadily maintained by his successive Chancellors, and
having stood the shock of such convulsions, might now be
considered permanently established for the administration of
justice in England. It has been suggested that the office of
Master of the Rolls, so nearly connected with that of Chan-
cellor, was now created, and that William de Ayremynne was
* Edwardum occidere nolite ; — timere bonum est.
ADAM DE OKLETON, CHANCELLOE. 209
the first who bore that title*; but John de Langton had chap.
. • • XII
been called " Custos Rotulorum Cancellariae Domini Regis." f
Adam de Osgodebey is expressly stated to have filled the ^ ^ 1337.
office in the same reign, and as there were clerks in the
Chancery from the most remote antiquity to assist the Chan-
cellor, who were afterwards denominated '* Masters in Chan-
cery," I have little doubt that the senior or chief of them had
for ages before had the particular care of the records of the
Court, and being so often intrusted with the custody of the
Seal in the Chancellor's absence, had gradually been permitted
to act as his deputy.
Towards the conclusion of this reign, under Lord Chan- Complaints
cellor Baldock, there were heavy complaints in parliament of J||ent orihe
the delays of justice, and that when petitions for redress were Court of
presented to parliament, they were sometimes referred to the
King and sometimes to the Chancellor, without any thing
being ever done upon them. |
From petitions and answers lately discovered, it appears jurisdic-
that during this reign the jurisdiction of the Court of Chan- ^'^5°"^°^;*!'^
eery was considerably extended, and the " Consuetudo Can- reign of
cellarije" is often familiarly mentioned. We find petitions
referred to the Chancellor in his Court, either separately or
in conjunction with the King's Justices or the King's Ser-
jeants— on disputes respecting the wardship of infants, par-
tition, dower, rent-charges, tithes, and goods of felons. The
Chancellor was in full possession of his jurisdiction over
charities, and he superintended the conduct of coroners.
Mere wrongs, such as malicious prosecutions and trespasses to
personal property, are sometimes the subject of proceedings
before him ; but I apprehend that those were cases where,
from powerful combinations and confederacies, redress could
not be obtained in the courts of common law.
There was now and during some succeeding reigns the
exercise of a prerogative of the Crown vested in the Court of
• Reeve's Hist, of the Law, vol. ii. p. 362.
f See Discourse on Office of M. R.
j Et auxint Sire firent vos liges gentz que par la ou ils ont liote leur avant
lour petitions au diverses parliamentz des divcrses grievances et les unes sont
ajournes devant le Roi, et les autres devant le Chancellier dount nul issue n'est
fait q'il plaise a vautre haute seignurie comander remedie. Resp. II plest au
Roi. — Par. Rol. 19 Ed. 2. i. 430.
VOL. I. P
210 REIGN OF EDWARD II.
CHAP. Chancery, which we should have expected to find reserved
^^^" for the King's executive government, viz. the power of
Letters of granting letters of marque and reprisals against the subjects
marqueand of a foreign state that refused to render justice to the subjects
PluSd'by of the Crown of England.* Thus, in 2 Edward II., certain
Chancellor. English merchants plundered by Flemish pirates, not ob-
taining redress from the Earl of Flanders, they petitioned
the King, and they were referred by him to the Court of Chan-
cery, there to pursue their remedy as was accustomed in
similar cases, f Again, in the 8th year of this reign, Adam
le Clerk, having complained that his ship and merchandise
had been captured and carried into the town of Perth in
Scotland, it is ordered that he should apply to the Chancellor,
and that justice should be done to him according to the
custom of the Chancery. |
Year Now begins the series of reports of cases decided in the
Books. . .
superior courts, the grand repertory of law in England ; but
the " Year Books" are now rather curious for their antiquity
than valuable for their contents, being chiefly the notes
taken by the reporters in Court, without being properly
digested or revised.
In the 9th year of the King, while Sandale was Chancellor,
was passed a statute, still acted upon, by which it was enacted
that Sheriflfe who were formally chosen by the freeholders,
should be assigned by the Chancellor and Judges, and the
power of appointing them was vested in the Crown. §
At the close of the reign, at the Parliament held under
Lord Chancellor Baldock, the statute " De Prei'ogativa Regis"
was passed, giving to the King the profits of the lands of
idiots II, the probable foundation of the Lord Chancellor's
jurisdiction in lunacy under the royal sign-manual.
The only law book imputed to this reign is the " Mirror of
* It appears from Grotiiis and Puffendorf, that down to their time letters of
reprisal were considered rather in the nature of a private remedy, and did not
by any means amount to war betweea two nations. The capture was rather in
the nature of a security to obtain justice.
t Hesp. " Adeaiit Cancellariam et perquirant remedium sicut consuevit fieri
m consimilibus caslbus, secundum formam petitionis."
X llesp. " Sequatur in Cancel!, et ostendat processum inde habitum et literas
testimon. si quas habeat de defen. exhibitionls justitiae et tunc sequatur secun-
dum processum, &c., et fiat ei justitia secundum consuetudinem Cancellari*."
§ 9 Ed. 2. Stat. 2. II 17 Ed. 2. c. 9.
STATE OF THE LAW. 211
Justices," which, though often quoted by Lord Coke, is a chap.
wretched compilation, and shows an increasing degeneracy '
among English juridical writers.
The Chancellors were still all churchmen, and from this Establish-
order only could good lawyers hitherto be selected ; but there inns of
was now rising up a class of laymen who, devoting them- Court,
selves to the study of the municipal law of England, and
educated at the Hostels or Inns of Court (of which Lincoln's
Inn then was, and ever has continued to be, the most
eminent*,) were attracting public consideration and con-
fidence, and from among whom, in the succeeding reign.
Chancellors were chosen, to the great content of the nation.
* The Society of Lincoln's Inn was founded in the commencement of this
reign, under the patronage of William Earl of Lincoln, who, for the accommo-
dation of the men)bers, gave up to them his hostel, which he held under the
Bishops of Chichester.
p 2
212
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAPTER XIII.
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL FROM THE
COMMENCEMENT OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD HI. TILL THE AP-
POINTMENT OF SIR RICHARD BOURCHIER, THE FIRST LAY LORD
CHANCELLOR.
CHAP.
XIII.
Jan. 25.
1327.
John de
Hotham
again
Cliancellor.
His death
and cha-
racter.
Henry
DK Bdrg-
HEKSH,
Chancellor.
The Parliament which continued irregularly to sit under
writs issued in the name of Edward II., commenced the new
reign by the appointment of a council of regency, consisting
of twelve persons — five prelates and seven temporal peers —
with the Earl of Lancaster as President or Protector; — and
John de Hotham, Bishop of Ely, was called from his retreat
to be made Chancellor. But he only consented to hold the
office till a settlement of the kingdom should take place ; and
he finally resigned it on the 1st of March following.
In this interval acts of parliament were passed indem-
nifying the Queen and her partisans for all they had done,
and enabling them to carry on the government in the name
of the young King. As yet all went smoothly, for he
was not of competent age to understand the wrongs done to
his father, his mother's shame, or the usurpation of his own
rights.
Hotham joyfully returned to his diocese, where he occu-
pied himself in repairing and ornamenting the cathedral, till
he was struck with the palsy. After being bed-ridden two
years, he died in 1336. He is said to have been pious, and
naturally shrewd, though of little knowledge acquired from
books. He is gratefully remembered by his successors in
the see of Ely for the princely munificence with which he
enriched it.
Till the 12th of May the Great Seal remained in the
keeping of Henry de ClyfF, Master of the Rolls ; and on that
day it was delivered to Henry de Burghersh, or Bur-
HENRY DE BURGHERSH, CHANCELLOR. 213
WASH, as Chancellor.* He was of noble birth, and nephew CHAP.
XIT I
of Bartholomew de Badislimer, Baron of Leeds, a man of
great power and fame in the reign of Edward II. Having ^ ^ ^^^7.
been educated at Oxford, — in 1320, while yet a young man,
he obtained, through his uncle's interest, the rich bishopric of
Lincoln. He soon after quarrelled with the King, and the
temporalities of his see were sequestered. They were re-
stored in 1324, and he was again taken into favour at court.
But he subsequently took the Queen's part against her hus-
band, and was active in bringing about the ruin of this
unhappy prince. Along with the other chief conspirators, he
was promoted at the commencement of the new reign, and
enjoyed power till the young King discovered their plots and
avenged the memory of his father.
The Great Seal of Edward II., which had likewise been New Great
that of Edward I., continued to be used till the 5th day of
October, 1327, when a new Great Seal, with the effigies
and style of Edward III., was put into the hands of the
Chancellor.f
The business of the parliament being finished, he accom-
panied the Queen-mother to Berwick. During his absence
the Seal was left with the Master of the Rolls, and it was
restored to him on his return to court. He went abroad with
the King on the 26th of May, 1329, and returned on the
11th of June following, still confident of continuing pros-
perity.
But the termination of his official career was at hand. Temporary
Mortimer, the paramour of Isabella, had quarrelled with the ^'^Mor*"*^^
Earl of Lancaster and the Princes of the blood, and had timer.
* Rot, Cl. 2 Ed. 3. m. 26.
t Rot. Cl. 1 Ed. 3. m. 11. "When the King dies, the Great Seal of the
last King continues the Great Seal of England till another be made and deli-
vered. Edward III., who began his reign 25th January, on the 3d of October
following directed a proclamation to all the sheriffs of England, signifying that
he had made a new Great Seal, sent them an impression of the new seal in wax,
and commanded them, after the 4th of October, to receive no writs but under the
new Seal. On the 4th of October, being Sunday, the Bishop of Ely, Chancellor,
producing the new Seal, declares the King's pleasure that it should be from
thenceforth used. The Monday after the old Seal is broken, prmcipiente rege,
and the pieces delivered to the Spigurnel." — 1 Hale's Pleas of the Crown, 176.
The Spigurnel was an officer whose place was to seal the King's writs Camb.
Rem. 26.
P 3
214
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
Xlll.
A.D. 1330.
Edward
III. seizes
the reins of
govern-
ment.
Nov. 1330.
A parlia-
ment.
King's
speecli.
Burgliersh
dismissed.
Nov. 28.
1330.
made a victim of the Earl of Kent, the King's uncle. For a
short time Mortimer enjoyed a sort of dictatorship. He
threw the Earl of Lancaster into prison, and prosecuted
many of the prelates and nobility. The immense fortunes
of the Spensers and their adherents were mostly converted
to his own use. He affected a state and dignity not inferior
to the royal. His power became formidable to every one,
and all parties, forgetting past animosities, conspired in a
Avish for his overthrow.
Edward, now in his 18th year, feeling himself capable of
governing, repined at his insignificance, and resolved to free
himself from the fetters of this insolent minister. By an ex-
traordinary combination of courage and dexterity on the part
of Mortimer's enemies, the minion was seized in the castle of
Nottingham, in an apartment adjoining the Queen-dowager's,
at a moment when he thought himself absolute and perma-
nent master of the kingdom.
A parliament was immediately summoned, before which
he was accused of having procured the death of the late
King, and of various other crimes, and upon the supposed
notoriety of the facts, — without hearing his answer, or ex-
amining a witness, he was convicted and executed.
Instead of the Chancellor, the young King himself is said
to have made a speech at the opening of this parliament,
complaining much of the conduct of the Queen and Mor-
timer, and intimating that with the consent of his subjects, he
designed to take the reins of government into his own hands.*
Burghersh being an ecclesiastic, was safe from corporal
punishment, but he was deprived of the Great Sealf, and on
the day before Mortimer's execution it was intrusted to John
DE Stratford I, Bishop of Winchester, by whose advice the
• I Pari. Hist. 83.
t One of the charges against him was the abuse of his ecclesiastical patronage.
It seems the livings in the Chancellor's gift were intended as a provision for the
clerks of the different courts of justice who were then all in orders, and that
Burghersh had been in the habit of selling them or giving them to favourites ;
whereupon an order was made by parliament, that " the Chancellor should give
the hvmgs in his gift, rated at twenty marks and under, to the King's clerks in
Chancery, the Exchequer and the two Benches, according to usage, and to
none others."— Rolls, 4 Ed. 3. vol. ii. 136.
t Rot. CI. 4 Ed. 3. m. 20.
JOHN DE STRATFORD, CHANCELLOR. 21
young King had acted in bringing about this revolution, chap.
The Ex-chancellor died In exile at Ghent about ten years '
after. It is said that " he was a covetous man, and easily His exile
abused his power to the oppressing of his neighbours."* and death.
The new Chancellor was a native of Stratford in Essex, .Tohn de
from which place he took his name according to the custom chancellor'
of the age. He and his brother Robert, of whom we shall
have to speak very soon, were instances then not uncommon
of persons of talents, enterprise, and perseverance, raising
themselves from obscurity to the highest offices in the state.
He studied at Oxford, and there acquired great reputation His origin
for his proficiency in the civil and canon law. It is curious ^^^^^ "*^*'
to observe that the law in those times, not less than in the
present, was the great avenue for new men to political ad-
vancement. In the struggle for power which was ever going
on, those who were distinguished for their learning and their
subtlety were found useful to the Crown, to the barons, and
to the great ecclesiastics — were confidentially employed by
them on occasions of difficulty, and were rewarded with eccle-
siastical and temporal offices in which they had often more
influence than the great hereditary nobles.f John de Strat-
ford was early promoted to the deanery of Lincoln, and
giving earnest of the talents which he afterwards displayed,
he was promoted to the judicial office of Dean of the Arches,
which has continued down to our own times to be filled by
men of the greatest learning and ability. Here he showed
such knowledge of the laws, and such judgment and prudence
in deciding causes, that he was made a Privy Councillor to
Edward II., and was admitted to an important share in the
government of the kingdom.
In 1323 he was sent ambassador to the Pope, then es- Ambas-
tablished at Avignon, to settle various points of controversy p^ ^_
of great delicacy, which had arisen between the Crown of
England and his Holiness. It happened that at that time
the Bishop of Winchester died, and the Pope, at the earnest
* See L. C. 26,
I The two Stratfords, who successively held the office of Lord Chancellor in
the 14th century, may aptly be compared to the two Scotts, Lord Eldon and
Lord Stowell, in the 1 9th.
P 4
216
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
XIII.
His rise till
appointed
Chancellor.
Punish,
ment of
Queen
Isabella.
Measures
to restore
internal
tranquil-
lity.
Court of
Chancery
becomes
stationary.
request of the Archbishop of Canterbury, without the sanction
of the King, somewhat irregularly consecrated his Excellency
the English minister Bishop of the vacant see.
Baldoek, then Lord Chancellor, having intended this pre-
ferment for himself, was mortally offended, and took violent
steps to prevent the new Bishop from deriving any benefit
from the elevation. A very severe proclamation was issued
against Stratford in the name of the King, *'so that none
should harbour or relieve him," and the fruits of the bishopric
were confiscated to the Crown. The Pope and the Arch-
bishop, however, still befriended him, and Baldock's influence
declining, he was again taken into favour and employed in
several important embassies. In the last year of Edward 11.
he was made Lord Treasurer, and he adhered with great
constancy and zeal to his unhappy master. Probably this
was the reason why, when the regicides were punished
and the youthful Sovereign took upon himself the govern-
ment of the realm, Stratford was appointed to the office of
Chancellor.
Lender his advice the Queen-mother was confined to her
own house at Castle-Rising : and to prevent her from again
forming a party which might be formidable to the Sovereign,
her revenue was reduced to 4000Z. a-year, so that she was
never able to reinstate herself in any credit or authority.
Effective measures were taken to restore order and tran-
quillity throughout the realm. Writs under the Great Seal
were directed to the Judges, enjoining them to administer
justice without paying any regard to the arbitrary orders
they might receive from any great men or officers of state.
As robbers, thieves, murderers, and criminals of all kinds, had
during the late convulsions multiplied to an enormous degree,
and they sometimes enjoyed high protection, a promise was
exacted from the Peers in parliament that they would break
off all connection with such malefactors ; and the ministers of
justice were urged to employ the utmost diligence in dis-
covering, pursuing, and punishing them.
There was likewise introduced about this time a great im-
provement in the administration of justice, by rendering the
Court of Chancery stationary at Westminster. The ancient
JOHN DE STEATFORD, CHANCELLOR.
217
kings of England were constantly migrating, — one principal ^^.^F'
reason for which was, that the same part of the country, even
with the aid of purveyance and pre-emption, could not long
support the Court and all the royal retainers, and the render
in kind due to the King could be best consumed on the spot.
Therefore, if he kept Christmas at Westminster, he would
keep Easter at Winchester, and Pentecost at Gloucester,
visiting his many palaces and manors in rotation. The
Aula Regis, and afterwards the courts into which it was
partitioned, were ambulatory along with him — to the great
vexation of the suitors. This grievance was partly corrected
by Magna Charta, which enacted that the Court of Com-
mon Pleas should be held " in a certain place," — a corner
of Westminster Hall being fixed upon for that purpose. In
point of law, the Court of King's Bench and the Court of
Chancery may still be held in any county of England, —
" wheresoever in England the King or the Chancellor may
be." Down to the commencement of the reign of Edward III.,
the King's Bench and the Chancery actually had continued
to follow the King's person, the Chancellor and his officers
being entitled to part of the purveyance made for the royal
household. By 28 Edw. 1. c. 5., the Lord Chancellor and
the Justices of the King's Bench were ordered to follow the
King, so that he might have at all times hear him sages of the
law able to advise him. But the two Courts were now by
the King's command fixed in the places where, unless on a
few extraordinary occasions, they continued to be held down
to our own times, at the upper end of Westminster Hall,
the King's Bench on the left hand, and the Chancery on
the right, both remaining open to the Hall, and a bar being »
erected to keep oiF the multitude from pressing on the
Judges.
The Chancellor, on account of his superior dignity, had Marble
placed for him a great marble table, to which there was an ^^i,]^ ;„
ascent by five or six steps, with a marble chair by the side of Court of
Chsnccr V
it. On this table writs and letters patent were sealed in the
presence of the Chancellor sitting in the marble chair. Here
he received and examined the petitions addressed to him.
218
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
XIII.
AD. 1331.
A parlia-
ment.
Questions
put to par-
liament by
the Chan-
cellor.
Chancellor
returns
from em-
bassy.
A.D. 1332,
On the appointment of a new Chancellor, he was inaugurated
by being placed in this chair.*
John de Stratford continued Chancellor under his first
appointment nearly four years, during which time he appears
to have been almost constantly absorbed in political business,
and to have hardly ever attended personally to the judicial
duties of his office. From the 4th to the 20th of April, 1331,
he was in Normandy with the King.
In the year 1331, a parliament met at Westminster, the
day after Michaelmas-day. The Chancellor declared the
cause of the summons, and applied himself to the prelates,
earls, and barons for their advice, whether they thought it
best for the King to proceed by war or by an amicable treaty
with the King of France for the restitution of Aquitaine ? f
The parliament agreed to the latter as the least dangerous
process, and the Chancellor, accompanied by the Bishops of
Worcester and Norwich, and others, went on an embassy to
the court of France for this purpose. They set sail on the
21st of November, and succeeded in preserving for a time the
relations of amity between the two nations.
The Chancellor's return is not recorded, but it must have
been before the 12th of March in the following year, for on
that day a new parliament was opened at Westminster by a
speech from him, in which he intimated that the King wished
for the advice of the parliament " whether he should comply
with a request from the King of France and many other
kings and princes, to accompany them to the Holy Land
against the common enemy of Christendom?"! A subject of
greater urgency on which the advice of parliament was asked
was, " whether the King might go over to the French court
to settle in person the differences between the two crowns?"
* The marble table and chair are said to have been displaced when the Court
was covered in from the Hall. But till the Courts were finally removed out
of Westminster Hail, there were easy means of communication between the
Chancery and King's Bench, which enabled Sir Thomas More to ask his father's
blessing in the one Court before he took his seat in the other ; and I myself
remember, when a student of law, that if the Chancellor rose while the King's
Bench was sitting, a curtain was drawn and the Judges saluted him — Orig.
Jurid. tit. " Chancery." In the " Lives of Lord Clarendon, &c.," published in
1712, It is said, " This marble table is now covered with the Courts there
erected, to which there are four or five steps to go up."
t 1 Pari. Hist. 88. \ Ibid. 89.
JOHN DE STRATFORD, CHANCELLOR. 219
Edward had begun to talk of his preposterous claim to the CHAP,
throne of France through his mother Isabella, and Philip de
Valois had threatened to declare forfeited all the fiefs which
Edward held in France, as Edward, questioning his title, had
declined to do homage to him as his liege lord. It is remark-
able that after the Chancellor's oration. Sir Jeffrey Scroop,
by the King's command and in his presence, harangued the
parliament, and enforced the topics on which the Chancellor
had dwelt.*
The Lords and Commons objected to the expedition to the Separation
Holy Land ; but consented to the proposed meeting with the "l^^co^-
French King. It is remarkable that the knights, citizens, mons.
and burgesses withdrew to a separate chamber to deliberate, ^'^'
and that this is the first instance of their doing so. There
seemed then a probability that there might have been three
houses of parliament, one for each of the three estates of the
realm, as there always had been in France till the memorable
meeting of the States General at Versailles in 1789, — for the
Lords spiritual likewise on this occasion retired to a separate
chamber, and came in the first instance to a separate vote,
although all the branches of the legislature were finally
unanimous in the advice they gave.f
We may remark as we pass, that notwithstanding the great Great in-
jealousy afterwards displayed by the Tudor sovereigns of pad"ament
parliament ever interfering; with the functions of the execu- under
. . . Planta-
tive government, in the time of the Plantagenets nothing genets.
was more common than for the King expressly and specifically
to consult parliament on questions of peace and war, and
even as to the manner in which war was to be carried on.
It was probably found that lOths and 15ths were more
readily voted from this seeming cordiality and confidence,
and privilege had not yet acquired any independent sway by
which it seemed likely ever to become formidable to pre-
rogative.
Edward called another parliament to meet on the 9th of Chancel-
September, 1332, where Lord Chancellor Stratford declared, o^nmee^itiy
" that the cause of their meeting was about the affairs of of new par-
liament.
* 1 Pari. Hist. 90. f Ibid. 91.
220
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
XIII.
Keepers of
Great Seal
appointed
by the
Chancellor.
Richard
DE BURV,
Chancellor,
A.D. 1334,
France and the King's expedition thither, and to put an end
to the success his enemies gained in those parts."* The
Lords and Commons did each by their several petitions advise
the King not then to go into France, but to use all his efforts
to brinsf to a conclusion the war that had broke out with
Scotland after the death of Robert Bruce, and the attempt of
Edward Baliol on the Scottish crown. This war lasted till
after the termination of John de Stratford's first chancellor-
ship. Such satisfaction had he given to the King up to this
time, that in the beginning of 1334 he was raised to the
metropolitan see of Canterbury.
Being so much occupied with political and ecclesiastical
affairs while he retained the office of Chancellor, he intrusted
the custody of the Great Seal successively to Robert de
Stratford his brother, to Henry de Clyff, M. R., to William
de Melton, Archbishop of York, and for a short time jointly
to Henry de Edenstowe, Thomas de Baumburgh, and John
de St. Paul, probably masters in Chancery, and these persons
sealed writs and charters, and despatched the other business
of the court. The fees of the oflSce, as was usual when the
custody of the Great Seal was thus deputed, were brought to
the credit of the absent Chancellor.f
On the 28th of September, 1334, Archbishop Stratford
ceased to be Chancellor (whether from any quarrel with the
King we are not informed), and the ofiice was conferred on
Richard de Bury, Bishop of Durham |, one of the most
eminent scholars and wits who cast a lustre on the reign of
Edward III., and made it distinguished for literature as well
as for military glory. From a most interesting book written
by this estimable man, which is a sort of autobiography, his
• I Pari. Hist. 91.
t Among these was a very liberal supply of wine from the King's vineyards
in Gascony. In the Close Roll, 3 Ed. 3. we find the following memorandum
respecting what was to be done by the customer of Southampton : — " Quod de
vino bianco Regis liberan. sex dolia et quatuor pipa." The few bottles of
Constantia, till very lately given by the Crown to the Chancellor and the other
great officers of state, may be considered the last remnant of such gratuities.
Uhile Stratford was Chancellor, it was resolved in parliament "that the
Chancellor is the Ordinary of the free chapels of the King, and that it belongs
to him to visit them by virtue of his office." — Rolls, 8 Ed 3. vol. ii. p. 77,
t Rot. CI. 8 Ed. 3. m. 10.
EICHARD DE BURY, CHANCELLOR. 221
" Philobiblon," we are made familiarly acquainted with CHAP,
his history, his habits, and his character.
He was born in the year 1287, in the house of his father, jjj^ family,
near Bury St. Edmunds. * Although the son of Sir Richard
de Angraville, of an ancient knightly family, he, according
to the custom of the age, took his name from the place of his
birth. Having lost his father when very young, he was
educated by his maternal uncle, a priest, descended from the Education,
noble house of Willoughby. He studied at Oxford, where
he gained great distinction from his proficiency both in
philosophy and divinity, and was eminent at once for the
brilliancy of his conversation and the sanctity of his life.
In the work referred to, which was the amusement of his His college
old age, he gives a delightful picture of his college days, ^'^^'
showing the enthusiasm with which he had sought improve-
ment.! "From an early age we attached ourselves with
most exquisite solicitude to the society of masters, scholars,
and professors of various arts, whom wit and learning had
rendered most conspicuous ; — encouraged by whose agreeable
conversation, we were most deliciously nourished, sometimes
with explanatory examination of arguments, at others with
recitations of treatises on the progress of physics — as it were
with multiplied and successive dishes of learning. Such
were the comrades we chose in our boyhood ; such we enter-
tained as the inmates of our chambers and the companions of
our journies ; such the messmates of our board, and such our
associates in all our fortunes." |
Being considered a very accomplished scholar, he was Tutor to
selected as tutor for Edward III. when Prince of Wales, Edv^ard
and to him may be traced the love for literature and the prince,
arts displayed by his pupil when on the throne. He was
rewarded with the lucrative appointment of treasurer of
Gascony.
When the civil disturbances arose towards the end of the
* " In quadam villula." Angl. Sax. vol. ii. p. 765.
f It is written in very indifferent Latin. I have chiefly followed an English
translation published anonymously in the year 1832; printed for that very
learned and worthy bookseller, my friend, " Thomas liodd. Great Newport
Street."
\ Phil. ch. viii.
222
BEIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
xiir.
Edward
III
reign of Edward II., he took part with the Queen, and sup-
plied her with money out of the royal revenue, which she
made use of to the prejudice of her husband. He was ques-
tioned for this during the ascendancy of the opposite faction,
and having fled to Paris, and being demanded from the French
government, it is said that he was glad to hide himself for
several days in the belfry of a church there.
His rise on Edward HI., on coming to the throne, with his own hand
^^^I^rrT ^^ wrote a letter to the Pope, praying that the stalls in the
cathedrals of Hereford, London, and Chichester, lately held
by Gilbert de Middleton, might be conferred on his tutor,
whom he says he loves beyond all the clerks in his realm :
"Eo quod nostro assidue lateri assistendo, novimus ipsum
vinim in consiliis providum, conversationis et vitae munditia
decorum, literarum scientia pneditum, et in agendis quibus-
libet circumspectum." His Holiness complied, and De Bury
was now rapidly promoted in the state as well as in the
church, being appointed cofferer to the King, then treasurer
of the wardrobe, and soon after keeper of the Privy Seal.
This office he held five years, during which time he twice
visited Italy, made the acquaintance of Petrarch, and was
treated with great honour and distinction by the Supreme
Pontiff", John XXII., who nominated him chaplain to his
principal chapel, and took upon himself to appoint him, by a
special bull, to the first see which should become vacant in
England.
From the offices and preferments he already enjoyed, he
was enabled to display great magnificence and splendour ;
and when he appeared in the presence of the Pope or Car-
dinals, he was attended by twenty clerks and thirty -six
esquires, attired in the most expensive and sumptuous gar-
ments.*
Soon afterwards the see of Durham became vacant, and the
Prior and Chapter elected as bishop, Robert de Greystones,
a monk and subprior of Durham, who was actually conse-
crated by the Archbishop of York. But at the request of
the King the election was set aside by the Pope, De Bury
His splen
duur at
court of
Home.
Bishop of
Durham.
His last journey to Rome is said to have cost him 5000 marks.
BICHABD DE BUEY, CHANCELLOR. 223
was substituted, and on the 19th of December, 1333, the CHAP.
Y TT T
ceremony of his consecration was performed by the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury. The following year he was personally
installed at Durham. On this occasion he gave a magnificent
entertainment to the King and Queen, her mother, and the
King of Scotland, at which were present two archbishops,
five bishops, seven earls and their countesses, and all the
nobility north of Trent, besides a great number of knights
and esquires, and also many abbots and other ecclesiastics.
Soon after this he was raised to the dignity of Chancellor. Sept 2S.
We have no account of his procession to Westminster, or of ^^'
the festivities on his being seated in the marble chair at the
upper end of the hall, but we need not doubt that they were
distinguished by their taste and sumptuousness.
De Bury filled the office of Chancellor only from the 28th His con-
of September, 1334, to the oth June, 1335, when he ex- J^^^u^^
changed it for that of Treasurer. During this interval he
held the Great Seal himself, and did all the duties belonging
to it, without the assistance of any Vice-chancellor, and he
seems to have given satisfaction to the public
A parliament met at Whitsuntide, and he presided at it ; -^ parfia-
but we cannot celebrate him as a legislator, for at this par-
liament only one act passed, wliich was " to regulate the
herring fishery at Yarmouth;" and the time was occupied
in obtaining a supply to enable the King to carry on war
against the Scots. Edward having gained the battle of
Hallidown Hill, in which Douglas the Scottish leader fell,
was sanguine in the hope of being able to reduce the whole
of Scotland to subjection ; but he was soon driven back by
the spirit which had baffled all the efforts of his father and
grandfather, and he came to the conclusion that he must look
out for an easier field in which he might gain distinction as a
conqueror.
De Bury went thrice to Paris as ambassador from Edward Ambas-
to the King of France respecting his claim to the crown of
that country, and afterwards visited Antwerp and Brabant,
with a view of forming alliances for the coming contesL
But before the French war had made much progress he
resigned the Great Seal and retired from public life.
sador to
Pari?.
224
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
XIII.
His retire-
uieiit.
Philobi-
bloD.
His love of
books, and
mode of
collecting
thein.
He now shut himself up in his palace at Bishops Auck-
land among his books, which he preferred to all other human
enjoyments, — still, however, exercising a most splendid hos-
pitality.* He employed himself ardently in the extension of his
library, which, whether out of compliment to him, or as a satire
on his brother ecclesiastics, was said to " contain more volumes
than those of all the other bishops in the kingdom put
together." By the favour of Edward he gained access to the
libraries of all the great monasteries, where he shook off the
dust from volumes preserved in chests and presses, which
had not been opened for many ages. Not satisfied with
this privilege, he extended his researches by employing
stationers and booksellers, not only In England, but also in
France, Germany, and Italy, regardless both of expense and
labour.f
To solace his declining years, he wrote the " Phllobiblon,"
In praise of books; a treatise which may now be perused
with great pleasure, as it shows that the author had a most
Intimate acquaintance with the classics, and not only a
passion for books exceeding that of any modern collector,
but a rich vein of native humour, which must have made
him a most delightful companion.
An extract from chapter vlil., entitled " Of the numerous
Opportunities of the Author of collecting Books from all
Quarters," may bring some suspicion upon his judicial
purity ; but the open avowal of the manner In which his
library was accumulated proves that he had done nothing
that would not be sanctioned by the public opinion of
the age :
" While we performed the duties of Chancellor of the most
Invincible and ever magnificently triumphant King of England,
Edward III., (whose days may the Most High long and
tranquilly deign to preserve !) after first inquiring Into the
• This appears from the roll of his domestic expenses, preserved among the
muniments of the bishopric.
t " Pecuniam laeto corde dispersimus, nee eos (sc. librarios et stationarios)
uUatenus impedivit distantia, neque furor maris absterruit, nee eis aut as pro
expenso deficit, quin ad nos optatos libros transmitterent vel afferrent. Sciebant
enim pro certo, quod spes eorum in sinu nostro reposita defraudari non poterat,
sed restabat apud nos copiosa redemi)tis cum usuris."
RICHARD DE BURY, CHANCELLOR 225
things that concerned his Court, and then the public affairs chap.
of his kingdom, an easy opening was afforded us, under the '
countenance of royal favour, for freely searching the hiding-
places of books. For the flying fame of our love had already
spread in all directions, and It was reported not only that we
had a longing desire for books, and especially for old ones, but
that any body could more easily obtain our favour by quartos
than by money. Wherefore, when supported by the bounty
of the aforesaid Prince of worthy memory, we were enabled
to oppose or advance, to appoint or discharge ; crazy quartos
and tottering folios, precious however in our sight as well as
in our affections, flowed In most rapidly from the great and
the small, instead of new-year's gifts and remunerations, and
instead of presents and jewels. Then the cabinets of the
most noble monasteries were opened ; cases were unlocked ;
caskets were unclasped ; and astonished volumes which had
slumbered for long ages In their sepulchres were roused up,
and those that lay hid In dark places were overwhelmed with
the rays of a new light. Books heretofore most delicate, now
become corrupted and nauseous, lay lifeless, covered Indeed
with the e"!xcrement8 of mice, and pierced through with the
gnawing of worms; and those that were formerly clothed
with purple and fine linen, were now seen reposing In dust
and ashes, given over to oblivion, the abodes of moths.
Amongst these nevertheless, as time served, we sat down
more voluptuously than the delicate physician could do amidst
his stores of aromatics ; and where we found an object of love,
we found also full enjoyment. Thus the sacred vessels of
science came Into our power — some being given, some sold,
and not a few lent for a time.*
" Without doubt, many who perceived us to be contented
with gifts of this kind, studied to contribute those things
freely to our use. We took care, however, to conduct the
* A modern deceased Lord Chancellor was said to have collected a very
complete law library by borrowing books from the bar which he forgot to
return. If so, he only acted on the maxims of his predecessor De Bury :
" Qui«quis theologus, quisquis legista peritus
Vis fieri ; niultos semper habeto libros.
Non in mente manet quicquid non vidimus ipsi.
Quisque sibi libros vendicet ergo. Vale." — p. 151.
VOL. I. Q
226 REIGN OF EDWABD III.
CHAP, business of such so favourably, that the profit might accrue
^^^'' to them: justice therefore suffered no detriment.
" Moreover, if we would have amassed cups of gold and
silver, excellent horses, or no mean sums of money, we could
in those days have laid up abundance of wealth for ourselves ;
but indeed wc wished for books, not bags ; we delighted
more in folios than florins, and preferred paltry pamphlets to
pampered palfreys.
" In addition to this, we were charged with the frequent
embassies of the said Prince, of everlasting memory, and,
owing to the multiplicity of state affairs, were sent first to
the Roman Chair, then to the Court of France, then to
various other kingdoms of the world, on tedious embassies
and in perilous times, carrying about with us, however, that
fondness for books which many waters could not extinguish ;
for this, like a certain drug, sweetened the wormwood of
peregrination ; this, after the perplexing intricacies, scru-
pulous circumlocutions of debate, and almost inextricable
labyrinths of public business, left an opening for a little
Avhile to breathe the temperature of a milder atmosphere.
O blessed God of gods in Sion ! what a rush of the flood of
pleasure rejoiced our heart as often as we visited Paris, the
paradise of the world ! There we longed to remain, where,
on account of the greatness of our love, the days ever ap-
peared to us to be few. In that city are delightful libraries
in cells redolent of aromatics ; there flourishing green-houses
of all sorts of volumes ; there academic meads trembling with
the earthquake of Athenian peripatetics pacing up and down ;
there the promontories of Parnassus, and the porticos of the
Stoics. There, in very deed, with an open treasury and
untied purse-strings, we scattered money with a light heart,
and redeemed inestimable books from dirt and dust.
" Again. We will add a most compendious way by which
a great multitude of books, as well old as new, came into our
hands. Never indeed having disdained the poverty of re-
ligious devotees, assumed for Christ, we never held them in
abhorrence, but admitted them from all parts of the world
into the kind embraces of our compassion ; we allured them
with most familiar affability into a devotion to our person.
RICHARD DE BURT, CHANCELLOR. 227
and, ha vino; allured, cherished them for the love of God with CHAP.
• . . . XIII.
munificent liberality, as if we were the common benefactor of '
them all, but nevertheless with a certain propriety of patron-
age, that we might not appear to have given preference to
any, — to these under all circumstances we became a refuge;
to these we never closed the bosom of our favour. Where-
fore we deserved to have those as the most peculiar and
zealous promoters of our wishes, as well by their personal as
their mental labours, who, going about by sea and land, sur-
veying the whole compass of the earth, and also inquiring
into the general studies of the Universities of the various
provinces, were anxious to administer to our wants, under a
most certain hope of reward.
" Amongst so many of the keenest hunters, what leveret
could lie hid ? What fry could evade the hook, the net, or
the trawl of these men ? From the body of divine law,
down to the latest controversial tract of the day, nothing
could escape the notice of these scrutinisers. If a devout
sermon resounded at the fount of Christian faith, the most
holy Roman court, or if an extraneous question were to be
sifted on account of some new pretext; if the dulness of
Paris, which now attends more to studying antiquities than
to subtly producing truth ; if English perspi(;acity overspread
with ancient lights, always emitted new rays of truth —
whatsoever it promulgated, either for the increase of know-
ledge or in declaration of the faith — this, while recent, was
poured into our ears, not mystified by imperfect nar-
ration nor corrupted by absurdity, but from the press of
the purest presser it passed, dregless, into the vat of our
memory." *
He does not himself seem to have been much acquainted His en-
with Grecian lore, but he was fully convinced of its value, ^ourage-
' ^ •' ^ ' ment to the
and he says, that " ignorance of the Greek language is at study of
this day highly injurious to the study of Latin authors ; with-
out it, neither Gentile nor Christian writings can be fully
comprehended. Wherefore, we have taken care to provide
for our scholars a Greek as well as a Hebrew grammar, with
• Pp. 50—56.
Q 2
Greek.
228
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
XIII.
His de-
scription
of the bad
usage of
books.
certain adjuncts, by the help of which, studious readers may
be instructed in writing, reading, and understanding those
languages, although hearing them spoken can alone give a
perfect knowledge of their idiom."
He is nowhere more entertaining than in describing and
reprobating the ill-usage to which the clasp-books of his
time were liable : " You will perhaps see a stiff-necked youth,
lounging sluggishly in his study : while the frost pinches him
in winter time, oppressed with cold, his watery nose drops, —
nor does he take the trouble to wipe it with his handkerchief
till it has moistened the book beneath it with its vile dew.
For such a one I would substitute a cobbler's apron in the
place of his book. He has a nail like a giant's, perfumed
with stinking ordure, with which he points out the place of
any pleasant subject. He distributes innumerable straws in
various places, with the ends in sight, that he may recall by
the mark what his memory cannot retain. These straws,
which the stomach of the book never digests, and which no-
body takes out, at first distend the book from its accustomed
closure, and being carelessly left to oblivion, at last become
putrid. He is not ashamed to eat fruit and cheese over an
open book, and to transfer his empty cup from side to side
upon it : and because he has not his alms-bag at hand, he
leaves the rest of the fragments in his books. He never ceases
to chatter with eternal garrulity to his companions ; and while
he adduces a multitude of reasons void of physical meaning,
he waters the book, spread out upon his lap, with the sputter-
ing of his saliva. What is worse, he next reclines with his
elbows on the book, and by a short study invites a long nap ;
and by way of repairing the wrinkles, he twists back the
margins of the leaves, to the no small detriment of the volume.
He goes out in the rain, and returns, and now flowers make
their appearance upon our soil. Then the scholar we are
describing, the neglecter rather than the inspector of books,
stuffs his volume with firstling violets, roses, and quadrifoils.
He will next apply his wet hands, oozing with sweat, to
turning over the volumes, then beat the white parchment all
over with his dusty gloves, or hunt over the page, line by
Ime, with his fore-finger covered with dirty leather. Then,
EICHARD DE BURY, CHANCELLOR. 229
as the flea bites, the holy book is thrown aside, which, how- CHAP,
ever, is scarcely closed once in a month, and is so swelled
with the dust that has fallen into it, that it will not yield to
the efforts of the closer."*
I can only venture on one other extract, which goes to Gross igno-
show why the Chancellors in those days were ecclesiastics, t^e*laity.
and exposes the gross ignorance which prevailed among lay-
men, who, being unable to read, did not know how to
hold a book, and are coupled with " dirty scullions : " " Far-
thermore, laymen, to whom it matters not whether they
look at a book turned wrong side upwards or spread
before them in its natural order, are altogether unworthy of
any communion with books. Let the clerk also take order
that the dirty scullion, stinking from the pots, do not touch
the leaves of books, unwashed."!
Like a Bishop and an Ex-chancelloi', he properly concludes Scriptural
by supporting his doctrine with the highest authorities. f"J'^akb^^
" The most meek Moses instructs us about making cases great care
for books in the neatest manner, wherein they may be safely
preserved from all damage. Take this book, says he, and put
it in the side of the ark of the covenant of the Lord your God.
O befitting place, made of imperishable Shittim wood, and
covered all over, inside and out, with gold ! But our Saviour
also, by his own example, precludes all unseemly negligence
in the treatment of books, as may be read in Luke iv. For
when he had read over the scriptural prophecy written about
himself, in a book delivered to him, he did not return it till
he had first closed it with his most holy hands; by which
act students are most clearly taught that they ought not, in
the smallest degree whatever, to be negligent about the cus-
tody of books." + He might well say of himself — " ecstatic©
quodam librorum amore potenter se abreptum."§
• Pp. 97, 98. t P. 100.
\ P. 101. Luke, iv. 20. " And he closed the book, and he gave it again to
the minister, and sat down."
§ As it was said that Garth did not write his own " Dispensary," the
Philohiblon has been attributed to Holcot, a Dominican friar, who was the
author's amanuensis', — hut without any reason, for it bears the strongest
internal evidence of being the composition of the Chancellor De Bury himself;
See " Bibliographical and Retrospective Miscellany," Art. De Bury.
Q 3
230 KEIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP From his book-buying propensity, then much more costly
^ than in our time, he got into pecuniary difficulties, and he was
obliged to pledge to Lord Neville of Raby, for 100/., a set of
gorgeous church vestments, of red velvet, embroidered with
gold, and pearls, and imagery. *
Death and He died at Bishops Auckland on the 14th of April 1345,
Richard de f^U of years and of honours. Fourteen days after his death
^uty. he was buried "quodammodo honorifice, non tamen cum
honore satis congruo," says Chambre, before the altar of
His merit, the blcssed Mary Magdalene, in his own cathedral. But
the exalted situation he occupied in the opinion and es-
teem of Petrarch and other eminent literary men of the
fourteenth century, shed brighter lustre on his memory than
it could have derived from funeral processions, or from monu-
ments and epitaphs. " What can be more delightful to a
lover of his country's intellectual reputation, than to
find such a character as De Bury in such an age of war
and bloodshed, uniting the calm and mild conduct of a le-
gislator with the sagacity of a philosopher and the elegant
mind of a scholar ? " f
June 6. On De Bury's resignation of the Great Seal in 1335, it
Arch- ^^^ restored to Archbishop Stratford, whose second Chan-
bishopjohn ccllorship extended to 1337. |
Chancellor From the groundless claim set up by the Plantage-
the second nets to the crown of France against the house of Valois,
time
Claim of ^^^ began the bloody wars which lasted above a century,
Edw. III. and which laid the foundation of that jealousy and hostile
crown of rivalry between the two nations, which unfortunately has
France. never since entirely subsided. While the great bulk of the
people of England eagerly supported the warlike measures of
the King, it ought to be recorded to the immortal honour of
It was attributed to him by his contemporaries, and a notice on an early copy
of it says: — " Quod opus (Philobiblon) Auclandia in habitatione sua com-
plevit 24 die Januarii, anno a communis salutis origine 1344, aetatis sua 58,
et 1 1 sui pontificatus."
* After his death, Lord Neville being informed of his intention to leave these
vestments to his successors, generously restored them, — and they remained the
boast of the see of Durham till the Reformation.
t Dibdin, Bibliomania, p. 247. — I am rather surprised that a " De Bury
Club " has not yet been established by Philobiblists, as he was undoubtedly the
founder of the order in England.
\ Rot. CI. 9 Ed. 3. m. 28.
ROBEET DE STRATFORD, CHANCELLOR. 231
this Chancellor, that he dissuaded the enterprise in Its com- CHAP.
mencement, and always strove for the restoration of peace at
the hazard of offending the King, and with the certainty of
incurring public odium by combating the popular delusion.
It must be confessed, that on this occasion we not only
were the aggressors, but that there was not even any plausible
or colourable pretence for going to war. No national griev-
ance could be urged, for the French had merely assisted the
Scotch in fulfilment of ancient treaties. Then, as to the
family dispute, — by the Salic law which had regulated
the descent of the crown of France from the foundation
of the monarchy, no female could wear the crown, so that
no claim to the crown could be made through a female, and
the title of Philip de Yalois, Avhich Edward himself had,
though reluctantly, recognised by doing homage to him
as his liege Lord, was unquestionable, both by hereditary
right and the general consent of the French people. But
the glaring absurdity in the claim was, that If the Salic law
were entirely disregarded, and female descent were admitted
in France as in England, there were females in existence,
and males descended through females, whose title was clearly
preferable to that of Edward.*
Archbishop Stratford resigned the Great Seal the second Reslgna-
tlme lust before Edward assumed the title of King of France ^''u °j
♦^ _ " _ John de
with the armorial bearings of that crown, and set out on his Stratford.
first expedition to support his title. There is great reason to
think that it was the Chancellor's pacific policy which led to
his retreat. Still, however, he was on good terms with the
King, and his brother was appointed to succeed him. f
Robert de Stratford appears to have been almost as a.d. 1337.
much distinguished for ability, and to have had a career stratford
almost as brilliant as John, and they exhibit the single Chancellor,
instance of two brothers holding successively the office of
Lord Chancellor. He, too, had studied at Oxford, and had
* This was the sensible view of the question taken by the Chancellor, who
gave very different advice to Edward III. from that which, according to
Shakspeare, was given by Archbishop Chicheley to Henry V.
K. Hen. — " May 1 with right and conscience make this claim?"
Archb. — " The sin upon my head, dread Sovereign."
i Rot. CI. 1] Ed. 3. ra. 29.
<J 4
232 REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP, gained the highest honours of the University. When the
XIII. Crreat Seal was delivered to him his rank in the Church was
only that of Archdeacon of Canterbury, but he was soon
after raised to the see of Chichester ; and he was elected
Chancellor of the University of Oxford, probably as much
from hopes excited by his present power as from the recol-
lection of his academical proficiency. He had several times
previously been intrusted with the custody of the Great Seal
as Vice-chancellor, and he must have been familiar with the
duties of the oflSce ; but, on account of his many avocations*
soon after his elevation he delivered the Great Seal into the
keeping of St. Paul, the Master of the Rolls, who was to act
as his deputy. *
ByNTE. He continued Chancellor till the 6th of July, 1338, when
WORTH, j^g retired for a time, and was succeeded by Richard de
Chancellor. ' •'
Bynteworth, or Bentworth, or WentworthI, Bishop
elect of London. What was the reason of this change I
have not been able to discover. The Stratfords do not seem
then to have lost the favour of the King, and while he was
engaged in preparing to prosecute the French war, they still
assisted him with their counsels, however much they might
disapprove of his measures.
His his- I find little respecting the history of the new Chancellor
*°^y- except that he had been a prebendary of St. Paul's. He
enjoyed for a very short time his new dignities. Having
received the Great Seal and been sworn in as Chancellor at
Walton, he immediately returned the Seal to the King,
being obliged to go to London to be consecrated. It was
then given in charge to St. Paul and Baumburgh, to keep
until the Chancellor should be returned to court. The King
left England for France on the 11th of July, having sent
them a new Great Seal, which he wished to be used in
England during his absence, he taking abroad with him the
Great Seal before in use. The temporary Seal was delivered
* Rot. Cl. 11 Ed. 3.
t Rot. Cl. 12 Ed. 3. This is an instance of B and W being interchangeable,
of which we have another in the Bicestre at Paris, built by the Bishop of Win-
chester, Vincester— Bincester, Bicestre. So in some parts of England walnuts
are called halnuts or bonnets. In the Spanish language every v is convertible
into 6. Hence the felicitous pun : — " Beati quibus rivere est 6ibere."
JOHN DE STRATFORD, CHANCELLOR. 233
to the Chancellor on the 19th of July*, and continued in his CHAP,
. • XIII
possession till the 7th of December in the following year, —
when he suddenly died. j^ n 1339
The Seal was delivered the next morning, by two of the His death,
officers of the deceased Chancellor to the Archbishop of Can-
terbury, who immediately sent it to the Council appointed
by the King to administer the government in his absence.
They handed it over to three persons to be used for sealing
necessary writs, and on the 16th of February following it
was placed in the sole custody of the Master of the Rolls, by
virtue of a letter of Prince Edward, Guardian of the realm.
The King having returned to England in about a fortnight
after, he delivered to the Master of the Rolls a new Seal,
which he had brought with him from France, with the fleur-
de-lys engraved upon it, — impressions of which were sent into
every county in England for the purpose of making it gene-
rally known, t
On the 28th of April, 1340, John de Stratford, Arch- John de
bishop of Canterbury, was made Lord Chancellor for the rh*'^°'j^'
third time. The King was again to pass beyond the seas, the third
and he placed this old public servant at the head of the *'™^*
Council to govern in his absence, in the belief that he was the
fittest man that could be selected to obtain supplies from
Parliament, to levy the subsidies that might be voted, and to
raise men for the war now carrying on to win the crown of
France.
While Edward lay at the siege of Tournay a parliament a. d. 1340.
was held by commission at Westminster, and the Chancellor, ^ P^rl'a-
•' ' merit.
on the 7th of July, the first day of the session, declared that
it had been summoned " to consult what farther course was
best for the King and his allies to take against France. "|
Liberal supplies in money and provisions were voted, and
notwithstanding the charge of treachery or remissness after-
wards brought against the Archbishop, he seems to have
exerted himself to the utmost to render them available to the
public service.
On account of his infirmity of body he again resigned the Kesi-rna-
tion of
• Rot. CI. 12 Ed. 3. m. 22. f Rot. CI. 14 Ed. 3. m. 42.
\ 1 Pari. Hist, 99.
234
REIGX OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
XIII.
John de
Stratford,
and re-
appoint-
ment of
Robert.
Adminis-
tration of
the Strat-
fords.
Their fall.
Embarrass-
ments of
the King.
His sudden
return.
Imprison-
ment of
the Lord
Chancellor.
Edward's
rage
against the
priesthood.
Advan-
tages and
disadvan-
tages of
appointing
ecclesiastics
to office of
Chancellor.
office of Chancellor, and the King again appointed Robert
Stratford, Bishop of Chichester, as his successor.*
The two brothers continued jointly to manage the King's
affairs in England without the slightest suspicion of any
change in his sentiments towards them till his sudden and
wrathful return, when they were dismissed from their em-
ployments, and, but for their sacred character as ecclesiastics,
would have been in great danger of losing their heads.
Edward had derived no fruits from the great naval victory
he had lately gained on the coast of Flanders, and though he
had commanded a more numerous army than ever before or
since served under the banner of an English sovereign, he
had been able to make no progress in his romantic enterprise.
He had incurred immense debts with the Flemings, for which
he had even pawned his own person. The remittances from
England came in much slower than he expected, and he found
it convenient to throw the blame on those he had left in
aifthority at home.
He escaped from his creditors, and after encountering a
violent tempest, arrived at the Tower of London in the
middle of the night of the 30th of November. He began by
committing to prison and treating with unusual rigour the
constable and others who had charge of the Tower, on pre-
tence that it was negligently guarded. His vengeance then
fell on the Lord Chancellor, whom next day he deprived of
his office, and ventured for some time to detain in prison.
Nay more, he inveighed against the whole order of the
priesthood as unfit for any secular employment, and he as-
tonished the kingdom by the bold innovation of appointing a
layman as Chancellor. Considering how ecclesiastics in
those ages had entrenched themselves in privileges and im-
munities, so that no civil penalty could regularly be inflicted
upon them for any public malversation, and that they were
so much in the habit, when once elevated to high station by
royal favour, of preferring the extension of priestly domi-
Ilot. CI. 14 Ed. .'}. m. 13. Upon this occasion the Great Seal was broken
on account of a change in the King's armorial bearings, and another Seal, with
an improved emh\^zomnent of the Jieur-de-lys, was delivered by the King, when
embarking for France, to St. Paul, the Master of the Rolls, to be carried to the
new Chancellor.
ROBERT DE STRATFORD, CHANCELLOR. 235
nation to gratitude or respect for temporal authority, it seems CHAP.
at first sight wonderful that the great offices of state were |__
ever bestowed upon them. On the other hand, there were
peculiar causes which favoured their promotion. Being the
only educated class, they were best qualified for civil em-
ployments requiring knowledge and address ; when raised to
the prelacy they enjoyed equal dignity with the greatest
barons, and gave weight by their personal authority to the
official powers intrusted to them, while at the same time
they did not excite the envy, jealousy, and factious combi-
nations which always arose when laymen of obscure birth
were elevated to power. They did not endanger the Crown by
accumulating wealth or influence in their families, and they
were restrained by the decency of their character from that
open rapine and violence so often practised by the nobles.*
These motives had hitherto induced Edward to follow the
example of his predecessors, and to employ ecclesiastics as
his ministers, at the risk of their turning against him and
setting him at defiance. But, finding that by the Clementine
Constitutions he was obliged immediately to release the dis-
missed Chancellor from prison, and that the Archbishop,
whom he likewise wished to call to account, fulminated an
excommunication against him, he resolved in future to employ
only men whom he could control and punish.
* Hume's Hist. vol. ii. p. 409.
23G
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAPTER XIV.
CHANCEIXORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL, FROM THE
APPOINTMENT OF SIR ROBERT BOURCHIER TlLl. THE APPOINT-
MENT OF WILLIAM DE WICKHAM.
CHAP.
XIV.
Dec. 14.
1340.
Sir Robeet
BouR-
CHIER,
Chancellor.
His birth
and mili-
tary career.
Retirement
and death
of Ex-
chancellor
Robert de
Stratford.
The first lay Lord Chancellor appointed by an English king
was Sir Robert Bourchier, Knight *, — a distinguished
soldier.
He was the eldest son of Sir John Bourchier, a Judge of
the Court of Common Pleas, — the representative of a family
long seated at Halstead, in Essex, His education was very
slender, being engaged in military adventures from early
youth ; but he showed great capacity as well as courage in
the field, and was a particular favourite of King Edward III.,
whom he accompanied in all his campaigns. In 1337 he
was at the battle of Cadsant, and had lately before Tournay
witnessed the discomfiture of all Edward's mighty prepar-
ations for the conquest of France. He joined in the loud
complaints against the ministers who had been appointed to
superintend the supplies and levies at home, and in the ad-
vice that the Stratfords should be punished for their supposed
misconduct.
The resolution being taken to put down the ascendancy of
ecclesiastics, — from the shrewdness and energy of this stout
knight, he was thought a fit instrument to carry it into
effect, and not only was the Great Seal delivered to him, but
he was regarded as the King's chief councillor.
After Robert de Stratford, the late Chancellor, had been
released from prison, he made submission, and it was agreed
to take no farther steps against him. He appears now to
have retired from politics, and we read no more of him except
that he acquired great applause for the prudence with which
• Rot. CI. 14 Ed. 3. m. 10.
SIR ROBERT BOURCHIER, CHANCELLOR. 237
he suppressed a mighty sedition in the University of Oxford, CHAP,
arising from the opposite factions of the northern and southern
scholars, — the former, by reason of the many grievances they
complained of, having retired for a time to Stamford in
Lincolnshire. He afterwards resided entirely in his diocese.
His life was prolonged to the 9th of April, 1392.
But it was determined to take ample vengeance on Ex- Prosecu-
chancellor John de Stratford, to whose mismanagement was chancellor"
imputed the bad success of the war, and who continued to John de
defy the power of the Crown.
First came a proclamation under the Great Seal, framed
by Lord Chancellor Bourchier, and ordered to be read in all
churches and chapels, — charging the Ex-chancellor with
having intercepted the supplies granted to the King, and
either with having appropriated them to himself, or having
diverted them from their legitimate objects. To this Strat-
ford opposed a pastoral letter, victoriously refuting the
accusation.
But a parliament was always considered the ready engine A parlla-
of vengeance in the hands of the dominant party, and one was ™^" *
summoned to meet at Westminster, in April, 1341. Still
some apprehensions were entertained from the sacred cha-
racter of the party to be accused, and from his eloquence
and influence if he were regularly heard in his own defence.
The King and his military Chancellor therefore resorted to Writ of
the unconstitutional step of withholding from him a writ of refused to
summons, thinking that he might thus be prevented from the Arch-
appearing in the Upper House. The Ex-chancellor, nothing
appalled, sent a remonstrance to the King, stating (among Hisremon-
other things), " that there were two powers by which the ^*''^"'''^*
world was governed, the holy, pontifical, apostolic dignity,
and the royal subordinate authority ; that of these two powers
the clerical was evidently the supreme, since priests were to
answer at the tribunal of the Divine judgment for the
conduct of Kings themselves ; that the clergy were the
spiritual fathers of all the faithful, and therefore of Kings and
Princes, and were entitled by a heavenly charter to direct
their wills and actions, and to censure their transgressions ;
and that Prelates had heretofore cited Emperors before their
238
REIGN OP EDWARD III.
CHAP.
XIV.
His ap-
pearance
in Palace
Yard.
Informa-
tion against
liim in Ex-
chequer.
Triumphs
over the
King.
Spirited
conduct of
House of
Peers.
tribunal, had sat in judgment on their life and behaviour, and
had anathematised them for their obstinate offences." *
On the day when parliament met the Archbishop showed
himself before the gates of Westminster Hall, — arrayed in
his pontifical robes, — holding the crosier in his hand, and
attended by a pompous train of priests. This ceremony
being finished, he was proceeding to the chamber where
the Peers were assembled, but he was forbid by the captain
of the guard to enter. While demanding admittance, he
was seized by officers and carried to the bar of the Court of
Exchequer, where he was called upon to plead to an Inform-
ation which had been filed against him by the Attorney-
General, and which treated him as a great pecuniary
defaulter to the Crown. He then stationed himself in Palace
Yard, and solemnly protested that he would not stir Aom
that place till the King gave him leave to come into par-
liament, or a sufficient reason why he should not. Standing
there in this manner, with the emblems of his holy office,
some that were by began to revile him, saying to him,
" Thou art a traitor : thou hast deceived the King and be-
'trayed the realm." He answered them, " The curse of Al-
mighty God and of his blessed Mother, and of St. Thomas,
and mine also, be upon the heads of them that inform the
King so. Amen, amen."
During two days the King rejected his application; but
he petitioned the Peers against the injury thus offered to the
first Peer in the realm, and the House took it up as a matter
of privilege. The King agreed to a personal conference with
him in the Painted Chamber, and after some discussion, con-
sented to his taking his seat in the House, but his Majesty
then abruptly withdrew, and employed Sir John Darcy and
Sir William Killesby to accuse him before the citizens of
London and the House of Commons.
The Lords, alarmed for the rights and honour of their
body, prayed the King to acknowledge, that when a Peer was
impeached by the Crown for high crimes and misdemeanours,
he could not be compelled to plead before any other tribunal
* 1 St. Tr. 57.
SIR ROBERT BOURCHIER, CHANCELLOR. 239
than the House of Peers ; and when Edward obiected that CHAP.
• XIV
such an acknowledgment would be prejudicial to the public
interests, and derogatory to the royal prerogatives, they re- 134Q
quested his permission to refer the matter to a committee of i34i.
four prelates, four earls, and four barons. The committee
reported, as an undeniable principle, " that no Peer could be
arraigned or brought to judgment, except in parliament and
by his peers." This was unanimously approved of by the
House, and embodied in an address to the King.*
The apprehension of serious consequences from this rup- King
ture, and the necessity of procuring a supply, induced submits.
Edward to declare that he was willing that the charge should
drop. The triumph of the Primate was complete, for he now
desired that, " whereas he had been publicly defamed through
the realm, he might be arraigned in open parliament before
his peers ; " but the King adjourned the matter to the next
parliament, and then he ordered all the proceedings against
him to be annulled and vacated. In truth, the Ex-chan-
cellor's crime consisted in expostulating with the King about
his profuseness, and in persuading him to make peace with
France.
He lived seven years afterwards, universally honoured and His death
beloved ; and at his death, after founding and endowing a ^"*^ '^^'^'
college at his native place, he left all his estate to his ser-
vants and domestics. He is said to have been " a man of a
mild and gentle nature, more inclinable to pardon the guilty
than to punish them with severity, and very charitable to
the poor." f
Bourchier, during his short Chancellorship, was entirely
* 1 St. Tr. 65. They further insisted that no Peer who had been employed
in the great offices of the Crown should, in respect of his office, be called before
any other court of justice, and that in such a case he ought not to be arraigned
at the prosecution of the King, nor lose his temporalities, lands, tenements,
goods, or chattels, nor be arrested, imprisoned, or outlawed, nor plead nor re-
ceive judgment, except in full parliament and before his peers, although they
admitted that a peer in receipt of the King's monies ought to account in the
Exchequer, and also that a Peer if he pleased might plead before another court,
but without prejudice to the rights of the peerage, as far as regarded others or
himself, on future occasions. This early case of privilege by no means settled
the law on the subject, for it is only in cases of treason and felony that a Peer is
entitled to be tried by his peers, and this immunity is restricted to Peers noble by
blood, so that the prelates are triable in all cases by a jury. — See 1 St. Tr. 57,
t See 1 Pari. Hist. 101.
240 REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP, occupied with the King's political business, particularly in the
^'^' management of his diplomacy, — the duties of foreign secre-
Conduct of ^^U ^^ state, which were transacted by the Chancellor, being
Lord Chan- at tliis time very onerous. He transferred the Great Seal
Bourchier. almost always into the custody of the Master of the Rolls or
the King's Chamberlain, who sealed writs, and ordinarily sat
in the Court of Chancery, — although, on great occasions, the
Lord Chancellor himself, notwithstanding his inexperience,
attended in person, and decided according to his own notions
of law and equity.
King him- The King sometimes took the Seal into his own keep-
the Seal ^°o' without meaning to make any change in the office of
Chancellor. On the 7th of August in this year, Bourchier
having experienced no loss of favour, and not meaning to
resign his oflSce, under an order he received to that effect,
sent the Seal to the palace by Ralph Lord Stafford and
Philip de Weston. The King kept it in his own possession
till the next day, and having sealed some grants with it, he
returned it to the Chancellor.*
Complaints If there had been complaints of ecclesiastical Chancellors,
Lord tbis experiment of conferring the office on an illiterate lay-
Chancellor man, who neglected its duties, caused unprecedented dis-
Bourchier. .„. -, ...p pit
satisfaction ; and there was an agitation in favour of the plan
for restraining the prerogative of the Crown in the appoint-
ment of its officers, which had distracted the weak reigns of
Henry III. and Edward II.
Attempts The matter was taken up by the legislature, and the Com-
ment to mons, by petition to the King, prayed (tantamount to pass-
regulate ing a bill) " that the Chancellor, together with the other great
pointment officcrs, might be chosen in open parliament, and that, at the
cdior^"" ^^"^^ *"^^' *^^^ should be openly sworn to obey the laws of
the land and Magna Charta."
The ferment in the public mind was so great, and such
was the necessity for soothing the Commons with a view to
a supply, that the King did not venture to put a direct veto
upon this proposal, and he yielded thus much, " that if any
such office, by the death or other failure of the incumbent,
• Rot. Cl. 15 Ed. 3. m. 34.
SIR ROBERT BOURCHIER, CHANCELLOR. 241
become void, the choice to remain solely with the King, he CHAP.*"
taking therein the assent of his Council, but that every such
officer shall be sworn at the next parliament, according to the ^^n. 1341^
petition ; and that every parliament following, the King shall
resume into his hands all such offices, so as the said officers
shall be left liable to answer all objections."*
The Commons expressed themselves satisfied with this statute for
concession, and the Prelates and Barons approving of the P^'''*'aicai
' 1 1 o resumption
arrangement for the periodical resumption of offices, with a of office of
view to facilitate charges against those who had filled them, ^^^^^ °*"'
the three estates made a request to the King, that the pe-
tition and answer might be reduced into the form of a
statute. This being done, the statute was read aloud in the
King's presence, and he publicly assented to it, having se-
cretly entered a protest against it.
His officers who were present were then called upon to Oath to
swear to observe the statute ; and to render the oath more observe the
binding, it was required to be taken on the cross of Canter-
bury, then in attendance on the Archbishop. Several took
the oath without hesitation ; but when it came to the turn of
Lord Chancellor Bourchier he refused it, as contrary to his '
former oath of allegiance and to the laws of the realm. Never-
theless, he exemplified the statute under the Great Seal, and
delivered it to the Lords and Commons, f This was only to Edward's
delude them ; for no sooner was parliament dissolved than, peifidious
by his advice, the King attempted to revoke the concession the statute.
by a proceeding more extraordinary than that by which he
had submitted to it. An order in council was made abro-
gating the obnoxious statute, — on the ground that the King
by force had suffiired it to pass into law ; and special writs
were directed to all the peers and to all sheriffs of England,
declaring it to be null and void, and ordering proclamation to
be made to that effect. The preamble of these writs (no
doubt the composition of the gallant Lord Chancellor) must
be allowed to be very simple and plain-spoken : " Whereas ~
some time since, in our parliament at "Westminster, there was
a certain petition made contrary to the laws and customs of
« Rot. Pari. 15 Ed. .3. See also stat. 15 Ed. 3. II. 1. cc. 3 & 4,
t 1 Pari. Hist. 104.
VOL. I. R
242
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
XIV.
A.I). 1341.
Renewed
controversy
between
the King
and Ex-
chancellor
John de
Stratford.
Eno-land, and not only very prejudicial but reproachful also
to our royal dignity, which, if we had not permitted to be
drawn into a statute, the said parliament had been without
success, and dissolved in discord, and so our wars with France
and Scotland had very likely (which God forbid) been in
ruin; and we, to avoid such dangers, permitting protest-
ations of revoking those things, when we could conveniently,
that had been so extorted from us against our will, yet per-
mitted them to be sealed with our seal at that time, and
afterwards, by the advice and assent of certain earls, barons,
and other wise men " (meaning the privy council), " for lawful
causes, because we never consented to the making of the
statute, but as it then behoved us, we dissembled in the
premises, we have declared it null, and that it ought not to
have the name and force of a statute, we willing, &c."
The Ex-chancellor John Stratford showed great zeal on the
opposite side, and considering that an oath had been taken on
his cross of Canterbury to observe the statute, he summoned
a provincial council for the purpose of hurling excommuni-
cation against all who should dare to infringe it.
Lord Chancellor Bourchier then sent him a writ of prohi-
bition under the Great Seal in the King's name, in these
words : —
" We understand you have summoned a provincial council to
meet at London on the morrow of St. Luke next coming, in which
you intend to excite the bishops of your province against us, and
to ordain and declare some things prejudicial to us about confirm-
ing the said pretended statute, and for the enervation, depression,
and diminution of our royal jurisdiction, rights, and prerogatives
for the preservation whereof we are bound by oath ; and that you
intend to promulge grievous censures concerning these things ;
we, willing to prevent so great mischief, do strictly forbid that in
that council you dare to propound, or any way attempt, or cause to
be attempted, any thing in derogation or diminution of our royal
dignity, power, or rights, or of the laws and customs of our king-
dom, or in confirmation of the pretended statute, or otherwise in
contumely of our name and honour, or to the grievance or disad-
vantage of our counsellors or servants : and know ye, that if ye do
these things, we will prosecute you as our enemy and violator of
our rights with as much severity as lawfully we may."
SIR ROBERT BOURCHIER, CHANCELLOR. 243
A violent crisis seemed now at hand, and men speculated CHAP.
diflPerently upon the probable triumph of the mitre or the |__
crown ; but Edward dexterously avoided the danger by sacri- ^^ ,,. 1341.
ficins: the Chancellor whose unpopularity and imprudence ^}"S re-
. . . .fY,\t ■, . . solves to sa-
had involved him in such difficulties, and by appomtmg a crifice the
successor who must unite the suffrages of the whole kingdom c^ianceiior
c" ° to public
in his favour. discontent.
On the 28th of October, 1341, Bourchier was dismissed Dismissal
from the office of Chancellor, and on the following day, to the "j^jgr""'^"
great joy of the people, it was conferred on a man who had
been regularly bred to the bar, who had already filled
judicial offices with great credit, and who enjoyed the highest
reputation for integrity as well as for learning and ability.*
This excellent appointment operated instantly to allay the
storm, t All discontents were appeased ; the Archbishop's
power was gone, and the obnoxious statute was no more
thought of till two years afterwards, when it was in due
form repealed by the parliament, then in good humour from
the admirable conduct of the new Chancellor. J
John de Stratford died soon after. He must have had Death of
extraordinary talents and tact to raise himself from low de- celloVjohn
gree first to be the favourite and friend, and then the rival de strat-
for sway, of his heroic sovereign.
We need not wonder that the elevation of Bourchier Dlsadvan-
had been so unfortunate, notwithstanding his prior reputa- Lord
tion. Most of his predecessors had been regularly trained in Chancellor
the civil and canon law, and had risen in the gradual pro-
gress of official advancement, while he was taken from camps
in which he had spent his life to be placed in the marble
chair in Chancery, and on the woolsack in the House of
Lords. In this assembly likewise he was under a great dis-
advantage, as he sat there without being, like the Prelates
who had preceded him, a member of the House, — and being
merely permitted to put the question as prolocutor, — so that
* Rot. Cl. 16 Ed. 3. m. 19.
f " Simul alba nautis
Stella refulsit,
Defluit saxis agitatus humor."
I Cott. Abr. 38, 39.
R 2
244 REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP, the office Nvhich he filled was shorn of its dignity and in-
fluence.
Boureiiier's Being restored to his proper sphere he soon recovered and
subsequent increased his reputation. He was with Edward the Black
Prince in the heat of the battle of Cressy, and was afterwards
one of the ambassadors to treat with France for a peace. As a
reward for his services he was summoned as a Peer to parlia-
ment, and his family thus ennobled was long very flourishing,
and became allied to the Crown. He died of the plague in
the year 1349, leaving as his heir and successor in the peer-
age, John his son, by his wife Margaret, daughter and heir
of Sir Thomas de Preyers.
He obtained from Edward III., in 1330, a grant of free
warren in his twenty-one lordships in Essex, — in 1336, a
licence to impark his woods at Halstead, — and in 1341, while
he was Chancellor, a warrant to convert his house there into
a battlemented castle.
Oct. 29. Sir Robert Parnynge, who now held the Great Seal, was
1341.
Sir Robert the first regularly bred common lawyer who was ever ap-
Paknynge, pointed to the ofiice of Chancellor in England. I do not
Chancellor. ^ i i •
find any account of his parentage or early education. He
was probably of obscure origin, owing his rise to his talents
and his industry. Having distinguished himself greatly for
his proficiency in the study of the common law as a member
of the inns of court, and as an utter barrister, he took the
A. p. 1335. degree of the coif in the 8th of Edward III., and was soon
His legal ° T^' 5 o
studies. made a Kings Serjeant* "For his profound and excellent
knowledge of the laws," he was, in Trinity term, 14 Ed. 3.,
created Chief Justice of England. On the 15th of De-
cember following he was made Lord Treasurer of England,
and he remained in that office till he was constituted Lord
^ «• 1341. Chancellor.f
Chan"ell '^^^ equitable jurisdiction of Chancery had been greatly
he con. ' extended, and to the duties of his own Court the new Chan-
sludy'the ^^^^^^ sedulously devoted himself. But he thought, as did.
common Lord Eldon and tlie most celebrated of his successors, that the
best qualification for an Equity Judge is not the mere drudgery
* Orig. Jur. p. 43. f 4 Inst. 79.
SIR ROBERT PARNYNGE, CHANCELLOR.
245
of drawing bills and answers, but a scientific knowledge of the
common law ; and he further thought it essential that his
knowledge of the common law should be steadily kept up by
him Avhen Chancellor. " This man," says Lord Coke, " know-
ing that he that knew not the common law, could never well
judge in Equity (which is a just correction of law in some
cases), did usually sit in the Court of Common Pleas (which
court is the lock and key of the Common Law), and heard
matters in law there debated, and many times would argue
himself as in the Report, 17 Ed. 3., it appears."*
It was only once, and for a very short time, that the
Great Seal was out of his own custody while he was Chan-
cellor. On the 16th of May, 1342, it was delivered to two
great Barons, Henry de Lancaster, Earl of Derby, and
William de Bohun, Earl of Northampton, not, as may well
be supposed, for any judicial purpose, but to give effect to a
proceeding whicli the Chancellor probably condemned and
resisted. The Close Roll, 16 Ed. 3., states, that "imme-
diately after the Earls above named had obtained possession
of the Seal, they caused divers letters of pardon, * sectce pads
regis,^ for homicide to be sealed, and ordered the same
charters to be inrolled in Chancery without the payment of
any fee, and afterwards the King re-delivered the Seal to the
Chancellor."
On the 4th of October, 1342, when the King was on board
the George, at Sandwich, bound for Brittany, Lord Chan-
cellor Parnynge delivered the Great Seal into his Majesty's
hands, and another seal was delivered to him to be used in
England during the King's absence, f On the 4th of March
following, the King being returned, delivered to the Chan-
cellor the Great Seal which he had taken with him into
Brittany, and at the same time received back the seal which
had been used in the interval. %
There was only one parliament held while Parnynge was
Chancellor, in which he presided with dignity, although the
inconvenience was still felt of the Speaker not being a member
of the House of Peers. The Commons, not from any dissa-
CHAP.
XIV.
Use of the
Great Seal.
King
abroad.
April 23.
1343.
Commons
pray that
Chancellor
may be a
peer.
* 4 Inst. 79.
t Rot. CI. 16 Ed. 3. m. 32.
R 3
t Ibid.
246
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
XIV.
A.D. 1343,
tisfaction with him, but rather, I presume, with a view that
he might be raised to the peerage, petitioned the King " that
the Chancellor may be a peer of the realm, and that no
stranger be appointed thereunto, and that he attend not to
any other office." Edward, much nettled, chose to consider
this a wanton interference with his prerogative, and returned
for answer : " Le Roi poet faire ses ministres come lui plaira,
et come lui et ses ancestres ont fait en tut temps passez."*
However, with the exception of this little breeze, there
was great tranquillity during the session, and the Chancellor,
by order of the House, having examined before them some of
the King's officers respecting the war and the negotiation with
France, the three estates concurred in advising the King to
adhere to the truce which had been concluded with Philip,
and to try to convert it into a permanent peace, though, if
this should be unattainable, they would maintain his quarrel
with all their power, f
Parnynge's last appearance in public was in the august
ceremony of the King creating his eldest son Prince of Wales
in full parliament, investing him with a coronet, a gold ring,
and a silver rod.
It was now generally expected that he himself would be
made a peer; but on the 26th of August, 1343, he suddenly
Chancellor died Avhilc enjoying the full favour of his Prince and the
entire confidence of his fellow-subjects.
I cannot find any trace of his decisions while Chancellor;
but we know that he is to be honoured as the first person
who held the office with the requisite qualifications for the
proper discharge of its important duties, and he must have
laid the foundation-stone of that temple to justice, afterwards
reared in such fair proportions by an Ellesmere, a Notting-
ham, and a Hardwicke.
The Great Seal was now for a short time (according to
modern phraseology) ''in commission," that is to say, — with-
out the appointment of a Chancellor, it was intrusted to the
Master of the Rolls and two others, jointly, for the despatch
Sudden
death of
Lord
arnynge.
* 1 Pari. Hist. 105.
t 1 Pari. Hist. 106.
Rol. P. vol. ii. 140.''
EGBERT DE SADYNGTON, CHANCELLOR. 247
cf all business connected with it*, and they held it till CHAP.
• XIV
Michaelmas-day following. On that day the Earl of "Warwick,
by the King's command, sealed five charters of pardon with ^^ 1343
it, and it was then delivered by the King to Egbert de Robert de
Sadyngtgn as Chancellor, f ton, Chan-
He was descended from a family of great eminence in the f^^^^or.
law, the members of which had been successively Justices in ^^.^j.^
Eyre to Henry III., Edward I., and Edward 11. I do not
find any account of his early career, except that he studied at
the inns of court, and was regularly bred to the bar. He
was appointed Chief Baron of the Exchequer 20th of March,
11 Edward III., Vice-treasurer of England 25th of June,
13 Edward III., and Lord Treasurer 2d of May, 14 Ed-
ward III.
He seems to have turned out a very indifferent equity Bad equity
judge, and to have disappointed public expectation. Lord ■"" °^'
Coke, eager to praise Chancellors taken from the common
law, while he celebrates the merits of Parnynge and Knyvet,
the contemporaries of Lord Chancellor Sadyngton, has not a
word to say in his praise ; and he performed so indifferently
as to reconcile the nation to the old practice of making eccle-
siastical Chancellors.
He presided at a parliament which met on the 7th of A parlm-
June, 1344, and in the presence of the King and the Prince "™^"**
of Wales, declared the cause of this summons to be "con-
cerning the late truce with France, and the breach of it by
the French King, of which he gave seven particular in-
stances ; and he desired the three estates of the realm to
consider of those things, and that they would give him such
advice and assistance as was necessary for the saving of his
and their own rights and honours.":}: They answered, by
* The entry of this commission on the Close Roll is curious, as almost the
only one not in Latin. " Le Roi a ses chers Clercs Maistre de Tliorcsby, Johan
de St. Paul, ct Thomas de Brayton, salutz. Come Mons. Robert Parnyng
votre Chanceller soit a Dieu, mandez nous assurantz de vos sens et loialtez ;
nous mandons que vous receivez notre Grant Seal en la presence de notre con-
seil a Londres, et facez ceo que a I'office du dit Seal appeint come gardeins
dicel tanquo nous eut corns autremont ordeinez. Done kouz notre sccre seal a
West, le xxvj. jour d'Augst, I'an de notre regue d'Engleterre disseptisme et de
France quartrieine." — 17 Ed. 3. m. 24.
t Rot. CI. 17 Ed. 3. m. 20. J 1 Pari. Hist. 109.
B 4
248
REIGN OF EDWARD II f.
CHAP.
XIV.
July 30.
1344.
Lord
Chancellor
Sadyngton
dismissed.
Return to
ecclesias-
tical Chan-
cellors.
the mouth of the Chancellor, that they " prayed him to make
a speedy end of the war, either by battle or a proper peace, if
such might be had ; and that when he had embarked to cross
the seas he should not, for the letters or command of the
Pope, or any other, lay aside his voyage until he had made
an end one way or another."
While Sadyngton was Chancellor, the King several times
took the Great Seal from him for the purpose of sealing a
charter of pardon (which seems to have been considered as
the direct act of the Sovereign), and then restored it to him.
When the King was sailing on his expedition to France,
Sadyngton delivered the Great Seal to him at Sandwich, and
received it back on Edward's return to England. The entry
on the record of this ceremony is curious, as showing that
the Chancellor now regularly sat in his court in West-
minster Hall, surrounded by the Masters in Chancery as his
assessors.*
Sadyngton was soon after obliged to give up the Great
Seal altogether, having been found inefficient both in parlia-
ment and in the court of chancery, and the complaints against
him becoming so loud that the King was afraid the Commons
might renew their efforts to wrest from the Crown the ap-
pointment to the office of Chancellor. But a job was done
for the Ex-chancellor, who had exerted himself to please his
party. Chief Baron Stenford being induced to resign, Sa-
dyngton was reinstated as head of the Court of Exchequer,
where he continued to preside till his death.f
The last experiment of a legal Chancellor had succeeded
so indifferently that the King resolved, for his next choice, to
return to the Church. There had been murmurs from the
prelates, who considered the office of Chancellor as belonging
to their order ; and it was perhaps thought that the causes
of summoning a parliament, and the topics for a liberal supply
* " Quod quidem sigillum idem Dominus Rex a Roberto de Sadyngton
Cancellario suo super passagio suo versus dictas partes Flandriaj prius recessit
eidemque Cancellario in quadam bursa inclusuin in Magna Aula Regis apud
Westuionasterium in loco ubi idem Cancellarius communiter sedet inter Clericos
Cancellaria> pro officio suo exercendo in prccsentia eorundem clericorum libera-
vit."— Hot. CI. 19 Ed. 3. p, 2.
t Or. Jur. 47.
JOHN DE OFFORD, CHANCELLOR. 249
would come with more effect from the holy lips of a mitred CHAP.
XIV
occupant of the woolsack than from a profane lawyer, '
known to have practised as a retained advocate in West- ^d. 1345.
minster Hall.
On the 26th of October, 1345, in the room called "the John de
Cage Chamber," in the palace at Westminster, the King jj^^^ ^^
delivered the Great Seal to John de Offord, Dean of Lincoln,
Lincoln, to be held by him as Chancellor, and, having taken
the oaths, on the following day he sealed writs and letters
patent with it in the Court of Chancery in Westminster
Hall.*
He was of noble extraction, being a younger son of Robert
Earl of Suffolk. He was early dedicated to the church, and,
as usual with those who hoped to rise in it, applying himself
diligently to the study of the civil and canon law, he took the
degree of Doctor utroque jure. From family interest, as well
as personal merit, he soon got preferment, and being Dean of
Lincoln, while still a young man he had a promise of the
next vacant bishopric.
He held the office of Chancellor, with great credit for five
years, and would probably have been continued in it much
longer but for his untimely death.
At the parliament held in the beginning of the year 1347 Battle of
he had the satisfaction of announcing the victory of Cressy, ^'"'^^^y-
and of obtaining supplies larger than ever before voted, to
enable the King to push on the siege of Calais.f
The Commons, finding no fault with him as an equity Complaints
judge, made an effort to reduce the fees payable upon writs '"en^ "*'
out of Chancer}^, which were represented to be contrary to against
the words of Magna Charta, " Nulli vendemus justitiam ; " but chancery.
these constituted a branch of the royal revenue, which the
King would not suffer to be touched, and he returned for .
answer, " Unto the poor it shall be given /or God's sake, and
it is reasonable that those who can afford to pay should pay,
as they have been accustomed." |
Offord remained in great favour with the King, and in
September, 1348, while Chancellor, he was pi'omoted to the
* Rot. Cl. m. 10. t 1 J'arL Hist. 111.
X Rot. Pari. 21 Ed. 3.
A.D. 1348.
250 REIGN OP EDWARD III.
CHAP, sec of Canterbury. He had both the royal commendation
* and the Papal provision for his elevation ; but he died before
his consecration, and in all proceedings during the latter part
of his time, he is designated " Archbishop of Canterbury
elect, and Chancellor." *
Lord Chancellor OfFord seems to have had the Great Seal
always in his own keeping, unless when he parted with it for
some temporary purpose. On the 28th of October, 1348, he
delivered it to the Master of the Rolls to take to the King
at Sandwich, then about to sail for the Continent. As soon
as the King received it, he ordered certain commissions to be
sealed with it, and then gave it to Andrew de OfFord to carry
to his brother the Chancellor f, who did not afterwards part
with it.
He had got possession of the temporalities of his see,
and was making great preparations for his inauguration, when
• One of the most curious of these is a writ which he sent in the King's
name to the sheriffs of London, commanding them to make proclamation to
different classes of suitors how respectively they were to obtain justice, and is
supposed to show that the distinction between common law and equity was
then fully established, and that the latter was not exclusively administered by
the Chancellor, but by him or the Keeper of the Privy Seal, subject to the
control of the King in Council. " Rex Vicecomit. London, salutem. Quia
circa diversa negotia nos et statum regni nostri Angl. concernantia sumus in-
dies multipliciter occupati, volumus quod quaelibet negotia tarn communem
legem regni nostri Angl. quam gratiam nostram specialem concernantia penes
nosmetipsos hab' prosequend' eadem negotia, videlicet negotia ad commu-
nem legem penes venerab' virum elect' Cantuar' confirmat' Cancellarium nos-
trum per ipsum expediend. et alia negotia de gratia nostra concedenda penes
eundem Cancellarium seu dilectum clericum nostrum Custodem sigilli nostri
privati prosequantur. Ita quod ipsi vel unus eorum petitiones, negotiorum
quJE per eos nobis inconsultis expediri non poterunt, una cum advisamentis suis
inde ad nos transmittant vel transmittal, absque alia prosecutione penes nos
inde faciend' ut his inspectis ulterius praefato Cancellario, seu Custod inde
significamus vtlle nostrum, et quod nullus alius hujusmodi negotia penes nos-
metipsos de cffitero prosequantur, vobis praecipimus quod statim visis prassentibus
praemissa omnia et singula in civitate prasdlcta in locis ubi expediri videritis
publice proclamari faciatis in forma prasdicta et hoc nullatenus omittatis.
Teste Rege apud Langley, 13 die Januar. Anno regni 22 Ed. 3. Claus.
p. 2. m. 2. in dorso per ipsum Regem." — Where it is said that common law
business was to be prosecuted before the Chancellor, I presume this can only
mean that application should be made for original writs out of Chancery. Or
may "matters concerning the common law" mean disputes between subject and
subject to be decided judicially by the Chancellor, and "matters concerning our
special grace cognisable before us " mean grants and matters of favour depending
on the pleasure of tlie Crown ?
t Tlie learned and accurate Hardy represents Andrew de Offord to have
been a Keeper of the Great Seal ; but, with great deference, he was not intrusted
to use it, and was merely a messenger to convey it to London. — Hardy's Clian-
cdhrs, 78. Rot. CI. 22* Ed. 3. m. 8.
JOHN DE THORESBY, CHANCELLOR. 251
he was suddenly struck with a disease of which he died on CHAP.
XTV
the 26th of August, 1348.
He was more a statesman than a lawyer or a divine ; but Death of
he left behind him a considerable reputation for assiduity Chancellor
and discretion in the discharge of his official duties.
On his death, the Great Seal remained in the custody of John de
the Master of the Rolls and three others for about a month, chancellor,
while the King deliberated about a successor, and things June is.
having gone on so smoothly under a clerical Chancellor, he
at last appointed to the office John de Thoresby, Bishop
of St. David's*, who held it for seven years.
This man, very eminent in his own time, had studied at
Oxford, where he not only became a deep divine, but very
knowing in the civil and canon law. While still young, he His writ-
wrote many tracts both in Latin and in English, now be- ^°^^'
ginning to be cultivated by men of learning. His most
popular work was "A Commentary on the Lord's Prayer,
the Decalogue, and the Creed ; " but none of them were con-
sidered to be of sufficient value to be preserved and printed.
He early took orders, and was made a master in Chancery.
On the 21st of February, 15 Ed. IIL, he was appointed Master
of the Rolls. He rose into high favour with the King, and,
showing an aptitude for state affiiirs, was intrusted with the
custody of the Privy Seal, and sworn a member of council. f
He was elected Bishop of St. David's in September, 1347, and
was translated to Worcester in November, 1349.
Although considered the most learned man of his time, he
was very deficient as an orator, and while he held the Great
Seal, as often as parliament met the causes of the summons
were declared by the Chief Justice of the King's Bench, sup-
ported by the King's Chamberlain or some other courtier.
The most memorable proceeding in parliament while he statute of
presided there, was the passing of the famous Statute of 1''*^^*""^
Treasons. :|: For the first time in any European monarchy,
the law gave a definition of the acts against the state which
* Rot. CI. 22 Ed. 3. m. 8.
f In the Rolls, in which he is mentioned ahout this time, he is sometimes
styled " Magister," and sometimes " Dominus," but the one title seems to have
been considered quite as high as the other.
X 25 Ed. 3. c. 2.
252 REIGN or EDWARD III.
CHAP, should amount to lese-majesty and subject the offender to
^^^* the high penalties which must be enacted against those who
aim at the life of the Sovereign, or who attempt by violence
to bring about a revolution in the established government of
the country. This statute, which did more for the liberties
of England than Magna Charta itself, continues in force to
the present day. It has been considerably extended by
judicial construction beyond its original terms. Where the
King's life is not directly aimed at, no act of a public nature,
short of levying war against the King in his realm, being
expressly declared to be treason, the judges have been driven
to decide that any revolutionary movement or plot is con-
structively a compassing of the King's death. It would
have been better if the deficiency had been supplied by the
legislature ; but it would be too late now to resort to a strict
interpretation of the statute, although the judges of the pre-
sent day would hardly hold with some of their predecessors,
that an insurrection to destroy all dissenting meeting-houses,
or all inclosures, or all brothels, would be a compassing of the
death of our Lady the Queen.
Lord Chancellor Thoresby, if he did not bring forward,
must have acquiesced in the passing of this memorable re-
form of the law, for which Ave owe some respect to his
memory ; for he has had successors who not only originated
no good measure, but have zealously supported every legal
abuse.
While Thoresby was Chancellor, the Commons renewed
their attempt to reduce the fees payable on writs out of
Chancery, — the King returning to their petition this soft
and evasive answer : " It pleases the King, that the Chan-
cellor shall be as moderate as he can touching fees on writs,
having regard to the condition of the persons who purchase
them."
Attack in The Commons then made an attack on the equitable juris-
on equita- dictiou of the Council and the Chancellor, but in such ge-
bie juris- ncral terms that their petition could not be negatived. Citing
diction of AT /-ii 1
Chancellor. Magna Charta, that " no man shall be prejudged of his
A.... 1351. freehold or franchises save by the law of the land," they
prayed that no one might be put to answer for such matters
WILLIAM DE EDINGTON, CHANCELLOR. 253
but by due process at the common law, and that any thing chap.
to the contrary should be held null and void. The answer
was, "it pleases our Lord the King that the petition be ^ j, jg^j
granted." *
He appears to have interfered very little with the judicial
duties of the office, for during almost the whole of his time the
Great Seal was in the hands of Keepers, — either of several
jointly, or of one under the seals of two others, — in whose
presence alone it could t)e used. The necessity for the Chan-
cellor's attendance in his diocese is several times the reason
assigned in the Close Roll for the King giving him leave of
absence from London and the appointment of Keepers till
his return.
In November, 1356, Thoresby being promoted to the Thoresby
Archiepiscopal see of York, resigned the Great Seal. We bemgmade
have many instances of Archbishops of Canterbury holding bishop of
the office of Chancellor, as they had only to cross the Thames T""^^' "*-
^ J J signs the
in their state barge from Lambeth to Westminster Hall ; but Great Seal,
the duties of the Northern metropolitan were generally con-
sidered incompatible with a continued residence in London,
although Wolsey, and a few others, unscrupulously sacrificed
them to gain their ambitious ends.
Thoresby died on the 6th of November, 1373, leaving be- His death,
hind him a great reputation for piety and charity as well as
learning. While he M'-as Archbishop of York, the precedency
of the two archbishops which hitherto had been contested
was settled, and the title of " Primate of all England," since
borne by the Archbishop of Canterbury, was invented.
On Archbishop Thoresby's resignation, the Great Seal was a.d. is56.
delivered to William de Edington, Bishop of Winchester, ^^^i;'-^**^
as Chancellor, and he held it above six years. ton, Ciian-
This individual, highly distinguished in his own time though ^^ '^^'
so little known in ours, took his name from the place of his
birth, Edington, in Wiltshire, where he afterwards founded the
priory of " Bons Hommes." He studied at Oxford, and there
acquired great reputation for his skill in law and divinity.
* " II plest a nre. Seigr le Roi, q. la petition soit ottroie." — Rot. Pari.
Q5 Ed, 3. " Ottroyer" or " Octroyer " was the proper French word to
designate a royal grant. Hence the " Octroi "or municipal tax granted by
the King.
254
REIGN OF EDWAKD III.
CHAP.
XIV.
Peace of
Bretigni.
May 8.
1360.
Statute for
use of En-
glish lan-
guage.
He was warmly patronised by Adam de Orleton, Bishop
of Winchester, who presented him to the living of Cheriton,
in Hampshire, and introduced him at Court. Gaining the
goodwill of Edward III., he was appointed to the see of
Winchester on the death of his patron, and was the first of
four prelates, who, being all Chancellors, successively held it
for near 150 years.*
While Edington remained Chancellor, he himself did all
the duties of the oflSce without the assistance of any Keeper
or Vice-chancellor. According to the accustomed form, it
was twice surrendered up by him to the King on his going
beyond seas, and on his Majesty's return exchanged for the
seal used during his absence.
In his time England was at the height of military glory,
the Black Prince having gained the battle of Poictiers, and
John King of France and David King of Scots being
fellow prisoners in London. Nevertheless he had to set the
Great Seal to the treaty of Bretigni in 1360, by which Ed-
ward, after all his victories, renounced his claim to the Crown
of France, in consideration of being allowed to hold certain
provinces in that kingdom in full sovereignty.
There was now an interval of repose for domestic improve-
ment, and in 1362 the Chancellor carried through parliament
the famous statute, whereby it was enacted that all pleadings
and judgments in the Courts of Westminster should for the
future be in English f, whereas they had been in French
ever since the Conquest ; — and that all schoolmasters should
teach their scholars to construe in English, and not in French
as they had hitherto been accustomed. Although the French
language no longer enjoyed any legal sanction, it had such a
hold of legal practitioners, that it continued to be voluntarily
used by them down to the middle of the eighteenth century.
Their reports, and treatises, and abridgments are in French,
and if we would find any thing in Chief Baron Comyn's
Digest composed in the reign of George II. about " High-
* Edington, Wm. of Wickham, Cardinal Beaufort, and Waynflete.
t 36 Ed. 3. c. 15.
WILLIAM DE EDINaTON, CHANCELLOR. 255
ways," " Tithes," or " Husband and Wife," we must look to CHAR
the titles « Chemin," « Dismes," and " Baron & Feme." * ^^^-
Edington might have been raised to the primacy if he had ^^(^^ses the
pleased, — but he refused the preferment, saying, " That in- primacy.
deed the rack of Canterbury was higher, hut the manger of
Winchester was larger.''^
When Lord Treasurer, in 1350, he had incurred great
odium by debasing the coin; but he seems to have passed
through the office of Chancellor without reproach. He con-
cuiTed in passing several very salutary statutes for correcting
the oppressive abuses of purveyance, whereby it was enacted,
that " if any man that feeleth himself aggrieved contrary to
any thing contained in these statutes will come into the
Chancery, and thereof make his complaint, he shall there
have remedy." The process, no doubt, was by petition, on
which the Chancellor, in a summary manner, inquired and
gave judgment.
He resigned the Great Seal in February 1363, and died at Resigna-
Winchester on the 8th of October, 1366. He acquired great Lo"/^
• The law, having spoken French in her infancy, had great difficulty in
changing her dialect. It is curious that acts of parliament long continued to
be framed in French, and that French is still employed by the different branches
of the legislature in their intercourse with each other. Not only is the royal
assent given to bills by the words " La Reigne le voet," but when either House
passes a bill there is an indorsement written upon it, " Soit baile aux Seigneurs,"
or " aux Communes ; " and at the beginning of every parliament the Lords make
an entry in their Journals, in French, of the appointment of the Receivers and
Triers of petitions, not only for England, but for Gascony. E. g. : Extract from
Lords' Journal, 24th August, 1841 : —
" Les Recevours des Petitions de Gascoigne et des autres terres et pays de
par la mer et des isles.
" Le Baron Abinger, Chief Baron de I'Exchequer de la Reyne.
" Messire James Parke, Chevalier.
" Messire John Edmund Dowdeswell, Ecuyer.
" Et ceux qui veulent delivre leur Petitions les baillent dedans six jours
prochelnment ensuivant.
" Les Triours des Petitions de Gascoigne et des autres terres et pays de par
la mer et des isles.
" Le Due de Somerset.
" Le Marquis d' Anglesey.
" Le Count de Tankerville.
" Le Viscount Torrington.
" Le Baron Campbell.
" Tout eux ensemble, ou quatre des seigneurs avant-ditz, appellant aut eux
les Serjeants de la Reyne, quant sera besoigne, tiendront leur place en la chambre
du Chambellan.
'• Recevours et Triours des Petitions de la Grande Bretagne et d'Ireland,"
were appointed the same day.
Chancellor
Edington,
256 EEIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP, reputation for piety by the monastic institution which he
^^^- founded in his native place; but perhaps his best claim to
the gratitude of posterity Avas^ his patronage of William of
Wickham, — the architect of Windsor Gastle, — his successor
in the see of Winchester, — twice Lord Chancellor, — and
founder of Winchester School and New College, Oxford.
Feb. 19. The next Chancellor was Simon de Langham, Bishop of
1363. Ely.* I cannot find out the origin of this aspiring and
Langham, uuamiable man. He first appears as a monk in the Abbey of
from being Westminster; but under his cowl he concealed unbounded
a monk. ambition and very considerable talents. He is one of the
few instances of the regular clergy attaining to great eminence
in England. He was always rising in the world. From a
great reputation for piety he was eagerly resorted to as a Con-
fessor, and he acquired much influence over his penitents,
which he turned skilfully to his own account. He could
adapt his manners to all classes and characters^ and the monk
His rise. who recommended himself to some by fasting and penance
gained the favour of Edward III. by his courtly manners,
and the aptitude he displayed for civil business. Though
generally somewhat stern, and rather unpopular with those
who depended upon him, he courted his superiors so assidu-
ously and so successfully, that he was successively Treasurer
of Wells, Archdeacon of Taunton, Prior and Abbot of West-
minster, Bishop of Ely, and Treasurer of England. He had
been elected Bishop of London ; but Ely falling vacant before
his consecration, he preferred it as being richer, though in-
ferior in rank.
Translated Being now Chancellor he was, in 1366, translated to the
bury?"'^*^" see of Canterbury, uniting in his own person the two offices
of highest civil and ecclesiastical dignity. But if we may
credit a waggish distich which was then penned upon him,
this translation caused equal joy in one quarter and con-
sternation in another : —
" Laetantur coeli, — quia Simon transit ab Ely,
Cujus in adventum — flent in Kent millia centum."
Among those with whom he quarrelled at Canterbury was
• Rot. CI, 37 Ed. 3. m. 39.
SIMON DE LANGHAM, CHANCELLOR. 257
the famous John Wickliffe, then a student at the College there chap.
• X TV
erected by Islip his predecessor. This ardent youth being
unjustly expelled, and finding no redress for the wrong he ^ „ jggg
suffered, turned his mind to clerical usurpation and oppression. Quarrels
and prepared the way for that reformation in religion which lifl-g.
blessed an after age.
Langham was installed in his office of Chancellor with
extraordinary pomp and magnificence. Being appointed on
Sunday, 1 9th February, the record says that on Tuesday next
following, taking the Great Seal with him to Westminster,
" et in sede marmorea, ubi Cancellarii sedere sunt assueti,
sedens, &c., literas patentes, &c., consignari fecit." *
All the parliaments called in his time were opened by an Custom of
oration from him. We may give as a specimen his perform- ^ '^e^";^^^'"'
ance on the 4th of December, 1364. He set the example, parliament
long followed on such occasions by ecclesiastical Chancellors f, ^ursefrom
of beginning with a text from the Holy Scriptures as a theme, text in
He now self ctea the saying of the Eoyal Prophet — " Faith- ^"'P'"""^-
ful judgment doth adorn the King's seat; " — whence he took
occasion to extol the great valour of the King, his master,
and the many victories which, by God's assistance, he had
gained in his youth ; not forgetting the constant and dutiful
goodwill and ready concurrence of the King's loyal subjects
towards the furtherance of those his important undertakings :
" For all which, as the King did now by him return them
his hearty thanks, so he let them know that for his part he
was resolved to seek the common peace and tranquillity of all
his people, especially by enforcing a due observance of all
good and wholesome laws, and amending such of them as
should be thought defective ; as also by establishing new ones
as necessity should require."
Notwithstanding these smooth words, there were heavy
complaints against the Chancellor for increasing the fines in
• Rot. CI. ;37 Ed. 3. m. 39. See Dugd. Or. Jur. 37. He adds that the
marble chair remained to his day, being fixed in the wall over against the
middle of the marble table.
f " VVlien a bishop was Lord Chancellor he took a text of Scripture, which
he repeated in Latin, and discoursed upon the same. But when a judge was
Lord Chancellor, he took no text, but in manner of an oration sliowed summa-
rily the causes of tiie parliament." — 4 Inst. 8.
VOL. L S
258
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
xrv.
A.D. 1367.
He retires
to Avi-
gnon, and
aspires to
the Pope-
dom.
His death.
Chancery payable to the King, and the Commons prayed that
these fines should not be higher than they were in the time of
the King's father, or at the King's first coronation. It would
appear that the new practice was agreeable as well as profit-
able to the King, who was determined to continue it by
returning this answer : — " The King wills that fines be
reasonable to the ease and quiet of his people."
In the beginning of 1367 Langham's ambition was further
gratified, as he was made a Cardinal by Pope Urban V. ; and
there being nothing further in England which he could covet,
he aspired to the triple crown itself. It was probably with
this view, that he soon after resigned the office of Chancellor,
and went to Avignon to intrigue among the Cardinals. There
he lived eight years in great credit and splendour. In 1371
he came to London as a legate from the Pope to negotiate a
peace between France and England. But while speculating
at Avignon about a vacancy in the papacy, all his ambitious
schemes were for ever terminated by an attack of palsy, of
which he immediately died. He is celebrated more for his
liberality to the abbey and monks of Westminster, than for
his just administration of the law, or any improvements in
legislation.
WILLIAM OF WICKHAM, CHANCELLOR.
259
CHAPTEK XV.
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL FROM THE
APPOINTMENT OF WILLIAM OF WICKHAM TILL THE DEATH OF
EDWARD HI.
The successor of Langham was a man whose memory is still
regarded with high respect by the English nation, the famous
William of Wickham.
This distinguished man, who was twice Lord Chancellor,
CHAP.
XV.
Sept. 17.
1367.
was born in the year 1324, at the village in Hampshire from William
which he took his name, — of poor but honest parents, being °^jj ^^
the son of John Long and Sibyl his wife.* He probably His ori-rln.
never would have been known to the world had he not, when
almost quite a child, attracted the notice of Nicholas Uvedale,
Lord of the Manor of Wickham, and governor of Winchester,
who put him to school in that city. He is Mkewise said to Education,
have been sent to study at Oxford ; but there is great reason
to doubt whether he ever was at any university, and his
splendid foundations for the education of youth probably
proceeded less from gratitude, than from a desire to rescue
others from the disadvantages under which he had himself
laboured, for he never possessed scholastic learning, and he
* It has been lately asserted that Wickham, or Wykeham, was his family
name, because it is said to have belonged to several relations born elsewhere ;
but all the earliest accounts of him concur in the statement I have adopted.
For example : —
" Qua capit australes comitatu Hamptona Britannos,
Wichamia est vicus, nee nisi parvus ager.
Vixit Johannes illic cognomine Longus,
Cui fuit in casti parte Sibylla thori.
Hanc habuit patriam Gulielmus et hosce parentes
Wichamus. augurio nee tamen absque bono ;
Namque loci ut iiomen, sic vim matrisque patrisque
Haud dubie in vitam transtulit ille suam,
Longus cnim ut lonyo duraret tempore, caute
Et hene prospiceret cuncta, Sthylla dedit."
Ortus et Vita Gul. de Wicham.
8 2
260 REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP, owed his advancement to the native fervour of his genius and
^^'' the energy which enabled him to surmount all diflSculties.
While still a youth, he became private secretary to his
patron, and was lodged in a high turret in Winchester
Castle, of which Uvedale was Constable. Here he imbibed
that enthusiastic admiration of Gothic architecture which was
the foundation of his fortune. Ere long there was no ca-
thedral, ancient church, baronial hall, or Norman castle many
miles round that he had not visited and studied ; and he set to
work to consider scientifically how such stately structures
were erected, and to figure in his imagination others grander
and of finer proportions. He was first noticed by Edington,
the Bishop of Winchester, then Lord Chancellor, — little
thinking that he was himself to be Bishop of AVlnchester and
Lord Chancellor. But from him he had only fair words and
good cheer.
Introduced tlvcdalc afterwards happened to mention to the King the
to Ed. III. remarkable young man he had for his secretary, and Edward,
ever ready to avail himself of efficient service and to en-
courage merit in every department, desired that he might be
presented to him. He was accordingly brought to Court,
and instantly made a most favourable impression by his
modest and insinuating manners, and his great knowledge of
the subject to which he had devoted himself. First he was
made " Clerk of all the King's works in his manors of
Henle and Yelhampsted*," and then " Surveyor of the
King's works in the castle and park of Windsor."!
Builds Edward, after his great victories, now meditated the
Cj^Uc.*"^ erection of a palace where, according to the taste of the age, .
he might entertain the flower of European chivalry of which
he was the acknowledged head, — affording his brother knights
a full opportunity to display their prowess in the tournament,
and to lead the dance with their lady-loves in the brilliant
hall at night. Windsor, the destined site, had been occa-
sionally the residence of our sovereigns since the Conquest ;
but what was then called "the Castle," consisted of a few
* Patent, dated 10th May, 1356. f Patent, 30th Oct. 1.356.
WILLIAM OF WICKHAM, CHANCELLOR. 261
irregular buildings, with pepper-boxes at the corners of CHAP.
them.
Wickham furnished the designs for the new Castle such
nearly as we now behold it — suitable to its noble position,
and for simplicity and grandeur superior to any royal re-
sidence in the world. He showed corresponding vigour in
carrying the plan into execution. By a stretch of pre-
rogative every county in England was obliged to send a con-
tingent of masons and other workmen, and in a surprisingly
short period the structure was completed.
The King, to celebrate the event, founded the illustrious ^.d. 1349.
order of the Garter, which now adds to the patronage of the the Garter.
Prime Minister, and furnishes the object of highest ambition
to our greatest nobles.
It is said that the architect gave deep offence to his royal Inscription
master by placing on one of the gates the inscription, " This
made JVichem," which was construed into an arrogant appro-
priation to himself of all the glory of the edifice. But he
insisted that the words were to be read as a translation of
"Wichamum fecit hoc*" — not of "Hoc fecit Wichamus,"
— that according to the usual idiom of the English language,
"Wichem" was here the accusative case, instead of the
nominative — and that he only wished posterity to know that
his superintendence of the work had gained him the royal
favour, and thus had raised him from low degree to exalted
fortune. Edward was appeased, and ever afterwards delighted
to honour him.
Except the common law, the only road to wealth and Wickham
power open to a non-combatant in those days — was the church, o^jg^s ° ^
It was now too late for William to begin the study of
Bracton, Fleta, and the Year Books, and to try to obtain
practice in Westminster Hall ; but he was prevailed upon to
take orders, and ecclesiastical preferments were showered
upon him. It has been supposed that he had early taken
deacon's orders, because in 1352 he was styled " clericus" or
clerk, but this designation was given to men in civil employ-
• This use of " facere," to make a man, rather strengthens the presumption
tliat he did not study at Oxford.
S 3
262 REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP, mcnts*, although not in the church ; and hitherto he had no
^^* ecclesiastical function or benefice. On the 5th of December,
1361, he was admitted to the order of "acolyte;'''' — he was
ordained subdeacon on the 12th of March, 1362, and priest
on the 12th of June following. He was now inducted into
tlie rectory of Palham in Norfolk, — he was presented to a
prebend in the cathedral at Lichfield, and he received the
King's grant of the deanery of the royal free chapel or col-
legiate church of St. Martin's-le- Grand, London, — with other
His prefer- pluralities. His secular preferment likewise still proceeded,
as he was appointed "chief warden and surveyor of the
King's castles of Old and New Windsor, and sundry others,
with the parks belonging to them," for which he had, besides
many fees and perquisites, an assignment of 205. a day out of
the Exchequer.
Engages jje now likewise entered the field of politics; on the 11th
of May, 1364, he was made Keeper of the Privy Seal, and
soon after he is styled " secretary to the King," performing
the functions of the officer afterwards designated " Principal
Secretary of State." In May, 1365, he was commissioned
along with others to treat of the ransom of David II. King
of Scotland, taken prisoner at Neville's Cross, and the pro-
longing of the truce with the Scots.
His in- Under the bull of Pope Urban V. against pluralities, he
was reluctantly compelled to make a return of his ecclesias-
tical benefices, in which he calls himself " Sir William of
Wykeham, clerk. Archdeacon of Lincoln, and secretary of
our lord the illustrious King of England, and keeper of his
Privy Seal," — and in which he reduces the total produce to
873/. 6s. 8d
He did not attend much to his spiritual duties, but he
showed great dexterity in civil business, and a natural apti-
tude for every situation in which he was placed, ^ — so that he
* Thus in the contemporary poem of the " Wife of Bath's Prologue " by
Chaucer,
" My fifthe husbande, God his soule blesse
Which that I toke for love and no richesse,
He sometime was a Clkuk of Oxenforde,
And had left scole and went at home at borde."
Of course the clerk had not taken orders, or he could not have entered into this
matrimonial alliance.
come.
WILLIAM OF WICKHAM, CHANCELLOR. 263
escaped the envy that might have been expected to attend his CHAP.
elevation, and was a general favourite. Conscious how much
he owed to his delicate attention to the feelings of others,
when he had from the Heralds a grant of arms, he took for
his motto, "Manners makyth man."*
At last, on the death of Ex-chancellor Edington, Bishop Made
of Winchester, in 1366, at the earnest recommendation of the ^vln^hes-
King, he was elected by the prior and convent to succeed ter.
him in that see. This promotion in his native county must
have been particularly gratifying to him, and as he was only
in his forty-second year, we may hope that his parents were
still alive, and walked from the village of Wickham to Win-
chester to see him enthroned.
The resignation of the Great Seal by Archbishop Langham Sept. 1367.
in pursuit of the triple crown, threw the King into consider- thrCreat
able perplexity, there being neither lawyer nor churchman Seal.
whom he considered perfectly well qualified for the office of
Chancellor. He yielded to personal inclination and appointed
to it his favourite, William of Wickham, whose installation
he graced by delivering to him a new Great Seal, with the
lilies engraved upon it, in consequence of a resolution of
parliament that he should resume the title of King of
France, t
This appointment, in spite of William's abilities and popu- Impro-
larity, must have been generally condemned, and shows that th^*^*^.
while the King was all-powerful from the success of his pointment.
arms abroad, he disregarded public opinion in the acts of his
domestic government. The jurisdiction of the Court of
Chancery had been greatly extended during the last forty
years, and Parnynge while presiding there must have given
something like system to its practice. The result soon
showed that no one who was an entire stranger to leo;al
pursuits and habits, could decently discharge the duties even
* We must not infer defective education from the seeming ungrammatical
structure of this motto, for our ancestors, like the Greeks, put a singular verb to
a plural neuter substantive, as Purchass —
" Little corn, bui cragges and stones
Maheth pilgrims weary bones."
t Rot. CI. 43 Ed. .'3. m. 18.
8 4
264 REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP of an equity judge, discretionary as they were then deemed
^^'- lobe.*
jjjg^ The Chancellor no doubt invited those who practised in
Wickham his court to sumptuous banquets at his palace in Southwark ;
p"tg" t°'"' — made himself very agreeable in society ; — availed himself
judge. discreetly of the talents and experience of those around him ;
— and, that he might not give unnecessary trouble to himself
nor offence to others, affirmed in all cases brought before him
on appeal; — but the suitors complained bitterly of his delays
and inefficiency, and, as their wrongs gradually excited the
Complaints Sympathy of the public, at last parliament interfered. In
?r'ar1ia-'" ^^^1' ''^^^^^ William had been Chancellor four years, the
ment. « Earls, Barons, and Commons of England," (the Lords
spiritual, as might have been expected, not joining in the
vote,) petitioned the King, " that thenceforth none but lay-
men should be appointed Chancellor or other great officer
or governor of the realm, for the state had been too long
governed by churchmen queux ne sont mye justiciahles en
touz cas^ f
A.D. 1371, The altered posture of the King's affairs rendered it im-
moved " possible for him to stand out against the wishes of parlia-
from office, ment and the people. All the efforts of his younger son to
gain the crown of Castile had failed; and the treaty of
Bretigni being broken, new expeditions against France were
to be undertaken, and fresh supplies were indispensable. Ac-
cordingly, on the 24th of March, the Great Seal was taken
from William of Wickham, and two days after, it was delivered
to the man universally considered the best qualified to perform
Sir Robert the duties belonging to it, — Sir Robert Thorpe, who had
Chancellor. ^®®^ regularly bred to the bar, and for some time had, with
* His promotion to be a judge was ascribed to his skill as an architect.
" Windesora fuit pagus celeberrimus, illic
Rex statuit castri moenia magna sui,
Wicamus huic operi praeponitur : inde probatum est
Ingenio quantum polluit, arte, fide.
Ergo fit Edwardo charus Custosque Sigilli
Non ita post multos incipit esse dies." — Ort. et Fit. Gul. de IVick.
The analogous case would be, if Mr. Barry, as a recompence for his excellent
plan for the new houses of parliament, were now to be made Lord Chancellor.
Wickhtfe, in revenge for being questioned by Wickham as a heretic, complained
that promotion fell " only on kitchen clerks and men wise in huiUUnq castles."
t Rot. Pari. 45 Ed. 3.
SIR ROBERT THORPE, CHANCELLOR. 265
great applause, filled the office of Chief Justice of the Com- CHAP,
mon Pleas.
He was of obscure origin, and took his name from Thorpe, His birth
in Norfolk, the place of his birth. He was bred at Pem- and educa-
broke Hall, Cambridge, then lately founded, of which he
became the second master. He laid the foundation of the
divinity schools at Cambridge, with the chapel over them,
which were afterwards completed by his brother Sir William.
Instead of going into orders, he transferred himself to the
inns of court, and became a very diligent student of the com-
mon law. We do not exactly know when he began to prac-
tise at the bar, but as early as 1330 we find him employed as
a Justice Itinerant.* In 1344 he was appointed a King's His pro-
Serjeant, and he was summoned with the judges to attend in J""*^)^^^ *"
the House of Lords. For ten years he continued at the
head of the bar in Westminster Hall, taking precedence of
the Attorney and Solicitor General, and having the chief
practice in all the courts. On the 27th of June, 30 Ed. III.,
he was raised to the office of Chief Justice of the Common
Pleas, which he held with the highest character for learning,
industry, and integrity, till, to gratify the Commons Avho had
petitioned tliat none but a layman should be Chancellor, and
to soothe the growing discontents of the people, the Great a.d. 1371.
Seal was delivered to him.
His elevation was universally hailed Avith joy, and even Popularity
William of Wickham, his predecessor, gracefully assisted not cei|^^'^""
only at the ceremony of his being sworn in before the King,
but at his public installation in Westminster Hall.f Thorpe,
as Chancellor, fully equalled public expectation, and intro-
duced some very useful reforms into the Court of Chancery ;
but, unfortunately, when he had held the office little more
than a year, he fell into a mortal distemper, and he died on His death,
the 29th of June, 1372.
• Rot. CI. 4 Ed. 3. m. ?,2.
f " In Magna Aula Westmonasterii ubi Piacea Cancellaria; liabetur prajsen-
tibiis prajfato Episcopo Wyntoniensi Clericos Cancellari.p dictam bursam ape-
rire," &;c. — Rot. CI. 45 Ed. 3. m. 35. There is a curious entry on tlie 28th
of March, intimating that on that day the late Chancellor, in the presence of
Chancellor Tlior|)e, surrendered up to the King two other Great Seals and two
Privy .Soals lately in use, which the King had placed in the IJishop's custody,
and which were then delivered to the Lord Treasurer Ibid.
266
EEIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
XV.
A.D. 1372.
His learn-
ing and _
abilitv.
Sir John
Knyvkt,
Chancellor.
Julv 5.
1372.
There Is not preserved any report of his equitable de-
cisions, and no parliament met during the short time he held
the office of Chancellor ; but from his addresses to the Lords
and Commons, while Chief Justice during the Chancellorship
of Bishop Thoresby, he seems to have been eloquent, and
Lord Coke pronounces him " a man of singular judgment in
the laws of this realm," and dwells with great complacency
on his elevation to the woolsack, evidently much sympathising
with " the complaint of the Lords and Commons, that the
realme had bin of long time governed by men of the Church
in disherison of the Crown." * It is to be deeply deplored
that of a virtuous magistrate, like Thorpe, such slender
memorials remain, as it is so much more agreeable to relate
what is honourable than what is disgraceful to human nature
— to praise rather than to condemn; but I find from my
laborious researches, that while a Chancellor is going on in
the equal and satisfactory discharge of his duty, little notice
is taken of him, and that he is only made prominent by
biographers and historians when he takes bribes, perverts the
law, violates the constitution, oppresses the innocent, and
brings ruin on his country : —
" The evil that men do lives after them ;
The good is oft interr'd with their bones."
Thorpe, approaching his end, while he lay in the palace of
the Bishop of Sarum, in Fleet Street, " languens in extremis,
videns se circa ea qua? ad officium Cancellarii pertinent,
ulterius laborare non posse prout moris est," says the Close
Roll, — enclosed the Great Seal in a bag under his own
private seal and that of Chief Justice Knyvet. There it was
found when he expired, and the following day it was delivered
by his servants to Sir William Latymer the Chamberlain, Sir
Richard le Scrope the Treasurer, and Sir Nicholas de Carew,
Keeper of the Privy Purse, who carried it to the King at
Westminster, and on the 5th of July following he sent it by
his son, John of Gaunt, then styled " King of Castile and
Leon, and Duke of Lancaster," to Chief Justice Knyvet,
as Chancellor, with power to administer the oaths to him —
a ceremony which was performed with great solemnity in the
King's Chapehf
4 Inst, " Chancery."
t Hot. CI. 46 Ed. 3. m. 20.
SIR JOHN KNYVET, CHANCELLOE. 267
Sir John Knyvet seems to have been the first important CHAP,
member of his family. Camden, speaking of it in a sub-
sequent generation, calls it "an ancient house ever since ad. 1372,
Sir John Knyvet was Lord Chancellor under Edward III." His origin.
In 1357 he was called to the degree of Serjeant-at-law; he
was soon after appointed a Justice of the Common Pleas,
and he so continued till 1357, when he was advanced to the
Chief Justiceship of the King's Bench, which he held with
high credit.
Lord Coke calls him " a man famous in his profession," An excel-
and during four years and a half he presided in the Court of ^"* •■" ^^"
Chancery to the general contentment of the people. Lord
Coke, speaking of him and his predecessor, says with honest
pride : — "In perusing the rolls of parliament in the times of
these Lord Chancellors, we find no complaint at all of any
proceeding before them. But soon after, when a Chancellor
was no professor of the law, we find a grievous complaint by
the whole body of the realm, and a petition that the most
wise and able men within the realm might be chosen Chan-
cellors, and that the King seek to redress the enormities of
the Chancery."*
In November, after Knyvet's appointment, a parliament A parlia-
was held at Westminster, but for some reason not explained ™^°*'
to us the Chancellor did not preside at the opening of it, and
by the King's command the causes of the summons were
declared by Sir^ Henry Bryan, one of the King's council.f
No business of importance was transacted except the grant
of a supply, and this being done, the Lords and Commons
met the King in the White Chamber, when the Chancellor
declared to the King, — " how kind the parliament had been
to him in granting him such a supply," and " the King very
humbly thanked them for their great aid." The petitions of
the Commons were then read and answered according to
custom. A proceeding then occurred, which shows that the
House of Commons had not yet with any certainty taken its
place in the constitution with defined powers and privileges.
The Knights of shires had leave to depart, and writs for their
• 4 Inst. 78. t 1 Pari. Hist. 136.
A.D, 1373.
268 llEIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP, "w.oges and expenses were made out for them by the Chan-
'^^^^ ccUor's order ; but he commanded the citizens and burgesses
to stay, and they, being again assembled before the Prince,
Prelates, and Lords, granted for the safe conveying of their
ships and goods, 2s. on every tun of wine imported or exported
out of the kingdom, and 6d. in the pound on all their goods
and merchandise for one year.*
Another parliament was summoned to meet at West-
minster in November, 1373. It is amusing to observe the
required qualifications of the members to be returned to the
House of Commons by the new-fangled writs which the
Chancellor framed. The sheriff of every county was ordered
** to cause to be chosen two dubbed knights, or the most
honest, worthy, and discreet esquires of that county, the most
expert in feats of arms, and no others, and of every city two
citizens, and of every borough two burgesses, discreet and
sufficient, and such as had the greatest skill in shipping and
merchandising." f There was no express exclusion of lawyers
any more than of non-combatant country gentlemen, but no
individual of either class could well be brought within either
category in the writ.
Chancel- The Lords and Commons being assembled in the Painted
orsspeec . Qi^^n^i^ei.^ Lord Chancellor Knyvet, in the presence of the
King, declared the causes of the summons. Being a layman,
he did not take a text of Scripture as the theme of his dis-
course, but he spoke with great eloquence of the negotiations
with France, — of the military exploits of the King's son,
" King of Castile and Leon," — and of the duty of refresh-
ing and comforting with force and aid the lords and others
who had ventured their lives and fortunes to defend the
nation from their enemies. " Wherefore the Kingr charged
and besought them, considering the dangers that might
happen to the kingdom for these causes, that they would
speedily consult on the matter, and give the King such advice
as might be for the safety of him, the nation, and them-
selves." :}:
• Rot. Pari. 46 Ed. 3. f l Pari. Hist. 137.
t 1 Pari. Hist. 138.
SIB JOHN KNYVET, CHANCELLOE. 269
The required supply was granted, a favourable answer was CHAP,
returned to the petitions of the Commons, and all separated
in good humour.
But a very different scene was presented at the next parlia- ^ „. 1376.
ment, which met in April, 1376, and was long known among The''Good
the people by the name of " the Good Parliament." m.-nt."
The King's fair fortune had begun to fail, and, no longer
surrounded by the splendour of victory, those who had for-
merly cheerfully yielded to his wishes and liberally supplied
his wants, now sharply criticised the measures of his govern-
ment, blamed his ministers, and for every grant of money
wrung from him some new concession. Much scandal had Alice
likewise been excited by the ascendancy of Alice Pierce, the ^^^^ '
King's mistress, who, though said to be of great wit as well
as beauty, had been so indiscreet as openly to interfere in the
disposal of all offices civil and ecclesiastical, and even to
appear and sit in the courts of justice, and publicly to favour
those suitors who had bribed her for her support. On one
occasion, at a tournament in Cheapside, to the great con-
sternation of the citizens of London, she came among them
on a white palfrey, in splendid attire, as " lady of the sun, and
sovereign of the day."
The Chancellor escaping personally any suspicion of being Chancel-
influenced by her, was well aware of the deep discontent which Jo'^the^^r^
now universally prevailed. J»[evertheless, he opened the ses- liament.
sion in a speech framed as if nothing were to be expected
but submission and gratitude. In declaring the causes of
the summons, he said, " the first and principal was to advise
about the good government and peace of the realm ; — for the
defence and safety of the King, as well by sea as land ; — to
take order for the maintenance of the war with France and
elsewhere ; — and how and in what manner it might be done
for the best profit, quickest despatch, and greatest honour of
the King and kingdom." He then expressly told them, that
Avhat the King had hitherto done was always with their
advice and assistance, for which his Majesty entirely thanked
them, and desired that they would diligently consult about
these matters, — the Prelates and Lords by themselves, and
270 REIGN OP EDWARD III.
CHAP, the Commons by themselves, — and give in their answers as
XV
soon as they conveniently could.
Vote of The Commons, in answer to the Chancellor's harangue,
" want of after they had voted a supply, not contented, in the modern
donee." courtly stylc, to praise all the ministerial measures of the
session, enumerated the plentiful aids which the King had
obtained from his people, and asserted their firm conviction,
that if the royal revenue had been faithfully administered,
there could have been no necessity for laying additional
burdens on the nation. They intimated a want of con-
fidence in the King's present ministers ; they impeached
several of his favourites of extortion, of selling illegal grants,
and raising loans for their own profit ; and they requested
that ten or twelve new members might be added to the
council.*
Prosecu- It was admitted that the conduct of the Chancellor was
"VViiliam of wlthout rcproach ; but a charge was brought against an Ex-
Wickham. chancellor, William of Wickham, who, labouring under a
strong suspicion of being protected by Alice Pierce, was
accused of several misdemeanours in his office of Chancellor.
Contrary to the claim of privilege so lately asserted, he
was handed over to common-law process, and, without being
heard, was condemned to forfeit his temporalities, and to
keep himself at the distance of twenty miles from the King's
person.
Knyvet, the Chancellor, attempted in vain to allay the
storm. Lord Neville, Lord Latimer, and several other of his
colleagues were dismissed, and the Commons insisted on an
ordinance, or act, being passed " forbidding women to pursue
causes and actions in the King's Courts, by way of main-
tenance, for hire and reward, and particularly Alice Pierce,
under the penalty of forfeiting all that she can forfeit, and of
being banished out of the realm." This ordinance, to which
the Chancellor Intimated the royal assent, runs in the King's
name, and, considering the relation which subsisted between
him and the object of it, must be considered a very curious
specimen of the legislation of the age.
* 1 Pari. Hist. 140.
ADAM DE HOUGHTON, CHANCELLOR.
271
During all these storms, Knyvet continued in his high office,
but his health was so severely injured by his application to
business that he was obliged to retire, carrying with him the
respect of all classes of the community. He resigned the
Great Seal into the King's hands on the 11th of January,
1377, and died soon after.*
As he and his predecessor, taken from the common-law
courts, had given such satisfaction, we may wonder that the
Great Seal should ever have been delivered to men of any
other class; yet the next regularly bred lawyer appointed
Chancellor was Sir Thomas More, in the middle of the reign
of Henry YIII., an interval of above 150 years.
England had been advancing with unexampled celerity in
wealth and refinement, but a long period of adversity was at
hand. All the glories of the third Edward's long reign had
passed away, and it was concluding in misfortune and sorrow.
" The sable warrior was fled ; " the foreign conquests which
had so much gratified the national pride were lost ; and deep
discontents and misery prevailed at home. Alice Pierce, the
King's mistress, as soon as " the Good Parliament " was dis-
solved, again had the chief disposal of places and preferment,
and through her interest a clerical Chancellor was now an-
nounced, to the great disgust of the public. This was Adam
DE Houghton, Bishop of St. David's. f
One feels little disappointment in not being able to trace
the origin or education of this individual, although he acci-
dentally filled the office of Chancellor during two reigns, for
he was neither eminent for his virtues nor his vices, and he
must have been promoted for his mediocrity, to exclude
abler men whose superiority might have created jealousy
and alarm.
He was educated at Oxford, where he took the degree of
doctor of laws. By Papal mandate he Avas placed in the
see of St. David in 1361, and the purchased patronage of
Alice Pierce is the only solution of the mystery, that he who
for sixteen years had been a Welsh bishop suddenly became
Lord Chancellor of England.
CHAP.
XV.
A.D. 1377.
Resigna-
tion and
death of
Lord
Chancellor
Knyvet.
Adam ue
houghtox,
Chancellor,
Jan. 11.
1377.
* Rot. CI. 50 Ed. 3. m. 7.
t Rot. CI. 51 Ed. 3. m. 7.
272
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
XV.
A.D. 1377.
A parlia-
ment
Death of
Edw. III.
His do-
mestic
govern-
ment.
A parliament was held at Westminster on the 27 th of
January, 1377, which was opened by Lord Chancellor Hough-
ton with a speech from this text, " Ye suffer fools gladly,
seeing that you yourselves are wise." The application of his
subject was, " that they, being wise, desired to hear him who
was the contrairy." From thence he took occasion to argue, that
God loved the King and the realm ; — the King because "quos
diligit castigat ; " — '' Uxor tua sicut vitis abundans in late-
ribus" " ut videas Jilios Jiliorum,^^ — which the King now had
the pleasure to see. That God loved the realm, he proved
from the recovery of so renowned a prince, the said recovery
happening in the fiftieth year of his reign.*
The Commons now made another attempt to abolish fines
to the King on writs out of Chancery, as a sale of justice
contrary to Magna Charta ; but the answer was, " Let it be
in this case in the discretion of the Chancellor for the time
being, as it has been hitherto used."t
The Chancellor soon after went abroad on an embassy to
France, and Burstall, the Master of the Rolls, and two others,
were constituted Keepers of the Great Seal till his return..]:
While the Chancellor was still abroad, Edward expired on
the 21st of June, 1377, in the sixty-fifth year of his age, and
the fifty-first of his reign.
Hume observes, that " the domestic government of this
prince is really more admirable than his foreign victories,"
and he certainly deserves to be celebrated for his vigorous
and impartial administration of justice. While he wisely
adhered to the laws and system of tribunals framed by his
grandfather, he conferred an unspeakable benefit on the
suitors by making the Chancery and the King's Bench sta-
tionary at Westminster, instead of following the person of
the Sovereign " wheresoever in England," as they had before
practically done§, and are still by fiction of law supposed to
* 1 Pari. Hist. 142. f Rot. Par. 51 Ed. 3.
X Rot. CI. 51 Ed. 3. m. 7.
§ The officers of the Chancery lived or lodged together in an inn or hospitium,
wliich, when the King resided at Westminster was near the palace, and from
very early times the marble table at the upper end of the great hall of the palace
■was appropriated for the sealing of writs and letters patent. When the King
travelled, he was followed by the Chancellor, masters, clerks, and records. On
these occasions it was usual to require a strong horse, able to carry the rolls,
STATE OF THE LAW.
273
do, — and his appointment of Chancellors, upon the whole, CHAP.
did great credit to his good intentions and his discernment. '__
The jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery was now es- jurisdic-
lablished in all matters where its own officers were con- l!,°" °^ „
/.., 1 .. .i Court of
cerned*, on petitions of right, where an injury was alleged Chancery,
to be done to a subject by the King or his officers f, in
relieving against judgments of the courts of lawf, and gene-
rally in cases of fraud, accident, and trust.
from some religious house bound to furnish the animal, and at the towns where
the King stopped during his progress an hospitium was assigned to the Chan-
cery. In the 20 Ed. 1. the Abbot of Kingswood paid forty shillings to buy a
liorse to carry the rolls of Chancery, but the money, by order of the Chancellor,
was paid over to William le Marchant, of Dover, in part discharge of certain
debts due to him from the King.' In 3 Ed. 2. the Abbot of Beaulieu was
commanded to provide a strong pack horse, to carry the rolls of Chancery to
Stamford, where the parliament was about to assemble, the King stating in the
mandate that he was in great need of such an animal. ^
• 18 Ed. 3. ii. 154. The Clerks in Chancery petition the King and Council,
that whereas the Chancellor and Keepers of the Great Seal for the time being
ought to have the cognisance of all pleas of trespass done by the said Clerks or
their servants, in cities, towns, or elsewhere where the Chancery is ; yet not-
withstanding the sheriffs of London had attached Gilbert de Chishiill, one of
the clerks of the said Chancery, at the suit of Thomas de Theslingbury, a draper,
upon a bill of trespass, whereupon Gilbert brought a supersedeas of privilege to
tht sheriffs, but which they would not allow, and drove him to find sureties.
The clerks therefore pray remedy and maintenance of their liberties.
This petition was answered with the assent of the parliament. The claim was
allowed, and writs were ordered to be sent to the mayor of London to attach the
sheriffs and others, who were parties and maintainers of the quarrel, to appear
before the King in Chancery at a day certain, to answer as well to the contempt
of the process as to the breach of the liberty and damage of the party.
t 'I'homas de Berkelei petitions the King that he may have a writ to the
Abbey of St. Austin, Bristol, to have deliverance of his monuments, &c., which
were arrested by Richard Lovel and others of the King's officers.
Let a writ be issued out of Chancery to those who have arrested the things
mentioned in the petition, and let them certify in Chancery the cause of the
arrest, and upon their certificate let right be done. — Temp. Ed. 3. ii. 385.
|: Margaret de Jonehill complains of a judgment in the Court of Common
Pleas.
Let this petition be referred to the Chancery, and let the Chancellor
cause to be summoned before him the counsel of Madame to appear in Chan-
cery on a certain day, and also the king's Serjeants and some of the justices, and
if nothing be shown or said which may reasonably disturb the judgment, or if
the counsel of Madame do not choose to appear, then let a writ issue to the
justices where the plea was depending before judgment, to proceed according to
the law and usages of the land. — 21 & 22 Ed. 3. ii. 206.
' " Memorandum quod decimo octavo die mensis Januarii, quadraginta
solidi, quos Abbas de Kingcswode liberavit in Cancellaria in subvencionem
cujusdam equi emendi ad portandum rotulos Cancellaria*, liberati fuerunt per
pncceptum Cancellaril, per manus Domini Johannis de Langeton, Willielmo le
Marcliaunt de Dovorr', in partem solucionis debitorum in quibus Rex ei tene-
tur." — Rot. Claus. 21 Ed. 1. m. 11. a.
" Par. Writs, 1 1, part i. p. 20. No. 2, 3.
VOL. T. T
274
REIGN OF EDWARD III.
CHAP.
XV.
Character
of the
Chancel-
lors of
Edw. III.
Origin of
parlia-
mentary
impeach-
ments.
Justices of
Peace.
The qualifications of the Chancellor now became of great
importance to the due administration of justice, not only
from the increase of his separate jurisdiction, but from the
practice for the common-law judges, when any question of
difficulty arose before them in their several courts, to take
the advice of Parliament upon it before giving judgment.
In a case which occurred in the King's Bench, in the 39th of
Edward III., Thorpe, the Chief Justice, says, " Go to the
Parliament, and as they will have us do we will, and other-
wise not." The following year Thorpe himself, accompanied
by Sir Hugh Green, a brother judge, went to the House of
Lords, where there were assembled twenty-four bishops, earls,
and barons, and asked them, as they had lately passed a statute
of jeofails, what they intended thereby. Such questions, which
were frequent in this reign, must have been answered by the
Chancellor.*
In the forty-second year of this reign, while William of
Wickham was Chancellor, occurred the first instance of a
parliamentary impeachment. Criminal jurisdiction had been
before exercised by the Lords, but not on the prosecution of
the Commons. Sir John Lee was now impeached by the
Lower House for malpractices while steward of the household,
and the punishment not extending to life or member, the
Chancellor, though a priest, was not disqualified from pre-
siding. Before the close of the reign the Commons preferred
impeachments against many delinquents for political and
other offences, and the practice of impeachment, according to
the present forms of proceeding, was fully established.
In this reign the Chancellor acquired that most important
and delicate function of appointing Justices of the Peace, —
a magistracy peculiar to the British Isles, the judges having
a most extensive criminal jurisdiction, being generally with-
Geoffrey de Lacer complains of a judgment at law.
Let the petition be referred to the Chancery, and there let the evidence
which the said Geoffrey says he hath to manifest the loss of the aforesaid com-
modities be received, and that justice was not done him in his suit for recovery
of losses in these parts, and therefore let speedy remedy be ordained him accord-
ing to the law used in such cases. — Temp. Ed. 3. ii. 437.
• Y. B. 39 Ed. 3. Y. B. 40 Ed. 3. If the Lords were still liable to be so
interrogated, they would not unfrequently be puzzled, — and the revival of the
practice might be a check to hasty legislation.
STATE OF THE LAW. 275
out legal education, and serving without any remuneration chap.
except the power and consequence which they derive from '
their office.
The Chancellors in the latter part of this reign, following
the example of the distinguished philobiblist De Bury, prided
themselves on their attainments in literature, and their pro-
tection of literary men, and they must have had a powerful
influence in directing the pursuits and developing the genius
of Chaucer and Gower. They encouraged the use of the
English language, not only by the statute against the use of
French in the courts of law, but by their own example on
the most public occasions. In the 36 Edward III. we find
the earliest record of the use of English in any parliamentary
proceeding. The roll of that year is found in French, as
usual, but it expressly states that the causes of summoning
parliament were declared " en Englois.''^* The precedent
then set by Lord Chancellor Edington was followed in the
two succeeding years by Lord Chancellor Langhamf, and
from this time viva voce proceedings in parliament were ge-
nerally in English, with the exception of giving the royal
assent to bills, although the entry of some of these pro-
ceedings in the reign of Queen Victoria is still in Norman
French. %
* Rot. Pari. 36 Ed. 3.
t Rot. Pari. 37 Ed. 3. 38 Ed. 3. f Ante, p. 255.
T 2
276 KEIGN OF RICHARD II.
CHAPTER XVI.
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL FROM THE
COMMENCEMENT OF THE REIGN OP RICHARD II. TILL THE SECOND
CHANCELLORSHIP OF WILLIAM OF WICKHAM.
CHAP. Richard was a boy, only eleven years old, when, on the
death of his grandfather, he was proclaimed King. The
June 22. Keepers of the Great Seal, who had been appointed during
i'^'''^- the absence of the Chancellor abroad, nevertheless surren-
dered it into the royal stripling's own hand when he was
seated on the throne, and surrounded by his nobility and
♦ great officers of state. The Duke of Lancaster, acting as
Regent, although formally no Regent or Protector had been
appointed, then took it from him, and handed it to Nicholas
Bonde, a knight of the King's chamber, for safe custody.
De De Houghton, the Bishop of St. David's, returned to England
cont^nueT ^^ ^ ^^^ ^^7^ after, and on his arrival at Westminster the
Chancellor. King, by his uncle's direction, delivered the Great Seal to
him, and he again took the oath of office as Chancellor.*
There was no intention of continuing him in the office beyofid
the time when a satisfactory arrangement could be made for
the appointment of a successor.
Ills speech Richard being crowned on the 4th of August, writs were
issued for the calling of a parliament to meet fifteen days
after the feast of St. Michael. On the appointed day, the
cause of summons was declared by the Chancellor in a speech
founded on the text, " Rex tuus venit tibV^ The language
introduced at the Conquest was still used on most public oc-
casions, and he thus began : " Seigneurs et Sires, ces paroles
que j'ay dit, sont tant a dire en Franceys, Vostre Roy vient a
toj/"f He then divided the subject into three parts, showing
the causes of joy for the King's accession, with his usual
quaintness. But he raised a great laugh by an unlucky
* Rot. Cl. 1 Ric. 2. m. 46. f l^o^s of Pari. iii. 3.
to parlia-
ment.
ADAM DE HOUGHTON, CHANCELLOR. 277
quotation from scripture — observing that " a wzaw's heart CHAP,
leaps for joy when he hears good tidings, like Elizabeth,
the mother of John the Baptist : — Et exultavit infans in
utero ejus.^^*
This harangue does not seem to have given perfect satis-
faction ; for the next day Sir Richard Scrope, steward of the
King's household, who was rapidly rising into favour, made
another speech on behalf of the king, asking the Commons
" to advise him which way his and the kingdom's enemies
might be resisted, and how the expences of such resistance
were to be borne with the greatest ease to the people, and
profit and honour to the kingdom ?"
The Commons having, for the first time, chosen a Speaker, Procced-
set about reforming the abuses of the state in good earnest. Commons.
and tried to provide for the proper conduct of the govern-
ment during the King's minority. They obtained the banish-
ment of Alice Pierce, and the removal of the late King's
evil councillors. They then proposed, " that, till the King
was of age, the Chancellor, High Treasurer, Chief Jus-
tice of one bench, and the other the Chief Baron of the
Exchequer, and other officers, might be made by parliament."
This the Lords modified to their own aggrandisement by an
amendment, " that while the King was under age, the
Cpuncillors, Chancellor, Steward of the Household, and
Chamberlain, should be chosen by the Upper House, and
that the King should make the other officers with the assent
of his Council." The Commons acquiesced in this arrange-
ment, f
At the parliament which met in the Abbey of Gloucester Parlia-
on the 20th of October, 1378, the young King being seated
on the throne, attended by his three uncles, Lancastei', Cam-
bridge, and Buckingham, — the Lord Chancellor de Hough-
ton, in a long speech, explained to the Lords and Commons
the causes of their being summoned, entering with some pro-
lixity into the subsisting relations of England with France
and Scotland. But he gave no satisfaction ; and Sir Bichard
le Scrope the next morning again addressed the two Houses
* 1 Pari. Hist. 158. f Ibid. 162.
T 3
mcnt at
Gloucester.
278
EEIGN OP KICHARD II.
CHAP.
XVI.
A.D. 1378.
Sir Rich-
ard LE
ScROPE,
Chancellor.
Death of
Houghton.
Rise of
Richard le
Scrope.
on the same topics, and by way of urging a supply, pointed
out the enormous expence which the crown incurred in keep-
ing up garrisons in Brest, Cherbourg, Calais, Bourdeaux,
and Bayonne. While the parliament sat, which was only a
few days, Sir Richard le Scrope seems to have taken the
entire lead, and by his good management the desired subsidy
was voted.*
On the 28th of October, as a reward for his services, he
was actually made Lord Chancellor on the resignation of the
Bishop of St. David's, who seems to have been much hurt at
the disrespectful treatment he had experienced, f The Ex-
chancellor retired to his see, and there peaceably ended his
days at a distance from the strife which marked this unhappy
reign. He survived till April 1389.
Richard le Scrope, the new Chancellor, was the third
son of Sir Henry le Scrope, Chief Justice of the King's Bench,
and Chief Baron of the Exchequer in the reign of Edward II.
and Edward III., and was born in the year 1328. Instead
of being trained in the university, the inns of court, and
Westminster Hall, he was a soldier from his early youth,
and served during the whole course of the late wars in
France. He was at the battle of Cressy in 1346, and serving
under Lord Percy, he was knighted on the field for his gal-
lantry in the battle of Durham, fought the same year, where
the Scots were signally defeated. In the following year he
served at the siege of Calais, where he was obliged to main-
tain his right to his crest — a crab issuing from a ducal coronet.
He was in the memorable sea-fight off Winchelsea in August,
1350, when Edward III. and the Black Prince defeated a
greatly superior fleet under Don Carlos de la Cerda. He
was with Edward III. at the rescue of Berwick in 1356. In
October, 1359, he served under John of Gaunt in the army
which invaded France, and in the April following approached
close to the walls of Paris, where he was engaged against the
family of Grosvenor in another heraldic dispute about his
right to certain bearings in his shield. In the parliament
• The Close Roll contains a very minute account of this transfer of the Great
Seal in the house of the Abbot of Gloucester. — 2 R. 2. m. 25.
t 1 Pari. Hist. 163.
EICHARD LE SCEOPE, CHANCELLOR. 279
which met in 1364, he was elected representative for the CHAP.
county of York. In 1366, he accompanied the Duke of
Lancaster into Spain, and the following year was in the
decisive battle of Najarre in that country, where the Black
Prince commanded in person.
On the renewal of the war with France, in 1369, he again
went to France with the Duke of Lancaster, and continued
in that country till near the conclusion of the reign of Ed-
ward IIL In 1371 he was appointed Treasurer of the
King's Exchequer. On the accession of Richard II. he was
promoted to be Steward of the King's household, and it was
in this capacity that he was employed to address the two
Houses, and that he so much distinguished himself in the last
two parliaments. Although with little book-learning, he had
so much natural talent, and had seen so much of the world,
and had such a quick insight into character, that he was
reckoned a consummate practical statesman, as well as a dis-
tinguished military commander ; and his appointment to the
office of Chancellor, if it astonished, did not much offend,
the public.
The Close Roll tells us that the following day he held a Seal Made a
in the church of St. Mary le Crypt at Gloucester, and I read ^^'^'
no more of his judicial exploits.* That he might more
effectually assist the government in the House of Lords, he
was raised to the peerage by the title of Baron Scrope of
Bolton, in the county of York. Here he had a large do-
main, and, under a licence from the Crown, he erected a
strong castle, which stood several sieges, and was afterwards
more illustrated by being one of the prisons of Mary Queen
of Scots.
In the parliament which met at Westminster on the 14th a parlia-
of January, 1379, he very ably expounded the causes of the ™^"*-
summons, was much applauded for his eloquence, and ob-
tained a large supply for the King. The Commons prayed
that there might not be another parliament till a year after
that time, and that the Chancellor, the Ti'easurer, Keeper of
the Privy Seal, Chief Chamberlain, and Steward of the
• Rot. Cl. 2 Ric. 2. m. 25.
T 4
280 BEIGN OF KICIIAKD II.
CHAP, household might not be changed in the meanwhile.* At
the same time they made a complaint of the interference of
the Court of Chancery and of the Council with the course of
the common law. The answer was, " that parties should be
sent to the proper court to answer according to due course of
law ; provided always, that where the King and his Council
should be credibly informed that by maintenance, oppression,
and other outrages, the common law could not have due
course, the Council in such case might send for the party
against whom the complaint is made, and put him to answer
for the misprison, f
Removal Wc are not informed of the particulars of the intrigue
Scro^'e'^and which, on the 2d of July, 1379, put an end to the first Chan-
appoint- cellorship of Lord Scrope ; and we only know, from the
'smos'pE Close Roll, that on that day he surrendered the Great Seal,
SuPBURY and that on the 4th of July the King delivered it to Simon de
ceiior, ' Sudbury, Archbishop of Canterbury, — who, having taken
A.D. 1379. the oaths, was the day following installed as Chancellor in
Westminster Hall. |
His origin Simon dc Sudbury assumed that name from the town in
tbn.^*^"'^' Suffolk where he happened to be born. Yet was he of noble
extraction, being the son of Nigel Theobald, of a baronial
family whose founder had come over with the Conqueror.
Having been carefully educated in England, he was sent
by his father beyond sea to study the civil law, of which he
became a Doctor after disputations in several Continental
universities. Such was his fame as a wrangler, that he was
admitted of the Council to Innocent VI. and Auditor of the
Made Rota in the court of Rome. On the recommendation of the
^/canTe'r"'' Pop^j lie had great promotion when he returned home to his
bury, own country, being made Chancellor of Sarum, then Bishop
of London, and, in 1375, translated to the see of Canterbury.
Lord He called forth some censure by accepting the Great Seal ;
Ciiancellor. f^^.^ though there were many precedents of a Chancellor
becoming Archbishop of Canterbury, it was not thought
consistent with the dignity of the church that an Archbishop
of Canterbury should become Chancellor. It would have been
* 1 Pari. Hist 169, 170. f Rot. Pari. 2 Ric. 2.
X Rot. CI. 3 Ric, 2. m. 22.
SIMON DE SUDBURY, CHANCELLOR. 281
well if he had confined himself to the discharge of his eccle- CHAP,
siastical duties, as, by engaging in politics, he was brought to
an untimely and violent end.
He opened the parliament, which met at Northampton, at He pro-
the feast of All Saints, 1380, and, after much difficulty and ^lll\^^^
management, prevailed upon the Commons to grant the fatal a.d. isso.
"capitation tax," which was to be "three groats of every
person of the kingdom, male or female, of the age of fifteen,
of what state or condition soever." This was denounced
as "a new and strange subsidy," and Hollingshead writes,
that " great grudging and many a bitter curse followed on
the levying of this money, and that much mischief rose thereof,
as after did appear." If the insult had not been offered by
the tax-gatherer to the daughter of Wat Tyler, some other
accidental spark would probably have thrown the whole
country into a flame.
The Chancellor, being the author of the abhorred tax, in
the rebellion which it excited, he was the first victim. John
Ball, the famous seditious preacher, inveighed bitterly against
him by name ; and, in reference to his aristocratic birth, the
often-quoted lines were made which, Hume says, "in spite
of prejudice, we cannot but regard with some degree of ap-
probation."
" When Adam delv'd and Eve span,
Where was then the gentleman?"
The army, or rather mob, 100,000 strong, under Tyler Wat Ty-
and Straw, having taken post at Blackheath, and threatening If'^ ^^^^^^'
general destruction — more especially to lawyers*, and all
* Walsingham, in his interesting relation of Wat Tyler's rebellion, savs :
" Voluit namque ad alia commissionem pro se et suis obtinuisse, ad decollanduin
omnes juridicos et universos qui vel in lege docti fuere vel cum jure ratione
officii communicavere. Mente nempe conceperat, doctis in lege necatis, universa
juxta communis plebis scitum de cajtero ordinari, et nullam omnino legem fore
futuram vel si futura foret, esse pro suorum arbitrio statuenda." — Walsiyighnm,
p. 361. So in Cade's rebellion. Temp. Hen. 6. ; —
" Dick. The first thing we do, let's kill all the lawyers.
Cade. Nay, that I mean to do." (And proceeds to give his reasons.)
— Shuk. Second Part Tien. VI, a. iv. s. 2.
In the riots of 1780, a similar spirit was displayed, and siege was laid to the
inns of court, with the intention of exterminating the whole race of lawyers, that
" the skin of an innocent lamb might no longer be converted into an indictment."
I have heard Judge liurrough relate that siege being laid to the Temple,
he and many other lawyers armed themselves, and lieaded by a sergeant of the
Guards took post in Inner Temple Lane; there they stood valiantly till a pannel
282 REIGN OF RICHARD II.
CHAP, who were supposed to have been instrumental in imposing
^^^' the tax, or who resisted the demands for its repeal, the
Chancellor Chancellor took refuge in the Tower of London. They
seized in pursued him thither, attacked this fortress, and it being
feebly defended, they soon stormed it. They instantly
seized him, and dragged him to Tower Hill, with the de-
clared inteption of executing him there as a traitor.
Beheaded, In this extremity he displayed great courage and con-
issl^""^' stancy, and addressing the multitude, reminded them of his
sacred character, and tried to rouse them to some sense of
justice and humanity.* All these appeals were ineffectual ;
after many blows his head was struck off, and his dead body
was treated with barbarous indignity.
Miracles But it was believed that miracles were worked to punish
by the de- j^j murderers, and to show that he had been received in
ceased '
Chancellor, heaven as a Saint. It is gravely related, that the executioner
who had committed the horrid sacrilege went mad, and was
struck with blindness ; that a man, blind for many years, on
praying to be cured for his sake, was immediately restored to
sight ; and (as we may well believe) that a woman who had
been long in difficult labour, having prayed for his interces-
sion, was the same day delivered of three fine boys, — all
received into the church by baptism, f The same historian,
who was his contemporary, and speaks from personal know-
ledge, gives him the character of being " very eloquent,
and incomparably wise above all the great men of the
kingdom."
William The rebellion having been quelled by the gallantry of Sir
NAY,"chaa- William AValworth and the presence of mind and address of
ceiior, the youthful King, which raised a disappointed expectation
A. D. 1381*
of the gate was forced in from Fleet Street ; they then became rather nervous,
but the sergeant having hallooed out, " Take care no gentleman fires from be-
hind !" they all burst into a loud laugh ; whereupon the mob, fearing there was a
stratagem, suddenly made off, and the Temple was saved.
* " Quid est charissimi filii, quid est quod proponitis facere? Quod est pec-
catum meum quod in vos commisi, propter quod me vultis occidere? Caven-
dum est ne me interfecto, qui pastor, praelatus et archiepiscopus vester sum,
vetiiat super vos indignatio justi vindicis, vel certe pro tali facto, tota supponatur
Anglia interdicto." — Wals. 262.
t " Mulier qusedam quae impregnata fuerat et parere nullo mode poterat,
postulato ejus auxilio, eodem die delibcrata est de tribus puerulis, qui omnes
baptizati sunt." — p. 263,
WILLIAM COURTENAY, CHANCELLOR.
283
of his qualifications for government, — the Great Seal was
given into the temporary custody, first, of Richard Earl of
Arundel, and then of Hugh de Segrave " till the King could
conveniently provide a Chancellor."* On the 10th of Au-
gust, Segrave restored the Seal to the King, who imme-
diately delivered it with the title of Chancellor to William
CouRTENAY, Bishop of London.
The office of Chancellor appears, in this age, to have been
an object of ambition to men of the most illustrious descent.
William was a younger son of Hugh Courtenay, Earl of
Devon, having in his veins the blood of French kings and of
Emperors of the East, as well as of the Plantagenets. f
While yet a youth, he had made great proficiency In the
civil and canon law, and taking orders, he rose rapidly in the
church from personal merit and family Interest.
After holding almost innumerable prebends and livings, he
was made Bishop of Hereford, and then translated to London.
He was very popular with the Londoners, who stood by him
in a dispute with John of Gaunt, and could hardly be re-
strained by him from pulling down the Duke's house. He
was made a Cardinal, and he succeeded De Sudbury as
Archbishop of Canterbury as well as Lord Chancellor.
He sat in Chancery himself, without the assistance of the
Master of the Rolls, or any other Keeper ; but he appears to
have excited great dissatisfaction as a judge, and the cry
against delays and corruption in his court soon became very
loud and general.
A parliament met in September, and it was opened by the
Chancellor in a speech from this text, " Rex convenire fecit
concilium."! He declared the chief cause of the summons to
be to punish the authors of the late horrible tumults, and to
do away with the charters of liberty and manumission which
the King had been forced to grant to bond-tenants and vil-
CHAP.
XVI.
A.D. 1381.
His illus-
trious de-
scent.
Disputes
with John
of Gaunt.
His beha-
viour as
judge.
Removal
on address
of Com-
* Rot. CI. 5 Ric. 2. m. 25.
t His mother, Margaret de Bohun, was a grand-daughter of Edward I.
I In the Parliament Roll the Chancellor is said to have made un bone collacion
en Enyleys. — Rot. Pari. 5 Ric. 2. Although the formal written proceedings
in parliament were, and are still, in Frencli, I conceive that from the time when
representatives from cities and boroughs were admitted, a liberty must have
been allowed to speak in English, and the use of the French in debate must
have been gradually laid aside.
284
REIGN OF RICHARD II.
CHAP.
XVI.
A.v. 1381.
Lord le
Scrope
again
Chancellor.
Death of
Ex-chan-
cellor
Courtenay.
King
quarrels
with Lord
le Scrope,
who is dis-
missed.
lalns under the Great Seal of England.* But the parliament
immediately proceeded to inquire into the abuses in the
government of the country, and the Commons petitioned
for the appointment of a new Chancellor and other judges.
In consequence of these proceedings, Archbishop Courtenay
was removed from the office of Chancellor, and Lord le Scrope,
who had been leader of the opposition, was placed in it the
second time. The Ex-chancellor devoted the rest of his days
to his ecclesiastical duties. He held a celebrated synod at
London, in which the doctrines of Wickliffe were solemnly
condemned. A little before his death he obtained a grant by
a papal bull of the sixtieth part of the income of all the clergy
within his province ; but the Bishop of Lincoln refusing to
pay, and appealing to the Pope, the Archbishop died while
the matter was depending, July 31. 1396.
Durino; this last transfer of the Great Seal the King had
it a short time in his own possession, and himself sealed
a commission by which he appointed John de Holland, his
brother by the mother's side, John de Montague, Steward
of his household, and Simon de Burle, his Chamberlain, to
proceed to Germany, there to receive the Lady Ann, the sister
of the Emperor, as his future Queen, and to conduct her to
his presence. This might be excusable, as matter personally
relating to himself, but he at the same time sealed several other
commissions and important charters with his own hand, which
gave him a taste for acting without any responsible adviser,
and contrary to the opinion expressed by his ministers.
The Commons now made another effort to abolish all fines
on writs out of Chancery, as contrary to the Great Charter ;
but the King answered, " that such fines had always been
received in Chancery as well since as before the Great Charter,
by all his noble progenitors. Kings of England." f
As soon as parliament was dissolved, the King quarrelled
with Lord le Scrope, the new Chancellor, who resisted the
gross job of conferring upon some worthless favourites the
lands which, on the death of the Earl of March, had fallen to
* It appears by the Close Roll that the Great Seal had been a short time in
the King's own keeping, and I presume these charters were then sealed with his
own hand.
t Rot. Par. 5 Ric. 2.
ROBERT DE BRAYBROKE, CHANCELLOR. 285
the Crown. Richard became incensed at his behaviour, and chap.
at the instigation of the disappointed parties, sent messenger
after messenger to demand the Great Seal from him ; but he
refused to deliver it except to the King himself. At length
the King got possession of it on the 11th of July, and gave a.d. isss.
it into the keeping of Hugh de Segrave and others, to be
used by them for the sealing of writs and charters till a new
Chancellor should be found.*
On the 20th of September, Robert de Braybroke was Robert de
made Chancellor. He was of a noble family, the Braybrokes, ^"^r-
of Braybroke Castle, in the county of Northampton. Having Chancellor
studied at Cambridge, and becoming a licentiate in laws, he
entered the church, was made canon of Lichfield, and in
1381 was consecrated Bishop of London. At this time he
was high in favour with John of Gaunt, who was the means
of his being made Chancellor from the capacity for political
intrigue which he was supposed to have displayed. He was
not created in the usual manner by the King delivering the
Seal to him, but by writ, addressed to those who had it in
their keeping, f
During his short tenure of office, two parliaments were Parlia-
called and opened by speeches from the Chancellor ; but they "^"*'
were chiefly occupied with measures to put down the heresy
of WicklifFe, and no civil business of any importance was Wickiiffe.
transacted at them. :[:
This Chancellor is celebrated for having resorted to a The Chan-
pious fraud for what he considered the good of the church. *'?l'^'^'!.
^ ® pious fraud
In the parliament held in the 5 Richard IL, he introduced toputdown
a bill authorising the Lord Chancellor to issue commissions ^^""^^y*
to sheriifs to arrest and imprison such as should be certified
into Chancery to be heretics. This was approved of by the
* Rot. Cl. 6 Ric. 2. m. 24.
f " De par le Roy.
" Treschers et foialx, nous avons ordinez et volons que le Reverent Pere en
Dieu, et notre trescher Cosin, levesque de Londres, serra notre Chanceller
Denglitere, pur le grand affiance que nous avons en luy. Si vous mandons et
cliargeons que veues cestcs, vouz facez delivrer a luy notre Grand Seal esteant
ore en votre garde, over le trouble de son cherge et toutes autres a ly appurtie-
nantz come a notre Chanceller. Et cette lettre vous ent serra garrant. Donnez,
&c."— Rot. Cl. 6 R. 2.
I 1 Pari. Hist. 176.
286 REIGN OF RICHARD II.
CHAP. Lords, but thrown out by the Commons. Nevertheless the
XVI ....
* Chancellor at the end of the session caused it to be inscribed
on the parliament roll, and it was vigorously acted upon — to
the great vexation of the subject. When parliament again
met, the Commons in a fury passed a bill to which the Lords
agreed, declaring the former act to be null. " But in the
parliamentary proclamation of the acts passed in anno 6
Richard II., the said act of 6 Richard IL, whereby the said
supposed act of 5 Richard II. was declared to be null, is
omitted, and afterwards the said supposed act of 5 Richard II.
was continually printed, and the said act of 6 Richard II.
hath, by the craft of the prelates, been ever from time to time
kept from the print." *
Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford, the favourite of Richard
IL, being raised to the title of Duke of Ireland, was now
engrossing all power into his own hands, and he resolved to
intrust the Great Seal to a layman who, if from his education
unfit for its judicial duties, was eminent for talents, address,
and suppleness — qualities sometimes as much considered in
filling up the oflSce of Chancellor.
Michael On the 13th of March, 1383, the Great Seal was taken from
p^^^'^ Robert de Braybroke, and given to Michael de la Pole.
Chancellor, The Close Roll says, that the Bishop earnestly desired to be
A.n. 1383, relieved from the office of Chancellor f ; but there can be no
doubt that he parted with it very unwillingly, and thought
himself very ill used in being deprived of it. He lived more
than twenty years afterwards, but never had more than this
taste of political power. He died in 1404, having seen the
family of Lancaster seated on the throne.
Michael de la Pole was the son of Sir William de la Pole,
a merchant, and Mayor of Kingston-upon-HuU. :j: He had
• Lord Coke's Reports, part xii. 58. 4 Inst. 51. The sham act is still to be
found in the Statute Book as 5 Ilic. 2. stat. 2. c. 5. Lord Coke adds, that by
colour of the supposed act certain persons that held that images were not to be
worshipped were holden in strong prison until they, to redeem their vexation,
miserably yielded to take an oath, and did swear to worship images, which was
against the moral and eternal law of Almighty God."
t " Desiderans cum magna instantia de officio Cancellarii exonerari. " — Rot.
CI. 6 Ric. 2.
\ Tlie founder of this illustrious family was the Chancellor's father, who,
when Edward III. was lying at Antwerp very destitute of money, lent him
lOOO/. in gold, in recompense whereof (26th Sept. 13 Ed. 3.) he was constituted
ment.
MICHAEL DE LA POLE, CHANCELLOR. 287
served Edward III. both as a civilian and a soldier, and had chap.
acquired the friendship of that monarch. In the growing
troubles of the present reign his support was coveted by both ^^ jggg
parties, and he was esteemed the person of greatest experience
and capacity among those who were attached to the Duke of
Ireland. He was sworn in Chancellor on the 13th of March,
1383.*
He did not at first resort to the expedient of handing over His con-
the Seal to a legal Keeper to act as his judicial deputy ; and ^^^l^
as he is said to have performed well in the Court of Chancery, i
he must have been like some of the military Chancellors in
our AVest India Islands, who, by discretion, natural good
sense, taking hints from the clerks in court, and giving' no
reasons for their decrees f, have very creditably performed the
duties of their office.
On the 1st of November in the same year, he made his in pariia-
first appearance on the woolsack, when he had to open par-
liament by an oration in the presence of the King and both
Houses. I He began with great modesty, excusing his own
unfitness for the place he held, and declaring that he was
forced to accept it, though he had pleaded his incapacity. He
then presented a very able exposition of the King's wars with
Scotland and with France, and pressed for a subsidy, Avhich
was readily granted. §
second Baron of the Excliequer, and advanced to the degree of a banneret, with
an allowance, for the better support of that dignity, payable out of the customs
at Hull. He died, 40 Ed. 3., seised of large estates, which descended to the
Chancellor. — Dugdale.
* Rot. CI. 6 Ric, 2. m. 12.
f According to the advice of Lord Mansfield to a military man going to sit
as Chancellor of Jamaica: " Your decision may be right, but your reasons
must be wrong."
I 1 Pari. Hist. 176.
§ I give a specimen from the rolls of parliament of this modest oration: —
" Mons. Michel de la Pole, Chivaler, Chanceller d'Engleterre, par commande-
ment nre. Sr. le Roi avoit les paroles de la pronunciation des causes de la
somonce de cest present parlimint, y dist. Vous Mess. Prelatz et Seignrs.
Temporalx, et vous mes compaignons les chivalers et autres de la nol)le Coe.
d'Engleterre cy presentz, deinez entendre, Q,e combn. q. je ne sole digne, mes
insufficient de sen do tout autre Cre., toutes voies pleust a nre. Sr. le Roi nal-
gairs de moy creer son Chanceller, et sur ce ore moy ad commandcz, q'orc en
vos honorables presences je vous soie de par luy exposer les causes de la somonce
de son present Parlement. Et partant purra clerement apparoir q. si haute
busoigne come ce est de pier si chargeante matire devant tantes et tielles si
nobles et sages persones q. vous estez, je ue ferroie mye par presumption ou sur
guiderie de moy mesmes, einz soulement par deux enchesons resonable. L'une
288
REIGN OF RICHARD II.
CHAP.
XVI.
A.D. 1384.
Chancellor
made an
Earl,
A.D. 1386.
Altercation
in the
House of
Lords be-
tween the
Chancellor
and the
Bishop of
Ely.
While this parliament sat, an unjust charge was brought
against him of taking a bribe. He was acquitted, and John
Cavendish, his accuser, was fined 1000 marks for defamation.
At the parliament held in November in the following year,
he was considerably bolder, and he ventured to give good advice
to the two chambers, telling them, " there were four ways
or means which would greatly speed their consultations.
First, to be early in the house ; next, to repel all melancholy
passions; the third, to begin always on the most needful
inquiries, and to proceed without mixture of any orders ; and,
lastly, to avoid all maintaining and partaking." *
The Commons made a complaint to the King for commis-
sions issued by the Chancellor, but they could not obtain a
more favourable answer than that " those who felt themselves
aggrieved should show their special grievance to the Chan-
cellor who would provide a remedy." f
On the 6th of August, 1386, he was created Earl of Suf-
folk, the first instance of a Lord Chancellor, while in office,
being raised to this rank in the peerage. He had, at the same
time, a grant of 1000 marks a year from the public revenue
to support his new dignity.
A parliament M^as held soon after. We have an account
from Speed, of a debate which took place in the House of
Lords at the opening of the session, — the earliest which
I find reported, and giving us a lively picture of the elo-
quence and manners of the age. The Bishop of Norwich,
the famous " Fighting Prelate," had led an army into Flan-
ders : being obliged to return with discomfiture, he had been
est q. longemeiit et eoement. ad este accustumee deinz mesme le Roialrae q.
les Chancellers d'Angleterre devant moy si ont fait chescun en son temps pro-
nunciation de par le Roy de semblables parlimentz devaunt ore tenuz; et ne
vorroie, si pleust a Dieu q. en mon temps defaute de mon dit office, si avaunt
come je le purroie meintenlr en tout bien et honour. La seconde cause est
purquoy je assume de present si grant charge sur moy devant touz les autres
sages cy presentez ; gar le Roy nre. Sr. lige ycy present m" ad commandez de
1 faire, a qi me faut a fyn force en ce et en touz autres ses commandementz q.
purroient tournir au pfit. de lui et de son roialme obeire. Et issint ne ferroie
c^te chargeante busoigne en aucun manere, sinon constreint par reson de mon
office, et commandement de mon Sr, lige come dist est."— Roll Pari. 7 Ric 2.
vol. ill. 149.
* 1 Pari. Hist. 180. " Mahiienance and champerty," — the corruption of
those days, when " rail-road shares " were unknown,
t 1 Pari. Hist. 185.
MICHAEL DE LA POLE, CHANCELLOE. 289
charged with breach of the conditions on which a sum of money CHAP,
was granted to him, and the temporalities of his see were se-
questered. A motion was now made by Thomas de Arun-
del, Bishop of Ely, then rising into notice, and afterwards
five times Lord Chancellor, that the temporalities should be
restored to him, which he said — " would be a small matter for
the King." This was warmly opposed by the new Earl of
Suffolk, Lord Chancellor, who rose up, and thus addressed
the Bishop of Ely, " What is that, my Lord, w^hich you
ask of the King ? Seems it to you a small matter for him to
part with that Bishop's temporalities, when they yield to his
coffers above 1000/. a year ? Little need hath the King of such
councillors, or such friends as advise him to acts so greatly
to his disadvantage." To which the Bishop of Ely replied,
" What says your lordship, my Loi'd Michael ? Know that
I ask not from the King what is his own, but that which he,
drawn thereunto by you, or such as you are, withholds from
other men, upon none of the justest titles, — which, as I
think, will never do him any good. As for yourself, if the
King's advantage be the thing you drive at, why did you
so greedily accept of 1000 marks a year at the time he
created you Earl of Suffolk?" " The Chancellor," adds our
authority, " was hit so home by this round retort, that he
offered no farther to cross the restitution of the Bishop's
temporalities."*
This year the Earl of Suffolk went abroad upon an em- a.d. isse.
bassy, and the Great Seal was given into the custody of
John de Waltham, Master of the Rolls f, celebrated for his
invention of the writ of subpoena, on which the equitable
jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery has been supposed to
be founded. The faction of the favourite, De Vere, had now
become very odious, and there were loud complaints among
the people against misgovernment. What was more formid-
able, there was a strong combination among the Barons, who
were resolved upon a change. The King's necessities, how- a parlia-
ever, required the summoning of a new parliament. The two "'^"**
* Speed in Ann. 1386. t Ro*- CI. 9 Ric. 2. m. 12.
VOL. I. U
290 REIGN OF RICHARD II.
CHAP. Houses met on the first of October, 1386.* The session was
opened as usual by a speech from the Lord Chancellor, in
A.D. 1386. which he said that the principal cause of calling them together
at that time was " to acquaint them that it had been deter-
mined the King should cross the seas in person with an army
royal, and that they were to debate in what manner and how
Proceed- it was to be done." But the Commons, instead of intimating
the^Chrn- ^^7 intention of granting a supply, expressed in the royal
cellor. presence their resolution to impeach the Lord Chancellor for
divers crimes and misdemeanours. We are informed that
the Bang thereupon retired, lest he might seem to coun-
tenance their proceedings. He went to his palace at Eltham,
where he spent his time in vain amusements, while transac-
tions were going on which before long led to his dethronement.
Both Houses, with joint consent, thought proper to send
this message to him : " That the Chancellor and Treasurer
ought to be removed from their offices, because those men
were not for the advantage of himself and kingdom." Adding,
" that they had matters to treat of relating to the Lord
Michael de la Pole, which could not be safely done while he
remained in the office of Chancellor." The King admonished
them to proceed forthwith to the business for which they
were summoned, and told them " that he would not for them,
or at their instance, remove the meanest scullion in his kitchen."
The Lords and Commons were not to be so daunted, and
they returned their joint answer to the King, " That they
neither could, nor by any means would, proceed in any busi-
ness of parliament, or despatch so much as the least article of
it, till the King should come and show himself among them,
and remove the said Michael de la Pole from his office."
Remonstrances and refusals of redress being some time con-
tinued, the King threatened to call in the advice of the King
of France, to whom he would sooner submit than truckle to
his own subjects. In their address in answer, the two Houses
said, " We have an ancient constitution, and it was not many
ages experimented f (it grieves us that we must mention it),
that if the King, through any evil counsel, or weak obstinacy,
* 1 Pari. Hist. 185.
f Referring to the deposition of Edward II.
THOMAS ARUNDEL, CHANCELLOR. 291
or contempt of his people, or out of a perverse and froward CHAP.
wilfulness, or by any other irregular courses, shall alienate '
himself from his people, and refuse to govern by the laws ^.d. 1386.
and statutes of the realm, but will throw himself headlong
into wild designs, and stubbornly exercise his own singular
arbitrary will, — from that time it shall be lawful for his
people, by their full and free assent and consent, to depose
that King from his throne, and in his stead to establish some
other of the royal race upon the same."*
Richard was obliged to yield ; and laying aside his passion. The Earl
he promised that after three days he would come to the par- "^jj^^^g^
liament, and with mature advice willingly acquiesce in their from the
petitions. Accordingly he came at the time appointed, and chancellor
consented to an entire change of ministers. The Earl of Oct. 24.
I 386
Suffolk was removed, and his enemy Thomas de Arundel, ^jj^jj^g
Bishop of Ely, made Chancellor in his stead. Arundel
Not contented with his dismissal, the Commons prayed ^pp°^" ^
that all manner of charters and letters made in the time of
the late Chancellor, contrary to law, be annulled and repealed
in the present parliament, to which the answer was, " Le
Roi le voet par advys de son conseil."t
They then proceeded to impeach him ; but his official in- Impeach-
tegrit}'- was established by the frivolous nature of the offences Ex.chan-
which his enemies, in the present plenitude of their power, ceiior.
thought proper to object against him. J
This is the first instance of the impeachment of a
Chancellor, and it created great interest from the elevated
rank and distinguished personal character of the accused.
The bill of impeachment was divided into seven heads,
charging the Earl, while Chancellor, with having enriched
himself by defrauding the Crown, and with having put the
Great Seal to illegal charters and pardons. He had intrusted
his defence to his brother-in-law. Lord le Scrope, likewise an
Ex-chancellor : but the Lords observed that it would be more
to his honour if he should conduct it himself. He thereupon His de-
went through the different charges in order, contending that '^"*'^'
• 1 Pari. Hist. 186. f Rot. Par. 10 Ric. 2.
t 1 Pari. Hist. 189.
V 2
292 REIGN OF RICHARD II.
CHAP, those which were fit ground of impeachment were unfounded
' in fact, and that the others did not amount to any legal
offence. " As to his deserts he would be silent, but hoped that
what he had suffered for the King would not be forgotten."
Here Scrope was allowed to interpose. " The individual
now accused of misconduct as Chancellor," he remarked,
" had served in war thirty years as a knight banneret with-
out disgrace or reproof, had thrice been a captive in the hands
of the enemy, and had been Governor of Calais, Admiral of
the fleet, and oftentimes Ambassador from the King to foreign
states, — in all which capacities he had conducted himself
with the purest honour as well as with the highest ability."
The managers for the Commons were heard in reply, and
chiefly dwelt upon the charge, that, being Chancellor, and
obliged by his oath to consult the King's profit, he had pur-
chased lands from the King below their true value. He
proved that he had made no purchase from the Crown while
he was Chancellor, and that all the bargains referred to had
been concluded before he was raised to that office. Never-
theless he was found guilty of having defrauded the Crown,
and adjudged to forfeit several large sums of money, and to
be imprisoned during the King's pleasure. He was accord-
ingly committed to the custody of the Lord High Constable,
and sent close prisoner to Windsor Castle, where he remained
till this parliament was dissolved, — when he was taken into
favour, and was able ao-ain to make head against his enemies.
This prosecution is memorable as it confirmed to the
Commons their new claim of impeaching the ministers of the
Crown, and showed how the power might be abused to the
purposes of faction.
Death of De la Pole, the Ex-chancellor, was actively engaged in the
o/suffolk. struggle which soon arose from the attempt to subject Richard,
like Henry III, and Edward II., to a council of Barons,
armed with the powers of royalty. Upon the defeat of the
party who resisted these proceedings he was obliged to go
into exile. He was kindly received by the King of France,
A.D. 1388. but died soon after of a broken heart, said to have been pro-
duced less by his private misfortunes than by the calamities
he saw impending over his country. That he was fit for the
THOMAS ARUNDEL, CHANCELLOK. 293
office of Chancellor, which had been held by Parnynge and CHAP.
Knyvet, it is impossible to assert ; but he seems to have filled
it with unspotted integrity, and he certainly displayed high j^j^ j.,,g_
qualities as a statesman as well as a soldier. His descendants racter.
were nearly allied to the throne, and several of them are
among the most distinguished chai'acters in English history.
The new Chancellor, Thomas Arundel, was of illustrious Thomas
descent, being the son of Robert Earl of Arundel and Warren. chaiTcellor.
He very early displayed great talents, and he had a respect- His family,
able share of the learning of the times. Taking orders, he Education,
was made Archdeacon of Taunton when scarce twenty -two
years of age, and it was not long before he entered parliament
as a prelate, where we have seen he was the antagonist of
De la Pole the Chancellor, with whom he had a long-con-
tinued rivalry. Supported by Gloucester, the King's uncle,
he was now completely in the ascendant ; for the two houses
were willingly ruled by him, and the King could make no
resistance. He used his power with no moderation ; for, not
contented with crushing his predecessor, he attempted per-
manently to make himself master of the King and the kingdom.
An Act was passed, to which the royal assent Avas nominally
given, appointing a council of fourteen persons, to whom the
sovereign power Avas transferred for a twelvemonth, — and
the King was in reality dethroned. The Chancellor was the
first named in this commission.
But althouo;h Richard had taken an oath never to infrlnece Miscon-
it, at the end of the session he publicly entered a protest that Richard 1 1,
the prerogatives of the Crown, notwithstanding his late con-
cession, should still be deemed entire and unimpaired. The
Commissioners, disregarding this declaration, took posses-
sion of the government, — but they Avere not long allowed
to exercise their authority without disturbance. Richard
Avas sensible of the contempt into Avhich he had fallen, and,
instigated by the Earl of Suffolk, Avhom he restored to liberty,
he made a bold effort to recover his authority. He assembled
Tressilian, the Chief Justice of England, and the other
Judges, at Nottingham, and obtained an opinion from them
that those who procured the late commission, or advised the
King to consent to it, Averc punishable with death, and that
u 3
294
KEIGN OP RICHARD II.
CHAP.
XVI.
Civil war.
A parlia-
ment.
Arundel
dismissed,
A,D. 1389.
those who should persevere in maintaining it were guilty of
treason ; and that the House of Commons cannot, without the
King's consent, impeach any of his Ministers or Judges.
Gloucester and the Chancellor flew to arms as soon as they
heard of this consultation, and met Richard near Highgate
with a force which he and his adherents could not resist. They
accused the Earl of Suffolk, the Duke of Ireland, Sir Robert
Tressilian, and others who impugned the commission, as public
and dangerous enemies to the state.
A new parliament was called in February, 1388*, which
was opened by a speech from the Bishop of Ely, the Chan-
cellor, inveighing against the opposite faction. An appeal of
treason, consisting of many articles, was preferred against the
discomfited leaders of it, and, as a matter of course, they
were found guilty. Tressilian, the Chief Justice, being dis-
covered in an apothecary's shop in Palace Yard, where he
had some time lain concealed, was hanged at Tyburn, and
his fate seems to have excited little compassion, for he had
shown himself ready to mete out like injustice to others, and
he had extra-judicially pronounced opinions which, if acted
upon, would have been for ever fatal to public liberty.
It seemed as if those now in power never could be deprived
of it. Thomas of Arundel, the Chancellor, had been made
Archbishop of York, and he no doubt expected to hold the
Great Seal without interruption for many years. But in the
beginning of May, 1389, Richard unexpectedly and peaceably
recovered his authority, and all those who had been concerned
in the late plots against him were dismissed from their employ-
ments. This change seems to have been brought about merely
by a reaction in public opinion, and a dislike in the English
nation to power remaining long in the same hands.
Richard, on this occasion, conducted himself with great
moderation, and he confirmed by proclamation the general
pardon which the parliament had passed for all offences.
* 1 Pari. Hist. 196. 1 St. Tr. 89.
WILLIAM OF WICKHAM, CHANCELLOR. 295
CHAPTER XVII.
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPERS OF THE GREAT SEAL FROM THE
SECOND CHANCELLORSHIP OF WILLIAM OF WICKHAM TILL THE
END OF THE REIGN OF RICHARD II.
William of Wickham, Bishop of Winchester, after a chap.
. . XVII
retirement from office of eighteen years, was again made
Chancellor, as a person likely to be generally acceptable. ]\jay 4.
After his resignation of the Great Seal in 1371, he had is89.
, , , . ,^ , . . , , , . , William of
employed himseli in repairing the twelve castles, or manorial wickham
residences, belonging to him as Bishop, on which he spent ^*'"
20,000 marks; — in rebuilding the cathedral at Winchester ; jjis history
— and in reforming abuses in the monasteries and religious between his
houses within his diocese, particularly the ancient hospital of cellorsbips.
St. Cross, founded by the famous Bishop Henry de Blois,
brother of King Stephen.* Having been appointed by "the
Good Parliament," which met in 1376, one of the council
established to superintend the conduct of public affairs, he
had the misfortune to incur the displeasure of the Duke of
Lancaster, who then wished to engross all power into his own
hands. By his contrivance, eight informations were filed
against the Bishop in the beginning of the next Michaelmas
term, charging him with various acts of pecuniary defalcation,
oppression, and perversion of the law while he was Keeper of
the Privy Seal and Lord Chancellor. The cause was tried
before a partial commission of Bishops, Peers, and Privy
Councillors, and although convicted only on one charge,
which amounted at most to an irregularity, he was heavily
fined, an order was issued for sequestering the revenues of
his bishopric, and he was forbidden to come within twenty
miles of the Court. When, on the petition of the Commons
the general pardon was issued by the King in consideration of
its being the year of his jubilee, the Bishop of Winchester
• Under a regulation then made, every traveller who visits the hospital is now
presented with a cup of ale and a small loaf, — ut gustavi.
V 4
?96
KEIGN OF RICHARD II.
CHAP.
XVII.
A parlia-
ment,
A.D. 1390.
The Chan-
cellor lays
down his
office in
parliament,
and is re-
appointed.
alone was exempted from its benefit. His enemies contrived
to throw an imputation upon him that he was patronised by
Alice Pierce, and that he instigated her to withstand the
parliament. In spite of this scandal, his brethren of the
clergy now assembled in convocation, manfully took up his
cause, and his temporalities were restored to him on condition
of his fitting out three ships of war for the defence of the
kingdom. The mulct was remitted on the accession of
Richard II. ; but the prosecution subjected him to a loss of
10,000 marks.
During the minority of Richard the Ex-chancellor had not
interfered with politics, except that after the suppression of
Wat Tyler's rebellion he was one of the seventeen persons
appointed by the Commons to confer with them on the con-
dition of the kingdom, and that in 1386 he was one of the
fourteen appointed by the parliament, at the instigation of the
King's uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, to be a council to
the King for one year, and to exercise all the powers of
government. In this capacity he conducted himself with so
much mildness and moderation, that when Richard recovered
his authority he still wished to have him near his person.
His restoration to the office of Chancellor under the pre-
sent circumstances was generally approved of; for If his
judicial qualifications for it were slender, the people were
pleased to see it once more filled by a man of moderate
opinions and unsullied integrity.
In January, 1390, a parliament met, which he opened with
a speech, " declaring the King to be of full age, and that he
intended to govern his people in peace and quiet, and to do
justice and right to all men." *
The Chancellor then, to gain popularity, went through a
ceremony prescribed by a repealed statute of Edward III. ; —
he surrendered the Great Seal to the King before both houses
of parliament; — the Bishop of St. David's, the Lord Treasurer,
at the same time delivered up the keys of the Exchequer ;
and they prayed that they might be discharged, — "complaining
of the great labour and costs to which they were continually
* 1 Pari. Hist. 216.
WILLIAM OF WICKHAM, CHANCELLOR. 297
put in their said offices, and praying that other good and suf- CHAP,
ficient persons might be appointed in their stead." After this '__
resignation, it was openly proclaimed in full parliament, " that
if any person could justly complain of any illegal action, or
any thing done amiss by them in their several offices, he should
come forth and he should be heard, for they now stood upon
their deliverance." Both the Lords and Commons answered
" that they knew nothing amiss against them, and that they
had behaved themselves well in their respective offices."
Whereupon the King re-instated the Bishop of Winchester in
the office of Chancellor, and re-delivered to him the Great
Seal, and the Bishop of St. David's in the office of Treasurer,
and re-delivered to him the keys of the Treasury.
Nevertheless the Commons showed suspicion and jealousy
of the future proceedings of the Chancellor, for they prayed
the King " that neither the Chancellor nor the King's Coun-
cil, after the parliament is ended, may make any ordinance
against the common law nor the ancient customs of the land,
nor against the statutes heretofore passed in the present
parliament, and that no judgment rendered be annulled with-
out due process of law." An evasive answer being given, the
Commons returned to the attack, and prayed " that if the
Chancellor should compel the King's lieges to appear before
him to answer any thing that may be recovered at common
law, he shall be liable to a penalty of 100/.; " but the answer
still was — " The King willeth, as his progenitors have done,
saving his regality." *
William of Wickham remained Chancellor, the second Resigna-
time, till the 27th of September, 1391, — when he was sue- wiiiili c
ceeded by Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of York, who had Wickiiam
been his immediate predecessor. f This change took place ^•"- '391.
without any convulsion, and seems to have been the result of
an amicable compromise between the contending parties.
The Duke of Gloucester was restored to his place in the
council, and, for a short time, there was a prospect of public
tranquillity.
Here we must take leave of Lord Chancellor Wickham.
* Rot. Par. 13 Ric. 2. f Rot. CI. 15 Ric. 2. m. 34.
298
REIGN OF RICHARD II.
CHAP.
XVII.
His retire-
ment from
public life.
His death.
His merits.
September,
1391.
Thomas de
Arundel's
second
Chancel-
lorship.
From this date he seems to have interfered little in
public affairs. He was in some danger in 1397, when the
Duke of Gloucester was put to death, and several of his
associates were attainted for their former resistance to the
royal authority ; but, at the intercession of the Commons, it
was declared by the King, from the throne, that the Bishop
of Winchester had not been implicated in what his fellow-
commissioners had then done. He was present in the parlia-
ment held the 30th of September, 1399, when Richard was
deposed, and in the first parliament of Henry IV., sum-
moned a few days after ; but this was the last which he
attended. He now devoted himself to his episcopal duties,
and the superintendence of his two noble foundations at
Winchester and Oxford, which have contributed so much to
the cause of sound education in England, and have rendered
his name so illustrious.*
He expired on the 27th of September, 1404, in the eighty-
first year of his age, having presided over the see of Win-
chester above thirty- eight years.
None of his decisions as Chancellor have come down to us,
but he left a greater name to posterity than many of his suc-
cessors of much higher juridical authority. We are to ad-
mire in him not only his unrivalled skill in one of the fine
arts, but his extraordinary aptitude for all civil business, his
equal and benevolent temper, his enlightened munificence, and
his devoted love of learning. f
We are now in the tranquil period of Richard's reign, in
which he was permitted to give free scope to his love of indo-
lence, low pleasures, and frivolous company. Thomas de
Arundel's second Chancellorship lasted about five years,
Avithout being marked by any striking events till the close of
* The bull of Pope Urbanus VI. for founding Winchester school, was granted
1st June, 1378. The building of the college at Oxford, which he called " St.
Mary College of Winchester, at Oxford," afterwards " New College," was begun
in 1380 and finished in 1386; the papal bull confirming its statutes is dated
19th July, 1398. — I have a great kindness for the memory of William of Wick-
ham, when I think of his having produced such Wickhamists as my friends
Baron Rolfe and Professor Empson.
" Hactenus ire libet, tu major laudibus istis
Suscipc conatus, Wicame Dive, meos."
t See Hist. Descrip. Gul. Wick. Life by Lowth.
THOMAS ARUNDEL, CHANCELLOR.
299
it. Parties continued pretty equally balanced, and what lias
since been called b, juste milieu government prevailed.
During this time the jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery
was greatly extended, and the famous writ of subpoena came
into use as invented or improved by John de Waltham, who
was Master of the Rolls, and several times intrusted with the
custody of the Great Seal as deputy to the Chancellor, though
he never held it in his own right.*
* Blackstone is entirely mistaken in asserting that John de Waltham was
Chancellor to Richard II.', and as he never was Chancellor, nor held the Great
Seal as Keeper in his own right, he does not properly come into the list of those
whose lives I have undertaken to write. Yet, as his name is so distinguished
in the history of the equitable jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery, the reader
may be desirous of being informed of what is known concerning him.
His birth and place of education have not been traced. He was an eccle-
siastic who devoted himself to the study of the civil and canon law, in which he
made great proficiency. He was early introduced as a clerk in Chancery, and
soon rose to be a Master. Rendering himself useful to Lord Chancellor Cour-
tenay, he was by his interest appointed one of the Receivers of Petitions for
England, Ireland, Wales, and Scotland, in the parliament which met in
5 Ric. 2., and in the same year was created Master of the Rolls.^ The fol-
lowing year, under Lord Chancellor Scrope, he was a Keeper of the Great Seal
along with Hugh de Segrave, the Treasurer of England, and William de Digh-
ton, Keeper of the Privy Seal, and he was a joint Keeper of the Great SeaP
likewise, under the two succeeding Chancellors. But in April, 1386, he was
appointed sole Keeper of the Great Seal under Lord Chancellor de la Pole ■*,
and again in September, 1394, under Lord Chancellor Arundel.* He was after-
wards consecrated Bishop of Salisbury, and finally was made Lord Treasurer of
England.^
But the great disgrace or glory imputed to him, was the invention of the writ
of suBPCENA in Chancery, and some have represented him by the sale of his new
writ, and his extension of the jurisdiction of the Chancellor, in derogation of the
common law, to merit the denunciation,
" Vendidit hie auro patriam, dominumque potentem
Imposuit, fixit leges pretio atque refixit ; "
while others would inscribe his name among those
" Inventas — qui vitam excoluere per artes,
Quique sui memores alios fecere merendo."
In censuring and extolling him there has been much exaggeration. While
obscurity veils the honour due to the first happy discoverers of the latitat and
quo minus, the indignant complaint of the Commons " that the subpoena in
Chancery had never been known before the time of Sir John de Waltham," has
fixed upon him the responsibility of being the author of this writ. In reality,
he first framed it in its present form, when a clerk in Chancery, in the latter
end of the reign of Edward III. ; but the invention consisted in merely adding
to the old clause Quibusdam certis de causis, the words " Et hoc sub poena cen-
tum librarum nullatenus omittas';" and I am at a loss to conceive how such
CHAP.
XVIL
' Bl. Com. iii. 52.
* Rot. Pat. 5 Ric. 2. m. 22
' Rot. CI. G Ric. 2. m. 12.
* Rot. CI. 9 Ric. 2. m. 5.
" 14 Ric. 2. Or. Jur. 54.
' See Rot. Pat. 38 Ed. 3. p. i. m. 1 5
Rot. Pari. 3 Hen. 5. m. 2.
Rot. CI. 9 Ric. 2.
'' Rot. CI. IS Ric. 2. m. 31.
Rot. Claus. 20 Ed. 3. p. ii. m. 4. d.
History of
John de
Waltham.
His inven-
tion of
writ of
SUBPCENA.
300
REIGN OP RICHARD II.
CHAP.
XVII.
Proceed-
ings ill par-
liament
against tlie
Court of
Chancery.
Chancellor
goes with
King to
Ireland.
These Innovations were highly unpopular, and vigorous
attempts were made to check them ; but nothing more could
be effected in this reign than passing stat. 17 Rich. 2. c. 6.,
entitled, " Upon an untrue suggestion in the Chancery,
Damages may be awarded," whereby, after reciting " that
forasmuch as people be compelled to come before the King's
counsel or in the Chancery by writs grounded on untrue sug-
gestions," it is enacted, " that the Chancellor for the time
being, presently after that such suggestions be duly found and
proved untrue, shall have power to ordain and award damages,
according to his discretion, to him which is so troubled
unduly, as aforesaid."
This remedy, which was referred to the discretion of the
Chancellor himself, whose jurisdiction was to be controlled,
proved, as might have been expected, wholly ineffectual, but
it was used as a parliamentary recognition of his jurisdiction,
and a pretence for refusing to establish any other check
to it.
In the month of September, 1394, the Chancellor attended
the King into Ireland, when the Great Seal was committed
to the custody of John de Waltham, who had now risen to
the dignity of Bishop of Salisbury and Treasurer of England ;
but when he likewise went to Ireland, it was handed over to
John Searle, who had succeeded him as Master of the Rolls.
It was thrice again in the keeping of the same person before
the next revolution of the government, on occasions when the
Chancellor, now translated to the see of Canterbury, was too
much occupied with his other avocations to attend to his
judicial duties.*
The Duke of Gloucester, to whose party Arundel had
attached himself, was making a struggle to grasp the whole
power of the state, and, according to Froissart, aimed at the
His death.
importance was attached to it, or how it was supposed to have brought about so
complete a revolution in equitable proceedings ; for the penalty never was
enforced, and if the party failed to appear, his default was treated (according to
the practice prevailing to our own time) as a contempt of court, and made the
foundation of compulsory process.
John de Waltham continued to hold the office of Lord Treasurer till his death
in September, 1395. By the command of Richard II. he was buried in the
chapel royal of Westminster Abbey, among the Kings of England.
• Rot. CI. 19 Ric, 2. m 12. 20 Ric. 2. m. 28.
EDMUND STAFPOKD, CHANCELLOK. 301
crown Itself, although Richard had declared in parliament chap.
that, in case of his decease without issue, the house of March,
descended from the Duke of Clarence, the second son of
Edward III., were his true heirs.
Richard for a short time showed some energy in defence of Removal
his rights. Arundel, the Chancellor, was removed from his nov.'^"23 ^ '
office, and replaced by Edmund Staffokd, Bishop of Exeter, i396.
who had sided with Gloucester's enemies, and Gloucester E»m»nd
Dimselt was arrested and sent over to Calais as a state pri- Chancellor,
soner. The Dukes of Lancaster and York, the King's other
uncles, concurred in these measures, and all who had opposed
them were now at the mercy of the ruling faction.
As usual on such occasions, a parliament was called to
register decrees of vengeance, and acted with the expected
vigour and unanimity. Some objection might safely be made
to a particular measure which did not excite the passions of
men as it passed through either House ; but a regular par-
liamentary opposition was unknown, and no division ever took
place on a bill of attainder or forfeiture, — for this plain reason,
that the names of the minority would have been immediately
introduced into the bill, and they would forthwith have found
themselves entering through the Traitor's Gate into the Tower,
shortly to tread the scaffold on Tower Hill, if not assassinated
before the day fixed for their execution.
Lord Chancellor Stafford opened the session with a speech Chancel-
from the words of Ezekiel, "Rex unus erit omnibus." He o^fo'S^
prepared men for a little wholesome severity, by saying, parliament.
" That laws ought to be executed, appears by the common
example of a good father who uses to strike as well as stroke
his child ; for the better execution of them, the King has
appointed new judges and officers through the realm."*
The first step of tlie Commons was to impeach the Ex- Ex-chan-
chancellor Arundel, for treason, in respect of what he had Arundel
done when Bishop of Ely, in procuring the Commission in the impeached
tenth year of the King's reign. Knowing that defence was victed.
useless, and that being a churchman his life was safe, he con-
fessed the charge. Upon this, the King and the Lords tem-
* 1 Pari. Hist. 221.
302 EEIGN OF RICHARD II.
CHAP, poral, and (strange to say) the Prelates, by a lay commoner
who held their proxy, " adjudged and declared the said
article which the Archbishop had confessed to be treason, and
that it touched the King himself; for which they also ad-
judged and declared him a traitor, and it was awarded that he
should be banished out of the kingdom, have his temporalities
seized, and forfeit all his lands and goods to the King."
However, he had six weeks allowed him to pass by the port
of Dover into France.*
The Earl of Arundel, his brother, to the same charge
pleaded the pardon granted by act of parliament as well as by
proclamation ; but the plea was overruled, and he was con-
victed and executed.
Family of The new Chancellor, the Bishop of Exeter, who presided
ford&** ^^^^ these atrocities, was of illustrious descent, being of the
family of the Staffords, which from the Conquest till the
reign of Henry VIII. flourished at the head of the English
nobility. He was a younger brother of the present Earl. The
men of obscure origin, however great their talents, generally
worked their way slowly up to the high ecclesiastical dig-
nities, which were often bestowed on youths of high birth,
almost before they were of canonical age to take orders.
Edmund Stafford was consecrated Bishop of Exeter, pos-
sessing little theological learning, and was now made Lord
Chancellor without any knowledge of the law. But he was
a daring and reckless politician.
It is to be hoped that he did not counsel the murder of the
Duke of Gloucester at Calais, although Hume rather justifies
this coup d^etat, on the ground that a person of such influence
could not have been safely brought to trial in England f, but
the Chancellor openly sanctioned the banishment of Henry
of Bolingbroke and the Duke of Norfolk, together with the
other hasty and tyrannical measures which were precipitating
the fate of the unhappy Richard.
A.D. 1399, On the death of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, the
King, with the concurrence of the Chancellor, seized all the
possessions and jurisdictions of this powerful family as for-
* 1 St. Tr. 123. t Vol. iii. 32.
JOHN SEARLE, CHANCELLOR.
303
felted to the Crown, although the sentence against Henry of chap.
Bolingbroke had only been banishment for ten years, and
it had been expressly stipulated that he should be entitled by ^ d, 1399.
his attorney to enter into possession of any succession that
might fall to him in the mean time. This act of injustice
made Henry desperate, and led to his invasion of England
and his claim of the crown.
Edmund Stafford, the Chancellor, did not accompany Henry of
Richard in his ill-judged expedition to Ireland, and he seems ^^°'^"^'
to have remained in possession of the Great Seal in London claims the
till after Henry had landed at Ravenspurg, — had been joined "°^°-
by the Duke of York at St. Alban's, — had taken Bristol, —
had put to death the Earl of Wiltshire and others of the
King's ministers whom he found there, — had got possession
of Richard's person on his return from Ireland, — and was de
facto the master of the kingdom.
As might be expected, the records at the conclusion of this John
reign are very defective, and historians and antiquaries have chancellor
been much puzzled respecting the manner in which the office
of Chancellor was then disposed of. There is no entry to be
found of any transfer of the Great Seal under Richard from
the time when Stafford, Bishop of Exeter, was first sworn
in ; but from Privy Seal bills still extant, it is certain that
before Richard's formal deposition, and the elevation of Henry
to the throne, Thomas de Arundel, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, and John Searle, who had been made Master of the
Rolls in 1394, were successively invested with the office of
Chancellor.
The transfer of the Seal to Arundel must have been be-
tween the 15th of July and the 23d of August, the former
being the last date of the Privy Seal bills addressed to the
Bishop of Exeter, and the other the earliest date of those ad-
dressed to the Archbishop of Canterbury ; and on the like
evidence Searle's appointment must have been between the
3d and 5th of September.
The learned and acute Mr. Duffus Hardy conjectures that
Richard had recalled the Archbishop from banishment, and
again made him Chancellor*; but, with the greatest respect
* Hardy's Chancellors, 46.
304
REIGN OF RICHARD II.
CHAP.
XVII.
A.D. 1399.
Ex-clian-
cellor
Arundel
accompa-
nies Henry.
for this high authority, I think it certain that the change was
made, though in Richard's name, yet without his privity, and
by those who were about to dethrone him.
When Bolingbroke and the Duke of Norfolk were banished,
it was prescribed that they should have no intercourse with
Archbishop Arundel, then in exile, and considered a very
dangerous man ; but as soon as Bolingbroke had renounced
all thoughts of reconciliation with Richard, he entered into a
close alliance with the Archbishop, and they jointly planned
the invasion of England durino; Richard's absence in Ireland.
The Archbishop, with his nephew the young Earl of Arundel,
embarked with Henry at Nantes,' landed with him in York-
shire, advised and supported him in all his proceedings, and
actually placed the crown upon his head. From the time
when Richard surrendered himself to the Earl of Northum-
berland at Conway, which was on the 18th of August, he
was a prisoner, and having been forced to issue writs for the
calling of a parliament to depose him, he was carried to
London, and kept in close custody in the Tower. We may
conjecture that an order was extorted at the same time for
delivering the Seal to the Archbishop, and that by him the
writs were sealed.
It seems at first sight more difficult to account for
Arundel's parting with the office so suddenly ; for Searle was
certainly Chancellor by the 5th of September, and Richard's
reign nominally continued till the 30th of the same month,
when parliament met, and his deposition was pronounced.
Searle was in the interest of Henry, and was continued by
him in office.
The probability is, that the Archbishop, who cast all the
parts In the drama of the revolution, intending that he himself,
as metropolitan and first in precedence in the realm, should
lead Henry to the vacant throne in Westminster Hall, and
crown him in Westminster Abbey, conceived that it would
have a better effect if he should appear only in his sacred
character, and the civil office of Chancellor should for the
time be filled by another. He, therefore, may have handed it
over to Searle, his creature, in the belief that he should be
able to resume it at pleasure.
JOHN SEAELE, CHANCELLOR.
305
I do not find Searle's name mentioned as takin? any active CHAP,
part in the parliamentary proceedings on this change of ^
dynasty, and he was probably only permitted to sit on the a.d. 1399.
woolsack in the House of Lords, and to put the question as
Speaker.
On Michaelmas-day, the Archbishop accompanied Henry Deposition
to the Tower, Richard, while a prisoner there, having said ^ j Richard
that, " he was willing to resign as he had promised, but that
he desired to have some discourse with his cousin the Duke of
Lancaster and the Archbishop of Canterbury before he ful-
filled such his promise." The record of the deposition on the
Parliament Roll relates that " the King, having had discourse
with the said Duke and Archbishop, exhibiting a merry
countenance as appeared to those that stood round about,
holding the schedule of renunciation in his hand, very wil-
lingly read the same and subscribed it, and absolved all his
subjects from their allegiance to him." When this instru-
ment, supposed to have been so freely and cheerfully executed,
was read in parliament next day, " it was demanded by the
Chancellor of the estates and people then present, — to wit,
first, the Archbishop of Canterbury, to whom, by reason of
the dignity and prerogative of his metropolitan church it be-
longs in this behalf to have the first voice amono;st the rest of
the prelates and nobles of the realm, whether for their interest,
and the utility of the kingdom, they would he willing to admit
such renunciation and cession ? " This being carried with great
applause, the Archbishop thought it would be well to have
another string to his bow, lest hereafter the free agency of the
act of resignation should be doubted by some suspicious per-
sons, and he caused articles to be exhibited against Richard
for misgovernment, and a solemn sentence of deposition to be
pronounced against him.*
The throne thus being declared vacant, Henry of Boling-
broke, who had taken his seat at the head of the temporal
lords, rose and made his memorable claim, *' in the name of
Fader, Son, and Holy Ghost," having humbly fortified him-
* 1 St. Tr. 135. 1 Pari. Hist. 242.
VOL. I. X
306
REIGN OP RICHARD II.
CHAP.
XVII.
A.D. 1399.
Henry
raised to
the throne.
New par-
liament.
Celebrated
speech for
Richard by
Bishop of
Carlisle.
self with the sign of the cross on his forehead and on his
breast.
The states, with the whole people, having consented that the
said Duke should reign over them, the Archbishop, taking him
by the right hand, led him to the royal chair of state, which
had been placed at the upper end of the hall ; and when
the new King, kneeling down before it, had prayed a little
while, the Archbishop caused him to sit in the royal seat, and
delivered an oration from the text, Vir dominahitur populo,
" A man shall reign over my people," 1 Sam. ix. 17. ; in which
he pointed out the evils of the rule of children, and the abuses
of the late reign, and the blessings to be expected from the
mature wisdom of him who was now to wield the sceptre ;
concluding with these words — " And so, in the stead of a
child wantoning in foolish stubborn humours, a man shall
reign — and such a man, that it shall be said of him, A king
shall reign in wisdom^ and he shall execute judgment and do
justice in the earth'''*
On the 6th of October following, a new parliament met
under writs of summons issued under Henry's Great Seal, to
ratify these proceedings.
Lord Chancellor Searle was still silent, and the session was.
opened by a speech from the Archbishop, who took for his
text these words out of Maccabees, " Incumbit nobis ordinare
pro regno^'' — propounding the constitutional doctrine, " that
a King is not to rule by his own will or humour, but to be
governed by the honourable, discreet, and sage men of the
realm." f
His motion for confirming what had been done in the depo-
sition of Richard and the elevation of Henry, was passed with
the dissentient voice of one, who strenuously resisted it, and
earned the bright testimony " that he was the only honest
man in this parliament, scorning life and fortune in respect to
his Sovereign's right and his own allegiance." The noble
speech of the Bishop of Carlisle on this occasion, as given by
Sir John Hayward, greatly exceeds, not only in boldness,
but in lucid arrangement, close reasoning, and touching elo-
1 Pari. Hist. 249.
f Ibid. 285.
STATE OF THE LAW. 307
quence, any thing that could be expected from that age.* chap.
The oration was listened to : but as soon as the orator had
concluded it, he was attached of high treason, and sent pri- ^.d. 1399.
soner to the Abbey of St. Alban's. Though his life was safe,
he was deprived of his bishopric. The Pope, as a testimony
to his integrity, made him titular Bishop of Samos.
The Archbishop then moved that the King should be
prayed to create his eldest son Prince of Wales, Duke of
Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, which was carried unani-
mously ; and thereupon the King, sitting in his royal seat in
full parliament, put a coronet on the head of Prince Henry,
and a ring of gold on his finger, and gave him a golden rod in
his hand, and kissed him.f
The Archbishop had next to manage a very delicate matter Fate of
— " the disposal of Richard's person in order to his keeping I^"=^'^'''^-
in safe custody, for the King would have his life saved."
Twenty-two spiritual and thirty-six lay lords being all who
were present, were severally asked their opinion, and they all
assented to the resolution, " that he should be put under a
safe and secret guard, and that no person who had been
familiar with him should be about his person, and that it
should be done in the most secret manner that could be
devised." J
We must not enter into the controversy how the unhappy
Richard came to his end, — whether by violence or famine ;
— and before passing on to the Chancellors of his successor, we
can only make a few observations on the equitable jurisdiction
of the Court of Chancery during his reign.
The practice of referring matters by parliament to the Equitable
Chancellor stiU occasionally prevailed. Thus in 15 Rich. II. Sf '''°"
two petitions were addressed to the King and the Peers, and Court of
the answer to each was the same, — " that the petition be sent jn'rei^'n^f
to the Chancery, — the Chancellor to hear both parties, — Kichardll.
and further let there be done by authority of parliament that
which right and reason and good faith and good conscience
demand." §
* 1 Pari. Hist. 274. See a beautiful abstract of it at the conclusion of
Hume's History of Ric. 2. vol. iii. 43., and sec Shak. Ric. 2. act iv. scene 1.
t 1 Pari. Hi'st. 273. J Ibid. 274. § Rot. Pari. vol. iii. 297.
X 2
308
REIGN OP RICHARD II.
CHAP.
XVII,
Complaint
against
Masters in
Chancery.
But the circuity of a petition to parliament or to the
Council was now seldom resorted to. I have shown the
opinion to be unfounded, that the equitable jurisdiction of the
Court of Chancery was not of earlier date ; but there can be
no doubt that, about this time, it was very much extended.
The petitions of the Commons in the 13th of E-ichard II.,
" that the Chancellor might make no order against the com-
mon law, and that no one should appear before the Chancellor
where recovery was given by the common law," carry in them
an admission that a power of judicature did reside in the
Chancellor, so long as he did not determine against the com-
mon law, nor interpose where the common law furnished a
remedy. The King's answer, " that it should continue as the
usage had been heretofore," clearly demonstrates that such an
authority, restrained within due bounds, was recognised by
the constitution of the country.
The use of the writ of subpoena to compel an appearance
by the defendant, gave new vigour to the process of the
Court, and the necessity for previously filing a written state-
ment of the grievance alleged to require relief in equity, intro-
duced the formal proceeding by " Bill and Answer," instead
of a mere loose petition to be heard in a summary way, ore
tenus. In fact, the practice of addressing bills directly to the
Chancellor had become quite common, and many of them are
still extant.
The greatest Indignation broke forth in this reign against
the Masters in Chancery, who were considered overgrown
and oppressive sinecurists. In 5 R. 11. a complaint was ex-
hibited against them in parliament, " that they were over fatt
both in boddie and purse, and over well furred in their bene-
fices, and put the Kinge to veiry great cost more than
needed *," — yet nothing effectual was done to reform them.
The execution of Tressilian, and the punishment of the
other common-law judges under Lord Chancellor Arundel,
was attended with much violence, but had a powerful influence
in creating a respect for parliamentary privilege, which they
had attempted utterly to subvert.
• Harg. Law Tracts, 314.
STATE OF THE LAW. 309
Upon the whole, down to the accession of the House of CHAP.
...... . . XVII
Lancaster, our juridical institutions, including the Court of '
Chancery, had gone on with a steady improvement, but they
remained nearly stationary from this time till the union of the
Roses in the reign of Henry VII.*
* See Cooper on Public Records, ii. pp. 359, 360. 377.
X :i
310 REIGN OF HENRY IV.
CHAPTER XVIII.
CHANCELLORS AND KEEPEBS OF THE GREAT SEAL DURING THE
REIGN OF HENRY IV.
CHAP. John Seakle, who had nomlnallv been Chancellor to
XVIII . .
■ Richard II., and presided on the woolsack as a tool of Arch-
Sept. 30. bishop Arundel, was for a short time continued in the office
1399. i,y i\^Q jigy^ Sovereign.
Sea RLE, Little is known respecting his origin or prior history. He
nominally jg supposed to havc been a mere clerk in the Chancery-
brought forward for a temporary purpose to play the part of
Chancellor. Having strutted and fretted his hour upon the
stage, he was heard of no more. It proved convenient for
the Staifords, the Beauforts, and the Arundels, that he should
be thus suddenly elevated and depressed.
A parlia- Henry began his reign by summoning a parliament to
A.D. 1401. meet at Westminster on the 21st of January, 1401. On
that day the knights and burgesses were called into the Court
of Chancery in Westminster Hall before the Chancellor, and
by the King's authority he put off the meeting of the parliament
Chancellor till the morrow.* The Lords and Commons then met the
to address King in the Painted Chamber, but on account of incapacity
^e two fQj. public speaking the Chancellor was silent, and the speech
explaining the causes of calling parliament, was, by the
King's command, delivered by Sir William Thyrning, Chief
Justice of the King's Bench.
Resigns. On the 9th of March following Lord Chancellor Searle sur-
rendered the Great Seal to the King in full parliament, and
his Majesty immediately delivered it to Edmund Staffi)rd,
Bishop of Exeter, who had held it towards the end of the
preceding reign, and had been a special favourite of Richard,
but had joined in the vote for deposing him.
* 1 Pari. Hist. 285.
EDMUND STAFFORD, CHANCELLOR. 311
"We are left entirely Ignorant as to the fate of Ex-chan- CHAP
"XVTTT
cellor Searle. Had he been a prelate we should have traced
him in the chronicles of his diocese, but. we have no means of jjj^ qJj_
discovering the retreat of a layman, unconnected with any scurity.
considerable family, and of no personal eminence. He was
probably fed in the buttery of some of the great barons
whom he had served, hardly distinguished while he lived or
when he died from their other idle retainers. He may enjoy
the celebrity of being the most inconsiderable man who ever
held the office of Chancellor in England.*
Edmund Stafford, restored to the office of Chancellor, Edmund
now found his situation very irksome, and very diiferent StaflTord
•' . restored.
from what it had been under the feeble Richard. Henry
looked with jealousy and distrust even on those who had
helped him to the crown, and confined all whom he employed
strictly to their official duties. The Chancellor's disgust was
increased by an attack which the Commons now made on
the jurisdiction of his Court. They complained by petition
to the King of the new writ of subpoena, and prayed " that
people might be only treated according to the right laws of
the land anciently used : " but the King's answer tended to
confirm the jurisdiction complained of : " Such writs ought
not to issue except in necessary cases, and then by the dis-
cretion of the Chancellor or King's Council for the time
being."
A considerable improvement, however, was effected in the issues of
mode of proceeding when issues were joined upon contro- f^ct ansmg
verted facts in the Court of Chancery. The custom seems Chancery
to have been for the Chancellor himself to try them, calling [° a^Court
in common-law judges to his assistance; but the Commons of common
now prayed " that because great mischiefs happen in the
Court of Chancery by the discussion of all pleas in matters
traversed in the said Court, and by the judges of the two
benches being taken out of their Courts to assist in the dis-
cussion of such matters, to the great delay of the law and to
* His name appears in the new House of Lords among the Chancellors, but
it has baffled the research of the most learned antiquaries to discover his armo-
rial bearings. Doubts are entertained even whether his name was " Searle" or
" Searle."
X 4
law.
312 REIGN OF HENRY IV.
CHAP, the damage of the people, the King would ordain that tra-
^^^^'' verses in the Court of Chancery be sent and returned either
into the King's Bench or Common Pleas, and there discussed
and determined according to law." The King's answer was,
" The Chancellor, by virtue of his office, may grant the same,
and let it be, as it has been before these times, at the dis-
cretion of the Chancellor for the time being." * Ever since,
when an issue of fact is joined on the common-law side of
the Court, the Chancellor hands it over to be tried in the
Court of King's Bench, and controverted facts in equity
proceedings he directs to be tried by a jury in any of the
common-law Courts at his discretion.
The Chan- Stafford held the Great Seal only till the end of February,
Iwns '^' ^^^^- ^^® ^^^^ ^^'^^P* of ^ts power had lost its attraction
Feb. 1403. for him, and he, who differed very little from the warlike
baron his elder brother, had no inclination to sit day by day
as a judge in the Court of Chancery, for which he felt him-
self so unfit, — under the vigilant superintendence of the un-
mannerly Commons. He therefore willingly resigned the
Great Seal into the King's hands, and retired to his diocese
to exercise baronial hospitality, and to enjoy hunting and
the other sports of the field, in the vain hope that some
revolution in politics would again enable him to mix in the
His retreat factious Strife which still more delighted him. But he con-
eat 1. ^ijjyg(] ^Q languish in tranquillity, and before the war of the
Roses began, which would so much have suited his taste,
he was gathered to his fathers.
March 10. Upon this vacancy the Great Seal was given to the King's
CARmNAL half-brother, Henry Beaufort f, who was four times Lord
Beaufort, Chancellor, who was created a Cardinal, and who made a dis-
tinguished figure as a statesman during three reigns.
His origin He was the second son of John of Gaunt, by his mistress
caree^r!"^ ^ Catherine Swinford, afterwards his wife, and with the other
issue of this connection, he had been legitimated by act of par-
liament in the 20th of Richard II., under the condition of not
being entitled to succeed to the Crown. He studied both at
Oxford, at Cambridge, and at Aix la Chapelle. Taking
• Rot. Par. 2 Hen. 4. f Privy Seal Bills, 4 Hen. 4.
CARDINAL. BEAUFORT, CHANCELLOR. 313
orders, he rose rapidly in the church, and while still a young CHAP,
man, he was, in 1397, made Bishop of Lincoln by his royal
cousin. He gained great celebrity by assisting at the Council ^^, 1404.
of Constance, and by making a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.
When he first obtained the Great Seal he still remained
Bishop of Lincoln.
The following year he was translated to Winchester, where
he succeeded the famous William of Wickham, and he con-
tinued till his death to hold this see, then considered the best
in England to accumulate wealth, — which was through life his
ruling passion, great as was his love of power.
During this reign, the King was his own minister, and His con-
neither the present nor any of his other Chancellors had much Chancellor
influence in the affairs of government. They were in the
habit of delivering a speech at the opening of every parlia-
ment ; but it was rather considered the speech of the Bang,
which could not be censured without disloyalty.
Three parliaments met in Henry Beaufort's first Chancel- Attempt of
lorship, at which nothing very memorable was effected ; but Commons
at the last of them an attempt was made by the Commons to seize
(probably at the instigation of the King), which, if it had sue- property,
ceeded, would have greatly altered both the ecclesiastical and
civil history of the country. All who are friendly to a well-
endowed church ought to exclaim, *• Thank God we have had a
House of Lords." The Chancellor, in a speech from the text,
" Rex vocavit seniores terrae," having pressed most urgently
for supplies, the Commons came in a body, and the King being
on the throne proposed, " That without burthening his people,
he might supply his occasions by seizing on the revenues of the
clergy ; that the clergy possessed a third part of the riches of
the realm, which evidently made them negligent in their duty;
and that the lessening of their excessive incomes would be a
double advantage both to the church and the state."
Archbishop Arundel, being now free from the trammels of
office, said to the King, who seems to have been addressed as
the president of the assembly, " That though the ecclesiastics
served him not in person, it could not be inferred that they
were unserviceable ; that the stripping the clergy of their
estates would put a stop to their prayers night and day for the
314
REIGN OF HENRY IV.
CHAP.
XVIII.
" Lack-
learning
parlia-
ment."
welfare of the state ; and there was no expecting God's pro-
tection of the kingdom if the prayers of the church were so
little valued." The Speaker of the Commons standing at the
bar, smiled, and said openly, " that he thought the prayers of
the church a very slender supply." To which the Archbishop
answered, with some emotion, " that if the prayers of the church
were so slighted, it would be found difficult to deprive them
of their estates without exposing the kingdom to great danger ;
and so long as he were Archbishop of Canterbury, he would
oppose the injustice to the utmost in his power." Then sud-
denly falling on his knees before the King, " he strongly
pressed him in point of conscience, and endeavoured to make
him sensible that of all the crimes a Prince could commit,
none was so heinous as an invasion of the church's patrimony."
The King, seeing the impression made upon the Peers, de-
clared " that he had made a firm resolution to support the
church with all his power, and hoped by God's assistance to
leave her in a better state than he found her." The Arch-
bishop, construing this as a peremptory veto on the proposal
of the Commons, turned to them and made them a most in-
sulting speech, telling them their demand was built wholly on
irreligion and avarice ; " and verily," added he, " I will sooner
have my head cut off than that the church should be de-
prived of the least right pertaining to it." Such a scene is
very inconsistent with our notions of parliamentary decorum.
The Commons not convinced, — on their return to their
own chamber passed a bill to carry their scheme into effect ;
but the solicitations of the Archbishop and the other Pre-
lates were so powerful with the Lords that they threw
it out.*
The recklessness of the Commons may have arisen from
their not having had a single lawyer amo»g them. Lord
Chancellor Beaufort, in framing the writs of summons, ille-
gally inserted a prohibition, " that no apprentice or other man
of the law should be elected," — grounded on a most uncon-
stitutional ordinance of the Lords in the 46th of Edward
III., to which the Commons had never assented, and which
* 1 Pari. Hist, 294.
THOMAS LONGLEY, CHANCELLOR. 315
had not been acted upon. In return for such a slight, our CHAP,
• • • X VIII
law books and historians have branded this parliament with
the name of " parliamentum indoctum," or " the lack-learning
parliament ;" and Sir Edward Coke observes with some
spleen, that " there never was a good law made thereat : " —
adding that as these writs were against law, lawyers ever
since (for the great and good service of the com-
monwealth) have been eligible.*
At the end of two years Henry Beaufort appears to have Feb. 27.
lost his royal brother's favour, for he was removed from his ^^g^^^jj^j^j
office, and he did not recover it during the remainder of this Beaufort "
removed.
reign.
He was now succeeded by an ecclesiastic, Thomas Long- Thomas
LEY, who then having high church preferment, was likewise nh**^^!]^'
Keeper of the Privy Seal, — was soon raised to the See of
Durham f, — was afterwards made a Cardinal |, — and had
the fortune to be Chancellor under three successive Sove-
reigns.
This minion of fortune was of obscure origin, being the
son of a yeoman, who lived at Longley, in the county of
York. We first hear of him as chaplain in the family of
John of Gaunt, who, by a will made in 1388, appointed him
his executor. In the course of three years he became canon
of York, and he soon rose rapidly in the church. He then
recommended himself to Cardinal Beaufort, by whose interest
he was made Keeper of the Privy Seal.
Longley 's first Chancellorship lasted little more than a year. Feb. 15.
During that time he presided at a parliament called by the ^^^^'
King, chiefly for the purpose of introducing the Salic law jntroducV''
into England, whereby, although the Crown had come to the Salic law
house of Plantagenet through a female, it was to descend only }^„j "^'
to males, — witb a view of superseding the claim of the
descendants of the daughter of Lionel, Duke of Clarence,
one of whom, according to the doctrine of legitimacy, was
now entitled to occupy the throne. The Chancellor, to prepare
the minds of the members of both Houses of Parliament for
* 1 Bl. Com. 177. 4 Inst. 48. Some writers say that the prohibition was
contained in letters written by the King himself to the Sheriffs.
t May, 1406. t By Pope John XXIIL in 1411.
316
REIGN OF HENRY IV.
CHAP.
XVIII.
Proceed-
ings in
parliament
respecting
the Court
of Chan-
cery.
A.D. 1406.
this measure, opened the session with a very learned and con-
ciliatory speech from the text, " Multorum consilia requirun-
tur in magnis," and he compared the King to Ahashiierus,
Qui interrogavit sapientes et illorum cauta faciebat consilia.
An act was accordingly passed in due form for entailing
the Crown on the present King and the heirs male of his body,
tacitly excluding females ; but this act' was so much disliked
by the nation, who during the wars for fifty years arising out
of the claim of Edward III. to the Crown of France, had
fought for the contrary doctrine, and who dreaded future
civil wars from any change in the law of succession, that it
was almost immediately after repealed, and the Crown was
settled upon the King and his descendants according to the
ancient rules of inheritance.*
The House of Commons took the opportunity to enquire
diligently into all abuses, particularly in the administration of
justice, and complained of the encroachments and delays in
the Court of Chancery, which was denounced as a great public
grievance. There had been heavy complaints of abuses both
with respect to the Great and Privy Seal, and " it was
agreed by the King and parliament, that for the preservation
of the laws of the kingdom the Chancellor and the Keeper of
the Privy Seal should not allow any warrant, grant by
patent, judgment, or any other thing to pass under the seals
in their custody, which by law and right ought not to pass,
and that they should not unduly delay such as ought to
The Commons then presented articles to the King, " That
worthy councillors and officers be appointed, and not to be
removed without good proof of their ill-management. That
two certain days in the week be appointed for all suitors to
present their petitions to the King. That none of the Coun-
cil hold pleas of matters determinable at common law, and
tliat all the King's great officers of every Court shall maintain
the common law." There is added an article which seems to
us a strange mode of preserving the independence and purity
of the judges : " That no judicial officer in any of the Courts
1 Pari. Hist. 298.
t Rot. Pari. vol. iii. p. 586.
THOMAS ARUNDEL, CHANCELLOR. 317
enjoy any office but at will." This was probably aimed at CHAP,
the sale of these offices, whereby it was thought, by reason of
a supposed vested right in the purchaser, they were placed
beyond the control of parliament. The King, who on ac-
count of the infirmity of his title, was obliged to court popu-
larity, not only agreed to all these articles himself, but after
a stout resistance from the Upper House, prevailed on the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and all the Lords spiritual and
temporal, to swear to observe them, " whereby they became
statutes binding in law and conscience."*
Archbishop Arundel's compliance was quickened by the Archbishop
prospect of recovering the Great Seal, and in the beginning ^^j""g^ ^^
of 1407, he became Chancellor the fourth time, f office of
The first proceeding before him was the trial of Wil- jan."3o.° *
liam Thorpe, a priest, for heresy, of which we have a very 1407.
interesting report by the defendant himself. He says :
" Being brought before Thomas Arundel, Archebyshope of
Canterbury and Chancellor of Ingland, when that I came to
hym he stoode in a great chamber and moche people aboute
hym ; and when that he sawe me he went faste into a closett,
bydding all secular men that followed hym to go forth from
hym." There is then a long account of the heresies imputed
to the defendant, with his answers, filling many pages, in which
he gives himself greatly the advantage over his judge. At last,
allusion being made to the Archbishop's banishment, his Grace
said, "I shall assay e if I can make thee as sorrowfull, as it was
tolde me thou waste gladde, of my laste going out of Ingland;
by Seynt Thomas I shall tourne thy joye into sorrowe." The
narrative continues — " And I sayde, ' There can no body proue
lawfully that I ioyed ever of the manner of your goynge out
of this land. But, Sir, to say the sothe, I was joyfull when ye
were gone.' — The Archebishoppe said to me, ' Be this thinge
well known to the, that God (as I wot well) hath called me
agayne, and brought me into this lande for to destroye the,
and the false secte that thou arte of, as, by God, I shall per-
sue you so narroulye that I shall not leave a steppe of you
in thys lande.' — And I said to the Archebishoppe, * Sir, the
* 1 Pari. Hist. 290. f Rot. CI. 8. Hen. 4. m. 23.
318
REIGN OF HENRY IV.
CHAP.
XVIII.
March 10.
1409.
Chancellor
dismissed.
Great Seal
in custody
of Master
of Rolls.
Ex-chan-
cellor
Beaufort
addresses
the two
Houses.
holy prophete Jeremy saide to the false prophete Anany,
* IFhan the worde that is the prophecye of a prophete is knowen
or fulfilled, than it shall he knowen that the Lorde sente the
prophete in treuthP — And the Archebishoppe, as if he hadde
not been pleased with my sayinge, turned him awaye ward
hyther and thyther, and sayde, ' By God, I shall sette upon
thy shynnes a pair of perlis, that thou shalt be gladde to
chaunge thy voice.' " * This keen encounter ended in Thorpe
being " led forth and brought into a foul unhonest prison," —
where he is supposed to have died ; for he was no more
heard of. f
The Chancellor now remained in high favour with the
King for three years. On one occasion during this period.
His Majesty bestowed his bounty upon him in a manner that
at first caused him much alarm. The Great Seal was abruptly
demanded from him; the King kept it only a few hours,
while he caused a charter to be sealed granting the lordship
of Queenbury to the Chancellor for life, and immediately
after the Seal was restored to him. \
However, it was taken from him in good earnest on the
21st of December, 1409 §, when he must have had some
serious difference with the King concerning the business to be
brought forward at the parliament then about to assemble.
Henry kept it in his own hands till the 19th of January fol-
lowing, during which time several charters, letters patent,
and writs were sealed by himself. It was then delivered to
John Wakering, Master of the Eolls, as Keeper, for the
despatch of judicial business. I
In the mean time the parliament met, and, there being no
Chancellor, the session was opened by a speech from Ex-
chancellor Henry Beaufort, the King's brother, from the text
" Decet nos implere omnem justitiam," in which he reminded
the parliament of Aristotle's answer to Alexander when asked
the best mode of defending a city — "that the strongest walls
were the hearty goodwill of his subjects ; " but gave them a
* It appears also by the report of Lord Cobham's trial, that his Grace was
much given to swearing, even when acting judicially in a capital case. His
favourite oath on that occasion was, " By our Lady." — 2 St. Tr. 219.
t 2 St. Tr. 175. :f Rot. CI. 10 Hen. 4. m. 18.
§ Rot. CI. 1 1 Hen. 4. m. 8. || Rot. CI. 1 1 Hen. 4. m. 8.
SIR THOMAS BEAUFORT, CHANCELLOR. 319
strong hint that a supply was expected, by reminding them chap.
that benevolence was due from subjects to a Sovereign as well -^"^^J^-
as reverence.*
The Commons now eagerly pressed their expedient of Church in
seizing the property of the church, which they estimated at ^"S^'"-
485,000 marks a year, and which they proposed to divide
among 15 earls, 1500 knights, 6000 esquires, and 100 hos-
pitals, besides 20,000Z. a year which the King might take for
his own use ; and they insisted that the clerical functions
would be better performed than at present by 15,000 parish
priests paid at the rate of 7 marks a piece of yearly stipend.
The King was violently suspected of secretly favouring
this project ; but finding that it could not be carried, he threw
all the blame upon the poor Lollards, and, to satisfy the
church, ordered a Lollard to be burnt while the parliament
was still sitting. f
We have now a lay Chancellor, but not a lawyer, — another Sir Thomas
half-brother of the King, Sir Thomas Beaufort, who Beaufort,
'-' aiterwards
could not have been very fit for the office, but who reached Duke of
the highest dignity in the peerage of any man who ever held rh*^*^%
the Great Seal. He was bred a soldier, and in the reign of Jan. si.
Richard 11. had gained considerable credit by opposing his ^^^°'
bad counsels. He was created successively Earl of Dorset
and Duke of Exeter.
He continued Chancellor two years, during which time he His history
must often have sat in the marble chair at the marble table : ^"'^/^o'^-
. duct as
but he seems to have been much engaged in political business. Chancellor,
and he had the assistance of Sir John Wakering, the Master
of the Rolls. On one occasion he declared that he was so
much occupied with other business, that he had no time to
attend to the duties of his office {Quod circa alia negotia
adeo occupatus erat ut sigillationi vacare non posset). Political
Chancellors have not always been so plain-spoken.
After his surrender of the Great Seal, he remained in- His sub-
active for the remainder of this reign : but he afterwards ^^i"^"*
o ' career and
death.
* 1 Pari. Hist. 312.
f 1 Pari. Hist. 308. This was the beginning of burning heretics in England,
a practice which became more common till after the violent struggle excited by
the Reformation had subsided.
320
REIGN OF HENRY IV.
CHAP.
XVIII.
AD. 1412.
Archbishop
Arundel,
Chancellor
the fifth
time.
Illness of
Henry IV.
Character
of Chan-
cellors of
Henry IV.
made a most distinguished figure in the wars of Henry V.,
and upon the untimely death of that Sovereign he was con-
stituted guardian of the person of his infant successor, then
crowned King of France as well as of England. Although
he comes in the list of Chancellors, he had little to do with
the duties of the office or the profession of the law, and I
should not be justified in narrating his campaigns or entering
more circumstantially into his history. He died at Greenwich
in 1425, without issue, leaving his immense wealth to his
royal ward.
We have no certain explanation of the reason why he ceased
to be Chancellor any more than why he was first appointed.
Henry, though now only forty-five years of age, had fallen
into a mortal distemper, and felt serious compunction for the
manner in which he had acquired the Crown, as well as for
some of his acts in the exercise of his royal authority. Per-
haps, as his strength declined, he wished to have a spiritual
*' keeper of his conscience" who had been his chief councillor
and accomplice, and who might be expected to be a lenient
and absolving confessor.
On the 5th of January, 1412, the Great Seal was trans-
ferred to the aged Archbishop Arundel*, who became Chan-
cellor for the fifth time. While Henry languished under his
malady, nothing memorable occurred. He had long expected
death, and in one of his fits was supposed to be dead. At
last, on the 20th of March, 1413, he expired, in the Jerusa-
lem Chamber, at Westminster, having been taught to believe
that he had made a full atonement for all his transgressions,
by vowing that, if he recovered, he would lead an army to the
East and reconquer the Holy Land, and that his death under
these circumstances was tantamount to a fulfilment of his
vow.
He had appointed all his Chancellors merely from political
convenience, without any regard to their fitness for the judi-
cial duties of the office, and our jurisprudence is under no
obligation to them. They showed great vigour, however, in
enforcing the due administration of justice. While Cardinal
* Rot. Cl. 13 Hen. 4. m. 1.
THOMAS ARUNDEL, CHANCELLOR. 321
Beaufort was Chancellor, the Archbishop of York had been chap.
.... XVIII
guilty of an overt act of high treason, by joining in open
rebellion and levying war against the King. Being taken conviction
prisoner, he claimed to be set at liberty on account of his and execu-
sacerdotal character, but the government ordered him to be archbishop,
brought to trial. Sir William Gascoigne, Chief Justice of
the King's Bench, who had courage to commit the Prince of
Wales to prison for a contempt, was afraid to try an arch-
bishop. Thereupon, a commission passed the Great Seal for
his trial before another judge. Sir William Falthorpe, and he
was convicted and executed, to the great horror of all church-
men and many of the laity, although clerical exemptions and
privileges were now regarded with much less respect than
at any prior ara.*
The Chancellors at this time successfully resisted an attempt
by the Commons to participate in the appellate jurisdiction of
parliament, and obliged them to be contented with a resolu-
tion that their consent was necessary to all legislative acts.f
* As civilisation advanced, it was desirable that the power and exclusive
privileges of the clergy should be curtailed ; but their ascendancy during the
darker ages had been highly beneficial to the community. Not only were they
the sole depositaries of learning, but they were often the protectors of the
people against the tyranny of the King and the nobles. The enlightened re-
formers at Runnymede therefore made it the first article of Magna Charta,
" quod Ecclesia Anglicana libera sit, et habeat omnia jura sua integra, et liber-
tates suas illesas."
f See HaWs Jurisd. House of Lords. There is a curious entry in the Parlia-
ment Roll, showing the hours when the two Houses now met for the despatch
of business. At the parliament which assembled in ] 406, after the choice of
the speaker had been confirmed, " Et sur ceo le Chanceller d'Engleterre dona
en charge de par le Roi as ditz Communes, q. pur I'esploit du dit parlement ils
soient assemblez en lour maison accoustemez deinz I'Abbeie de Westm' chescun
jour durant le parlement a iept del clocke ; et semblable charge il dona as
seignrs. du parlement, qu'ils de lour partie pur mesme I'esploit se assemblent
en lour lieu accustume a noef del clocke." — Roll. Par. iii. 568.
VOL. I.
322
REIGN OF HENRY V.
CHAPTER XIX.
CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY V.
CHAP.
XIX.
March 21.
1413.
Accession
of Hen. V.
Great Seal
taken from
Arch-
bishop
Arundel,
and re-
stored to
Cardinal
Beaufort.
We now come to a reign for military exploits, one of the
most brilliant in our annals, but by no means distinguished
for juridical improvement, although during the course of it
the office of Chancellor was filled by very eminent men.
Henry V. being proclaimed King, to the great joy of the
people, — the first act of his reign was to take the Great Seal
from Archbishop Arundel, and deliver it to his uncle Henry
Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, the Cardinal, who now
entered on his second Chancellorship. The young King was
not actuated by any desire to change his father's ministers.
Contrary to the expectations of his dissolute companions, and
of the nation generally, his plan was to continue in their offices
all who had faithfully served the Crown.* Perhaps he was
induced to make an exception in the case of the Archbishop,
on account of the active part which this Prelate had taken in
the dethronement of Bichard II. Henry expressed the
deepest sorrow for the fate of that unhappy Prince, did justice
to his good qualities, performed his funeral obsequies with
pomp and solemnity, and cherished all those who had dis-
tinguished themselves by their loyalty and attachment to
him. The Archbishop, while in exile, and on his return to
England, had devised and prosecuted the plans which led
Richard to his grave, and he might now be an object of
personal dislike to the new King, who did not go so far as to
resign his Crown to the true heir, but affected much to favour
the doctrine of legitimacy.
* We might have expected to see the Great Seal now delivered to Sir John
FalstaflT, that he might play the part of " Chancellor," as he had done that of
" King ; " but instead of tliis, the stern order was given :
" Go, carry Sir John FalstafF to the Fleet :
Take all his company along with him."
CARDINAL BEAUFORT, CHANCELLOR. 323
We must now take final leave of Ex-chancellor Arundel. CHAP.
Relieved from official duties, he occupied himself in carrying
on a violent prosecution against the Lollards, whom the King Subsequent
was rather disposed to screen, and he presided on the trial career of
and condemnation of Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, their ceiior
leader, who had incurred the peculiar hatred of the clergy, Arundel,
by actively supporting the proposal to encroach on the ^,^.^^l d
revenues of the church. This intriguing Prelate and Chan- Cobham to
cellor does not fill so great a space in the eye of history as ^ ""^^ '
might have been expected, from the important part he acted
in the revolutions of his age ; but such was his reputation for
ability with his contemporaries, that when impeached for
high treason in 1397, the Commons having finished their
case, — as he began to answer for himself. Sir John Busby,
the Speaker, entreated the King that this might not be
allowed him, '• lest he might, by his subtlety and great wit,
bring persons over to believe him innocent," — so that he was
forced to remain silent.* Of his judicial character no author
makes mention. He died in January, 1413.
Cardinal Beaufort, two days after his appointment, sealed March 23.
writs for a new parliament to meet at Easter; and when the jig„g^ej
time came, opened the session with a s[)eech from the text, attempt t)f
"Ante omne actum consilium stabilire." f The Commons mo„sto"
made an attempt to reform the Ecclesiastical Courts and size the
other abuses, but exhausted themselves in attacks on the the church,
Lollards. These were renewed in a parliament which met
the following year, when laws were passed, at the suggestion A.n. uii.
of the Chancellor and other Prelates, against reading Wick-
liffe's translation of the Bible, and against other such enor-
mities. I But the church was alarmed by the Commons again
urgently pressing that the revenues of the clergy should be
applied to the purposes of the State, and passing a bill which,
says Hall, " made the fat abbots to sweat, the proud priors to
frown, the poor monks to curse, the silly nuns to weep, and
indeed all to fear that Babel would fall down."
It is said by some historians, that it was to divert this
* 1 St. Tr. 226. f 1 Pari. Hist. 319.
t 1 Pari. Hist. 324.
T 2
324 llEIGN OF HENRY V.
CHAP, storm from the church, that Chicheley, the new Archbishop of
^ Canterbury, strongly advised the King to claim the crown
j^j„ of France, and to lead an army across the seas in support of
claims liig pretended right. Certainly there is extant a long and
France, Very extraordinary speecli of his, addressed to the King in the
House of Lords, making out the title of Edward III., not-
withstanding the Salic law, and insisting that whatever title
that Sovereign had was now vested in his present Majesty.
He thus concluded, " Consider the just title you have to this
Crown, devolved on you by Queen Isabella your great-grand-
mother, sister and heir to three successive kings of France,
who died without children, and take up noble arms to assist
so just a cause. Advance your standard into France, and
with assured hopes of victory march to conquer those do-
minions which are your own by inheritance. There is no
true Englishman but is ready to devote his life and fortune
to so glorious a service of his King. And in full persuasion
of the justness of the war, we the clergy have given such a
sum of money to maintain it as was never granted to any of
your predecessors, and will join all our prayers for the success
of your arms." His Grace found it convenient to forget not
only the objections to the claim of Edward III., but the
awkward fact, that supposing this monarch to have been en-
titled to the crown of France, — if the succession to it was
not regulated by the Salic law, the true heir was the Earl of
March, descended from his second son the Duke of Clarence,
and not Henry V. descended from his third son, the Duke of
Lancaster ; — and if the parliament of England could cliange
the descent of the English crown, transferring it to a younger
branch of the royal family, it could have no such power
over the crown of another country, which could not be con-
sidered, like the Isle of Man, as appurtenant to the crown of
England.* But the Primate was warmly supported by the
Ex-chancellor Thomas Beaufort, then Earl of Dorset, after-
Avards Duke of Exeter, and his arguments prevailed with the
• After the revolution of 16S8, William III. and our conKtitutional kings
ot the House of Hanover called themselves kings of France, and bore the lilies
in their shield till the year 1801 ; — but to make out their title would have re
quired the eloquence of the Archbishop.
CARDINAL BEAUFOET, CHANCELLOE. 325
King and the royal brothers, who, being young and thirsting CHAP.
for glory, were impatient to signalise their courage against '
the old enemies of their native land. The same gallant
spirit diffusing itself through the minds of the other nobles,
they all declared for a war with France. The Ecclesiastical
Revenues Bill was allowed to drop, and as soon as a supply
was voted, the parliament was prorogued. The successive
ecclesiastical Chancellors who presided in the House of Lords
from this time till the quarrel with Rome in the reign of
Henry VIII., contrived to prevent the subject being again
brought forward in parliament.
But the clamours against the abuses of the Court of Chan-
cery could not be silenced. Cardinal Beaufort was now ex-
tending its jurisdiction in a maimer that greatly alarmed the
common lawyers, and caused the most lively remonstrances
from the House of Commons. As soon as the King returned a.d. i415.
to England, after his glorious campaign, commenced by the i^^>^ speech
capture of Harfleur, and ^^rowned by the battle of Agin- attheopen-
court, — a parliament was called, and the Chancellor, in his Uament,
speech with which the session was opened, tried to divert
attention from all domestic grievances, by a glowing descrip-
tion of the martial glory the nation had won. He strongly
urged them to be content with nothing less than the conquest
of France, endeavouring to demonstrate " that a thing well
begun, and continued with diligence, must have a prosperous
event, according to the saying, Dimidium facti qui bene coepit
habeV *
There were, of course, warm congratulations on account of Petition
the splendid success of the royal arms; but the first real ^(fu"fof^°
business was a petition from the Commons to the King (the Chancery,
usual mode of legislating in that age) against the I'ccent en-
croachment of Courts of Equity, — praying that no causes
should be drawn thither which might be determined in the
Courts of common law. The petition is curious, as containing
a full exposition of the opinion of the great body of the nation
upon the subject of equitable jurisdiction, f
• 1 Pari. Hist. 331.
■j" " Also the Commons pray, that inasmuch as many persons of your king-
dom feel themselves greatly aggrieved in this, that your writs, called writs of
Y 3
326 REIGN OF HENRY V.
CIIAP. The royal veto was put upon the measure, the response
" being, " Le Roy s'avisera." * The chief grievance now com-
petition
negatived, subpoena and certiorari, are made and sued out of your Chancery and Exche-
quer for matters determinable by your common law, which never were granted
or used before the time of the late King Richard ; when John Waltham, here-
tofore Bishop of Salisbury, of his craft, invented, made, and commenced such
innovations against the form of the common law of your realm, as well as to the
great loss and hinderance of the profits which ought to arise to you, Sovereign
Lord, in your courts, as in the fees and profits of your seals, fines, issues, and
amerciaments, — and divers other profits, coming to your other Courts, in causes
in which the matters might be sued and determined by the common law, be-
cause no profit arises to you from such writs, except only Qd. for the seal : And
whereas, by reason that your Justices of either Bench, when they ought to
attend in their places, to enter pleas and to take inquests for the deliverance of
your people, are occupied upon examinations upon such writs, to the great
vexation, loss, and costs of your liege subjects, who are long time delayed in the
sealing of their writs, sued in your Chancery, by reason of the great occupation
upon the said examinations, which things are not profitable to you, most Sovereign
Lord, nor to your liege subjects, on which examinations there is great clamour
and noise by divers persons not aware of the law, without any record thereupon
entered in your said places: And in which pleas they cannot make fine but by
examination and oath of the parties, according to the form of the civil law, and
the law of Holy Church, in subversion of your common law : And in causes
which the said parties cannot be convicted by their examination there, they are
sent to find sureties for your peace, which they are not able to find in their
counties without coming to your said courts ; or otherwise they are encouraged
to treat and agree with their adversaries who sue such writs, or otherwise to
abide elsewhere, in ward or on bail, until they shall so do : That it please our
most Sovereign Lord to ordain, in tliis present parliament, that every person
who shall sue such writs shall put all the cause and matter of his suit in the
said writs, and that all such writs, in the Courts out of which they shall issue,
shall be enrolled in the said Courts, and made patent, and shall remain for the
defendants therein, without being returned in the said Courts. And in cases
in which any one shall feel himself aggrieved or vexed by such manner of writs,
for any matter determinable by the common law, then the person so aggrieved
or vexed shall have an action of debt for 4()Z. against him, wherefore he sued the
said writs, upon which writ the cause of the action by how much he was vexed
by such writ, of the matter which was determinable by the common law. And
in cases which appear to the court in such writ for which the debt is sued and
the matter contained in such writ was determinable by the common law, whicii
they maintained in pursuance of such writ, shall be condemned towards such
person, being so vexed, in the said sum of 40/. And moreover to ordain by
autliority of the said parliament, that in writs called informations, which are
issued out of your Exchequer, the names of those on whose suggestion or inform-
ation such writs issued shall be sent in the said writs. And that all such writs
so issuing at your suit, or at the suit of the party, shall be enrolled and made
patent, and shall remain for the defendant therein, without being returned into
your Exchequer, and in like manner to declare concerning writs called subpoena
and certiorari. And in cases which after those who are made to come into your
Exchequer, by force of such writs, may be sufficiently excused, acquitted, or
discharged, of the suggestions and matters on them so surmised, upon such
writs, then they shall have an action of debt for 40/. against the said suggestors
and informers, declaring against them upon the said writs the cause of their
action, by so much as the said suggestions or informations are of record not
proved true. And if it may appear by the record to the Court on such writs,
* Rot. Pari. 3. Hen. 5.
CARDINAL BEAUFORT, CHANCELLOR. 327
plained of was afterwards remedied in practice, by the plaintiff CHAP,
being obliged to put upon the file of the Court a bill specify-
ing his cause of suit before the subpoena issued.
In the following year, the Commons renewed the complaint a.d. i416. '
against arbitrary proceedings contrary to the course of the ^^^f,^ P^°-
o ^ 1 o J ^ ^ ^ ceedings of
common law, although the Chancellor had tried to tranquillise Commons
them by an opening speech from the text, " Operam detis ut ^^^^^^^^^^f
quieti sitis." * There had, as we have seen, been an early Chancery,
practice of presenting petitions to parliament complaining of
private grievances. After the separation of the two Houses,
these were reserved for the consideration of the Lords, and
were first submitted to the triers of petitions, who were ap-
pointed at the commencement of every session. Such of
them as disclosed matters only fit for the ordinary tribunals
of the country, were in regular manner referred to those
tribunals, and some were not improperly allotted to the Chan-
cellor, or the Privy Council. But this course was resorted
to chiefly by suitors who knew they had no chance of success
in the Courts of common law ; — and, as an expedient for
securing themselves a hearing before those by whom the rules
of the common law were disregarded, they presented peti-
tions to parliament, and themselves indorsed upon them a
supposed reference to the Council or the Chancellor, —
which was considered as giving the Council or Chancellor
jurisdiction, although the subject-matter was properly cog-
nisable at common law.
The House of Commons now prayed the King " that if
any man shall indorse his bill or petition with these Avords
bi/ authority of parliament, let this bill or petition he sent to the
Council of the King, or to the Chancellor of England, to exe-
they shall be sued for the debt which the plaintiffs in the said writs were ac-
quitted, excused, or discharged, of the matters and suggestions having been by
them surmised, that then the said informers and suggestors shall be condemned
to the prosecutor of the said writs of debt in the said sum of 40/. And fur-
thermore that as well the pain contained in such writs, as all the process there-
upon, shall be void and holden for nothing. And if any such writs, called sub-
poena and certiorari, and informations shall be sued out of your said Courts,
against this ordinance, in time to come, that the said writs, and all the proceed-
ings depending thereupon, shall be wholly void and holden for nothing."'
* 1 Pari. Hist. 33:,.
Rot. Pari. 3 Hen. 5. part ii. vol. iv. p. 84.
y 4
328
KEIGN or HENRY V.
CHAP.
XIX.
Chancellor
lends
money to
tbe King,
taking the
Crown in
pawn.
cute and determine what is contained therein, by which the said
bill or petition be not by the Commons of the parliament
inquired into, affirmed, or assented unto, (which no one
CAN indorse on ANY SUCH BILL OR PETITION, WITH-
OUT THE ASSENT AND REQUEST OF THE COMMONS OF
PARLIAMENT,) let him be sent to answer for disobeying the
laws of the kingdom of England."
The King's answer still was, " Le Roy s'avisera *," — which
I can only account for from the parenthetical claim of privi-
lege set up by the Commons, that they were to join in hear-
ing and disposing of petitions to parliament respecting the
administration of justice, and that, without their concurrence,
the Lords could neither themselves determine the matter nor
refer it to another tribunal. The simple condemnation and
prohibition of the unauthorised practice of individuals so in-
dorsing their petitions without the sanction of either House,
could not have been refused ; but a great jealousy has always
been manifested of an encroachment by the Commons on the
judicial powers of the Upper House.
The Chancellor had now a very delicate matter to ne-
gotiate ; and he had to encounter a very formidable struggle
between his avarice and his love of power. The King was
reduced to the greatest necessity for money to carry on the
war with France. Tenths and fifteenths were voted to him,
but a long time was required to collect them ; and cash to
pay the mutinous troops was indispensable. A sum was
raised upon the personal responsibility of the Dukes of
Clarence, Bedford, and Gloucester, who made themselves
liable if the King should die ; but this was quite insufficient
for the present exigency, and there was no hope except in the
Lord Chancellor. He had amassed immense riches from the
profits of his see and of his office ; but he refused to make
any gift, and even to lend on the security with which others
had been satisfied. At last the King offered to pawn to him
the Crown itself. Thereupon, taking the pledge into his
custody, the Chancellor advanced a very large loan, and the
war was vigorously prosecuted.
* Rol. Par. 4 Hen. 5.
CARDINAL BEAUFOKT, CHANCELLOR. 329
At the last parliament over which' Cardinal Beaufort pre- CHAP,
sided during the present reign, an act was passed with his
concurrence, and probably with the great applause of the ^.d. i4i7.
English nation, — who for many centuries hated, and despised. Act against
and oppressed their Irish fellow subjects, — " That none of
the Irish nation should be elected an Archbishop, Bishop,
Abbot, or Prior ; and that whoever promoted such to those
ecclesiastical preferments, or brought any such Irish rebels
to parliaments, councils, or other assemblies among the
English, should have all their temporal estates seized into
the King's hands till they have paid the fines due for such
offences."
On the last day of the session, the King, sitting on his
throne in full parliament, created Thomas Beaufort, who
was Earl of Dorset and Ex-chancellor, Duke of Exeter, with a
pension of lOOOZ. a year. The Lords, with a proper respect
for Ex-chancellors, so much approved of the King's liberality,
that they said no objection could be made, but only that it
was too little, and not proportionable to the merits and ser-
vices of that noble person.*
Cardinal Beaufort, in this Chancellorship, never parted Judicial
with the custody of the Great Seal, except from the 5th of ^^rdinai
September to the 12th of October, 1416, during w^hich time Beaufort,
he was absent with the King in France, and the Great Seal
was intrusted by him to the keeping of Simon Gaunstede,
Master of the Rolls, to be re-delivered to him on his return. f
We have slender means of knowing how he performed his
judicial duties ; but we may, from his general disposition, not
imcharitably believe that he was assiduous in business, and
encouraged suitors that he might multiply fees. He re-
sembled the fallen angel, whose
" looks and thoug-hts
Were always downward bent, admiring more
The riches of Heaven's pavement, trodden gold,
Than aught divine or holy."
His avarice, however, was now to receive a heavy and Great Seal
unexpected blow. From the hard bargain he made when he car*d"nar"
advanced money for the public service, or his importunity to Beaufort.
* Pari. Rol. 4 & 5 Hen. 5. 1 Pari. Hist. 335.
f Rot. CI. 4 Hen. 5. m. 13.
330
REIGN OF HENRY V.
CHAP.
XIX.
Longley,
Chancellor
tliu second
time.
July 23.
1417.
A parlia-
ment.
A.D. 1421.
Treaty of
Troyes.
be repaid, he disgusted the King. The Close Roll, 5 Hen. V.,
records, that, "On the 23d of July, 1417, Henry Beaufort,
Bishop of Winchester, delivered up the Great Seal of gold to
the King, on which day it was given to Thomas Longley,
Bishop of Durham, who became Chancellor the second
time*," but no writer gives us the particulars of the intrigue
which brought about this change.
The Ex- chancellor now visited the Council of Basil, and
contrived to get himself named by Pope Martin Y. Cardinal
and Apostolic Legate in England and Ireland ; but, upon the
remonstrance of Archbishop Chicheley, the King forbade him
to accept these dignities, and he was not gratified with wear-
ing the red hat till after he had finally resigned the Great
Seal in the succeeding reign.
A parliament was soon after called, which was opened by
the new Chancellor with a speech from the text, Com-
fortamini et viriliter agite et gloriosi eritis.] The most re-
markable transaction during this parliament, — throwing par-
ticular discredit on the Chancellor, — was the order by the
Lords that Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, should be
burnt under the sentence passed against him as a heretic.
He was the first English peer who ever suffered death for
religion. \
About the same time the Ex-chancellor Beaufort, Bishop
of Winchester, managed to get a private bill of his smuggled
through both Houses, that a security given to him for a
loan on the customs of Southampton, should be confirmed by
parliament. §
Nothing memorable connected with the office of Chan-
cellor occurred till 1421, when Henry's victories having led
to the treaty of Troyes, by which he was to marry the Prin-
cess Catherine, and was declared regent of France and heir to
that kingdom, he called a parliament to ratify the treaty. ||
This parliament was opened by a speech from the King's own
mouth, the first instance I have found of the Sovereign
himself declaring the causes of summoning his great council.
Henry represented to them the state of affairs, — " what con-
* Rot. Cl. 5 Hen. 5. m. 15.
t Ibid. 337.
§ Ibid.
t 1 Pari. Hist. 335.
II Ibid. 339.
THOMAS LONGLEY, CHANCELLOK. 331
quests he had made in France, and what supplies were ne- CHAP,
cessary to continue the war; — assuring them that the Dau- '
phin and his party, who maintained some cities and pro- ^^ j,. I42i.
vinces, being subdued, that kingdom might be entirely united
to the English crown."
The Lord Chancellor, by order of the King, read the
articles of the treaty of Troyes, which had been sworn to by
the two Kings of England and France, and ratified also by the
three estates of France ; whereupon both Houses of Parliament
avowed that they approved and accepted it as most conducive
to the good of both nations, and of all Christendom ; and
every one promised for himself, his heirs, and successors,
that they would inviolably observe it.* It is marvellous
that such men as Longley and the spiritual Peers, whose
blood was not heated by being personally engaged in the
conflict, should have sanctioned a treaty which nothing
but the power of the sword could carry into execution, and
which, if it had taken effect, must have proved equally per-
nicious to England and to France.
At this parliament the Commons made another unsuccessful
attempt to put an entire stop to the writ of subpoena
in Chancery, as well as to Privy Seals bringing matters of
private right before the Council ; but they had a limited and
temporary triumph by carrying an act to endure until the
next parliament, " that the exception how that the partie
hath sufficient remedy at the common law, shall discharge
any matter in Chancery." f The act was never renewed, so
that the concurrent jurisdiction of the Courts of equity
and Courts of common law in partition, dower, account, and
many such matters, has continued.
Henry, leaving the government in the hands of his brother Death of
the Duke of Bedford, and of the Chancellor, returned to ^^'^^^„7'
, . A"g- si-
France, — espoused Catherine, — got possession of Paris, — 1422.
had his infant son proclaimed heir of both kingdoms, and
died at Vincennes in the thirty-fourth year of his age.
His last parliament had been held in his absence, the
Chancellor opening the session with a formal speech. After
* 1 Pari. Hist. 339. f Rol. Pari. 9 Hen. 5.
332 STATE OF THE LAW.
CHAT, voting a supply, the chief business was regulating the coinage,
which had fallen into great disorder from the short-sighted
Dec. 1. fraud of adulteration, first begun in the reign of Edward III. ;
^421. — and it was enacted, " that the Chancellor of England should
deliver to those who would have them good and just weights
of the noble, half noble, and farthing of gold, to prevent the
people being abused by such as were counterfeit." *
Adminis- During this reign the equity jurisdiction of the Chancellor
justice ** ^^'^^ ^® actively enforced, that some have ascribed its origin
during his to the chancellorship of Cardinal Beaufort. He first exercised
'^^'^"' a control over the marriage of infants, and along with uses
and trusts he took cognisance of many miscellaneous matters,
which would now be referred to courts of common law either
civil or criminal.!
It may be remarked, that at this period of our history
there was an unusual ferment in men's minds, and the Com-
mons showed a strong spirit of innovation both in church and
state, so that there seemed a great probability that important
changes would be introduced with respect to the maintenance
of the clergy and the administration of justice; but the
absorbing foreign war in which the country was engaged
preserved all our institutions untouched by legislation during
the whole reign of Henry V.
* 1 Pari. Hist. 340. f See 2 Cooper on Records, 361.
EEIGN OF HENRY VI.
333
CHAPTER XX.
CHANCELLORS FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REIGN OF
HENRY VI. TILL THE DEATH OF CARDINAL BEAUFORT.
Henry VI. was, at his father's death, an infant of nine
months old. The Duke of Gloucester, his uncle, having been
named Regent of England by the late King, was at first
allowed to assume the government under that title. At the
end of a month a council was held at Windsor, at which the
baby monarch in his nurse's arms was present, and was sup-
posed to preside. Longley, Lord Chancellor to the late
King, put the Great Seal into the royal lap, and placed upon
it the hands of the child, who was too young even to be
amused with it as a toy. The Regent then, in the King's
name, delivered it to Simon Gaunstede, the Master of the
Rolls, for the despatch of necessary business.*
But the Regent soon found that he could not exercise his
authority without the sanction of the legislature, and a com-
mission passed the Great Seal for a new parliament to be
held before him.
The session was opened, by his command, with a speech
from Cbicheley, Archbishop of Canterbury. Business being
begun, it is stated in the Parliamentary History, that the
two bishops of Durham and London, the former having been
Chancellor of England in the late reign, and the other
Chancellor of the Duchy of Normandy, who had both
delivered up the several seals of their offices, prayed to be
discharged by act of parliament, and that the same might be
enrolled, — which was granted. It was then also enacted,
that the King's style and titles should be changed, and that
CHAP.
XX,
Sept. I.
1422.
Lord
Chancellor
Longley
resigns
Great Seal
to infant
King.
Nov. 1422.
A parlia-
ment.
* " Pra;fatus Dominus Rex nunc sigillum illud per manus praefati Ducis
pradicto Simoni liberavit custodiendum," &c. Rot. CI. 1 Hen. 6. m. 15. — This
was the precedent chiefly relied upon for the fictitious use of the Great Seal
during the insanity of George IIL
334 llEIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP, upon all his seals should be engraven, " Henricus Rex Franciae
et Angliae, et Dominus Hiberniae." At the request of the
^ ^ j4„< Commons, the Duke of Gloucester declared that the King
Longley }iad appointed the Bishop of Durham to be his Chancellor,
ChanceUor. which appointment was confirmed by parliament.*
In reality, the whole administration was arranged by the
Lords and Commons, who had been gradually extending their
influence during the reig-ns of the Lancastrian Princes. Dis-
regarding the will of the late King, they declined altogether
the name of " Regent " for England. They appointed the
Duke of Bedford " Protector " of that kingdom, a title which
Duke cf they thought implied less authority ; they invested the Duke
Protestor' ^^ Gloucester with the same dignity during the absence of
his elder brother — with a council of nine, by whose advice
he must act ; and the guardianship of the person of the infant
King was given to the two Ex-chancellors, the Bishop of
Winchester and the Duke of Exeter, with whom it was
thought he must be safe, as, from the stain on their birth,
they themselves could never aspire to the crown, f
Proceed- In this parliament, a vigorous eifort was made to limit the
liainent^'^'^" jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery. The Commons pre-
against the gentcd a petition to the King, which, if agreed to, would very
Chancery, effectually havc preserved the supremacy of the common law,
but would have deprived the country of many benefits derived
from equitable interference. They proposed, that to prevent
persons being called upon to answer in Chancery for any
matter for which there is remedy provided by the common
law, no one should be allowed to sue any process before the
Chancellor till the complainant had sent a bill, containing
all the matter of his plaint or grievance, to be approved of
by two judges of the King's Bench, or Common Pleas, and
they should have certified that for such matter he could not
have any action or remedy by the common law. But the
* 1 Pari. Hist. 345. Rol. Pari. Hen. 6. vol. xv. 170.
f In Nov. 1422, a new Great Seal was made, because the King's style in the
inscription on the former seals was not suited to the reigning monarch. The
order in council recited, that " great peril might ensue to the King if the said
seals were not immediately altered," and required the keepers of all the King's
seals to cause them to be altered forthwith. — Rot. Pari. 1 Hen. 6.
CARDINAL BEAUFORT, CHANCELLOR. 335
answer returned in the King's name, by the advice of the CHAP.
Council of Regency, was, " Let the statute on this subject,
made in the 17th year of the reign of King Richard II., be ^j, ^433
observed and put in due execution," * which was, in fact, a
veto, and left the Chancellor without control to determine the
limits of his own jurisdiction.
Lord Chancellor Longley opened another parliament in Lord
October, 1423, with a speech from the text, " Deum timete, lor'sTpeech
Regem honorificate," showing that peculiar honour ought to on opening
be rendered to the present King, notwithstanding his tender
years, since now this realm had attained their wish, which
was that the King of England might also be King of France,
and that the love due to the father was due to the son, for
omnis quidiligit eum qui genuit diligit eiim qui genitus est.\
The petition or bill against the Court of Chancery, which
had for some time been nearly annual, was now dropped ; and
nothing more memorable was transacted at this parliament
than passing an act, " to secure those persons who had only
the late King's jewels in pawn, and that the Bishop of Win-
chester, who had lent the King 20,000 marks on the crown,
should have letters patent to receive the said sum out of the
customs." X
The great struggle for power between Humphry, Duke of a.d. 1424.
Gloucester, the Protector, and the Bishop of Winchester, his P!^^"\^^
uncle, which produced such calamities, and which ended so Duke of
fatally to both, was now begun, and the Bishop, from his gnd^Car-^*^
superior shrewdness and vigour, was gaining the ascendant, dinal Beau-
although his rival, as Protector, claimed to exercise all the
prerogatives of the crown.
Beaufort by intriguing with the Council, contrived to re- Longley
sume the office of Chancellor, which added both to his wealth ^'^p'''J"^ **/"
Great Seal.
and his authority. On the 6th of July, 1424, the Great Seal cardinal
was delivered to him for the third time. § Beaufort
Chancellor
the third
• Rol. Pari. 1 Hen. 6. f 1 Pari. Hist. 347. % Ibid. .'548. *^'"^-
§ The Close Roll states with much gravity that the Bishop of Durham
surrendered the Great Seal into the hands of the King (not then two years old),
and that the King delivered it to the Bishop of Winchester " cujus sacramentum
de officio Cancellarii bene et fideliter faciendo praefatus Dominus Rex recepit."
We are told that the Bishop then took it with him to his hospitium of St. Mary
Overey, in Southwark, and on the following Monday sat for the despatch of
336 EEIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP. Longley, who was then forced to resign it, retired to the
duties of his diocese, which he fulfilled very reputably till
Death and ^^^"^ > when he died. He was buried in that beautiful struc-
character ture at the wcst end of Durham Cathedral, called the Galilee,
chancellor ^^ *^^ restoration of which he had expended a large sum of
Longley. money. As an ecclesiastic, he is said to have possessed a love
of learning, which he testified by princely donations of books
to both the universities, and by legacies to establish public
libraries in Durham, Leicester, and Manchester ; but he
never gave much proof of ability for civil affairs, and his pro-
motion, like that of many others, was probably owing to his
mediocrity and his pliancy.
April, The Bishop of Winchester, as Chancellor, opened a new
parliament in the spring of the following year, under very
extraordinary circumstances. With a view probably of
throwing into the shade the lustre of the oflfice of Protector,
he on this occasion produced the King himself, a child of three
Henry VI., years old, as ruler of the realm. On the day of meeting, the
arms,"operis ^^yal infant was carried on a great horse from the Tower of
parliament. Londou through the city to Westminster. Having taken
some pap at the palace, he was from thence conducted to the
House of Lords, and sat on his mother's knee on the throne.
" It was a strange sight," says Speed, " and the first time it
ever was seen in England, an infant sitting in his mother's
lap, and before it could tell what English meant, to exercise
the place of sovereign direction in open parliament."
Lord 'j'l^g Chancellor took for his text, " Gloria, honor, et pax,
Lnancellor . . , '■
Beaufort's omni operanti bonum." He slyly threw out various sarcasms on
speech. ^ns opponents in the Council, under pretence of inculcating the
duty of the people to obey those who are set over them,
although not good in themselves. " But a real good coun-
cillor" (meaning himself) " he conipai'ed to an elephant for
three properties ; the one in that he wanted a gall, the second
that he was inflexible and could not bow, and the third that
he was of a most sound and perfect memory."*
business " in dome capitulari Fratrum Predicatorum infra Ludgate Londoniae."
— Rot. CI. 2 Hen. 6. m. 2.
* 1 Pari. Hist. 351.
CARDINAL BEAUFOET, CHANCELLOR. 337
The following day the King was again placed on the CHAP,
throne, when the Commons presented Sir Thomas Nanton as
their elected Speaker, who, as usual, disqualified himself. ^ ^ 1425^
But the Chancellor, in the King's name, would not allow of
his objections, confirmed the choice of the Commons, and
granted to them all their ancient privileges.
At this parliament an act was passed throwing upon the Chancellor
Chancellor a duty very aliene to his judicial functions. The ii°fnces ^r
exportation of butter and cheese being generally prohibited, exportation
— "for the encouragement of husbandry the Chancellor of and cheese.
England was empowered, at his discretion, to grant licences
to such persons as should desire to vend the said articles in
foreign parts, as well as at the great staple at Calais."*
While it was acted upon, it must have considerably increased
the fees and emoluments of the office, and must have been
highly agreeable to the present Chancellor.
The rivalry between him and the Protector now became
dangerous to the public tranquillity, and each mustering his
adherents and dependents, a civil war was apprehended. The
former had added to his power and insolence by obtaining for
himself the appointment of legate to the Pope in England,
and on many occasions he asserted his superiority to the Pro-
tector, who, though vested with that high title, he contended
had no authority beyond others of the Council. The Pro-
tector, on the contrary, affected royal pomp, assumed much
on his prospect of succeeding to the crown, and insisted
that, during the minority of his nephew, he was entitled
to exercise all the royal prerogatives under the control of
parliament.
The citizens of London were of the party of the Protector. Oct. 1425.
To overawe them, the Chancellor strengthened the garrison ?^'"*j "^
I _ ° o London
of the Tower, which had been intrusted to a creature of his caused by
own. The Protector was refused admission into this fortress, and Pr ^^
and the gates of the city were shut against the Chancellor, tector.
The next morning, the retainers of the Chancellor attempted
to force the gate at London Bridge. The citizens flew to
arms, and bloodshed was with difficulty averted by the Arch-
* 1 Pari. Hist. 353.
VOL. I. Z
338
REIGN OF IIENIIY VI.
CHAP.
XX.
Chancel-
lor's letter
to Duke of
Bedford.
A,D. 1426.
" Parlia-
ment of
Bats."
bishop of Canterbury and the Prince of Portugal, who, it is
said, were obliged to travel eight times in one day between
Lambeth and the City of London to act as peace-makers. By
their interposition, the rival parties were prevailed upon to
suspend their feuds till the arrival of the Duke of Bedford,
the Regent of France, who was coming over in the hope of
establishing a reconciliation between them. There is extant
a letter then written by the Chancellor to the Duke, for the
purpose of unfairly gaining his favour :
" I recommend me unto you with all my heart ; and as you de-
sire the welfare of the King our Sovereign Lord, and of his realms
of England and France, and your own health and ours also, so
haste you hither ; for, by my troth, if you tarry, we shall put this
land in a jeopardy with a field — such a brother you have here.
God make him a good man. For your wisdom knoweth that the
profit of France standeth in the welfare of England. Written in
great haste on Allhallow even, by your true servant to my lives
end. Hen. Winton."
Bedford hastened over from Paris, and called an assembly
of the chief nobility at St. Alban's ; but the time was spent
in hot contests between the hostile factions, and nothing was
concluded. The assembly was adjourned to Northampton,
but to as little purpose ; — till at last the resolution was formed
to refer the whole matter to a full parliament, to meet at
Leicester on the 18th of February.*
Much care was taken to prevent tumults between the
great trains of the Protector and the Chancellor, by strictly
prohibiting any person whatever to come thither with swords,
or any other warlike weapon. The order was literally obeyed ;
but the Lords and their attendants came armed with hats or
great clubs on their shoulders, from which this meeting got
the name of " The Parliament of Bats."
These weapons, as soon as they were observed, were for-
bidden also ; and the Lords and Commons, being peaceably
seated in the great hall of the Castle of Leicester, the young
King, now in his fifth year, was placed upon the throne. " His
Majesty, from a little previous drilling, having graciously
* 1 Pari. Hist. 354.
CAEDINAL BEAUFOKT, CHANCELLOR. 339
returned the salute of the Lords and Commons, was deco- chap.
rously quiet, and the Lord Chancellor declared the cause of '
the summons in a very short manner."* It had been pro- ^d, 1426.
bably stipulated that, on this occasion, he should abstain from
all party and personal reflections. His text was, " Sic facite
ut salvi sitis ; " and without any particular allusion to the
existing differences, he recommended the protection of the
church, the giving of good counsel, and the granting of
needful subsidies.
But as soon as a speaker had been chosen, and business Innpeach-
had begun, articles were regularly exhibited by the Pro- chancellor,
tector against the Chancellor, which were answered with
recrimination. We may take as a specimen the manner in
which a charge of the crime of assassination was bandied
between them. Article II. : —
" That the Chancellor laid wait for the Protector by placing
armed men at the end of London Bridge, and in the windows of
the chambers and cellars in Southwark, to have killed him if he
had passed that way."
Answer —
" True, indeed, it is, that he did provide a certain number of
armed men, and set them at the foot of London Bridge and
other places, without any intention to do any bodily harm to the
Duke of Gloucester, but merely for his own safety and defence,
being informed by several creditable persons that the Duke had
proposed bodily harm to him, and gathered together a company of
citizens for that end."f
The Commons having expressed their " much dislike " to chancellor
the dissensions between these great men, and moved for their ^^^ ^'^°'
" ^ _ ^ tector re-
reconcilement, the farther examination of the charges and conciled.
answers was devolved by the two Houses upon a select com-
mittee of peers and bishops, — both parties having agreed, by
formal instruments, to submit to what should be awarded.
The Duke of Bedford, who presided in the court of arbitra-
tion, reported in open parliament " that the Chancellor was
innocent of the charge alleged against him, of having pro-
cured a person to murder the late King when he was Prince,
• 1 Pari. Hist. 3.55. t Ibid. 357.
Z 2
340
REIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XX,
Cardinal
Beaufort
resigns
Great Seal,
A.D, 1426.
His sub-
sequent
history.
ahd having advised the Prince to depose Henry IV., his
ftither; but pronounced judgment, that in respect of the
incivilities that had passed between them, he should, in a
submissive manner, ask pardon of the Duke of Gloucester;
that the Duke of Gloucester should freely forgive him ; and,
in token of a thorough reconciliation, each should take the
other by the hand, so that they should be firm friends for
the future." They accordingly shook hands, and parted with
all outward signs of perfect love and concord, " which
yielded a mighty satisfaction to all people, both of the clergy
and laity ; " and, by the advice of the Council, a magnificent
feast was given, in the name of the King, in honour of this
supposed reconciliation.
It is not stated by historians that it was part of this
arrangement that Beaufort should give up his office of Chan-
cellor, the better to preserve the equilibrium between him
and his rival ; but it may be fairly presumed that he would
not have voluntarily parted with such a source of power and
of profit. However this may be, we find him immediately
petitioning parliament to be discharged of the Great Seal,
which, by common consent, was granted.* He delivered it
to the Duke of Bedford, — who himself sealed some letters
patent with it in the presence of the King's Council, but
soon went through the form of putting it into the hands of
the infant King, — and, on the 18th of March, it was given,
in full parliament, to JoHN Kempe, Bishop of London, as
Lord Chancellor, t
Beaufort never resumed the Great Seal, and we can only
give a slight sketch of his subsequent history. On his re-
signation he went abroad, and was declared Cardinal priest
of St. Eusebius. Then he was first regularly raised to the
purple ; — although we have occasionally called him Cardinal,
the title by which he is best known. At the same time
he was appointed by the Pope Captain-General of the Cru-
saders, destined to oppose the Hussites, in Bohemia. On
* " Tlie Bishop of Winton, for sundry causes, prayed to be discharged from
the office of the Great Seal, and he was consequently discliarged." — Rot. Pari.
4 Hen. 6, Rot. CI. 4 Hen, 6. m. 8.
t Rot, CI. 4 Hen. 6. m. 8,
CARDINAL BEAUFORT, CHANCELLOR.
341
his return to England, he obtained leave to raise an army of CHAP.
500 lancers and 5000 archers for the expedition ; but for a '
bribe of 1000 marks, he consented that the men whom he had
raised for the crusade should be led against the King's enemies
in France.
He was constantly on the watch for an opportunity to
regain his political influence, and in 1429, he succeeded in
humbling Gloucester, by having the young king crowned,
and inducing the parliament to declai'e on the occasion that
the office of Protector was at an end. Gloucester was thus
reduced to his rank as a peer, and the Cardinal from this time
to his death bore chief sway.
In 1431, he again went abroad, and at Rouen he assisted sits on trial
at the trial of Joan of Arc, the Maid of Orleans, and joined «( "^^'^ °^
' . -, Orleans.
in the sentence that she should be burnt alive for heresy and
witchcraft. He was the only Englishman who was concerned
in this atrocity, and our neighbours the French, when they
so eagerly impute it to us as a national disgrace, should re-
member that the Bishop of Beauvais and all her other judges
Avere Frenchmen ; and that she was brought to trial under an
arret of the parliament of Paris.
The Duke of Gloucester, though no longer Protector, was Fresh
still formidable, and from time to time seemed on the point of ^"^^'^Duke
recovering his authority. He accused the Cardinal of having of Glouees-
incurred the penalties of a prEemunire, by accepting papal
bulls, — of having amassed immense wealth by dishonest
means, — of having usurped the functions of sovereignty by
appointing embassies and releasing prisoners of his own au-
thority, — and of estranging all but his own creatures from
the person of the young King. The Cardinal caused an accusa-
tion to be brought against the Duke's wife, to whom he was
much attached, that she was guilty of witchcraft, by melting,
in a magical manner, before a slow fire, a waxen figure of the
King, with the intention of making the King's force and
vigour waste away by like insensible degrees. The Duchess
, was condemned to do public penance, and to suffer perpetual
imprisonment. But this proceeding was ascribed solely to
the malice of the Duke's enemies, and the people increased
their esteem and affection towards a Prince who was thus
z 3
342
REIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XX.
Feb. 1447.
Murder of
Duke of
Gloucester,
April,
1447.
Death of
Cardinal
Beaufort.
His cha-
racter.
exposed without protection to such mortal injuries. The
manifestation of these sentiments made the Cardinal sensible
that it was necessary to destroy a man whose popularity might
soon become dangerous, and from whose resentment every
thing was to be apprehended, if he should ever be in a situ-
ation to gratify it.
To effect this purpose, a parliament was called to assemble,
— not at London, which was supposed to be too well affected
to the Duke, — but at Bury St. Edmund's, where it was sup-
posed he would be helpless. As soon as he appeared, he Avas
thrown into prison on a charge of treason. He was soon after
found dead in his bed ; and though it was pretended that his
death was natural, no one doubted that he had fallen a victim
to the vengeance of his arch-enemy.
The Cardinal himself died six weeks after the murder of
his nephew, which, it is said, gave him more rerilorse in his
last moments than could naturally have been expected to be
felt by a man hardened, during the course of a long life of vio-
lence, in falsehood and in religious hypocrisy. His death-bed
is described in harrowing terms by our great dramatic bard : —
" Lord Cardinal, if thou think'st on Heaven's bliss,
Hold up thy hand, make signal of thy hope !
• — He dies and makes no sign."
And the agony of his despair is, if possible, made more dread-
ful by the lofty conception and successful execution of the
scene in the masterpiece of Reynolds.
But volumes have been written to prove that his life was
innocent and his end pious, by arguments which may carry
conviction to the mind of those who believe that Richard III.
was a remarkably straight and handsome man, with a very
tender heart. The Cardinal's enormous wealth was applied,
according to his will, in founding oratories for priests- to pray
for his soul, and these may account for the attempts which
have been made to vindicate his memory.*
* Cardinal Beaufort is not only a favourite with ignorant chroniclers, but
with the enlightened Dr. Lingard, who says that we owe to the imagination
of Shakspeare the fiction of his dying agonies. But it is well known that
Shakspeare, in his historical plays, most strictly followed history or tradition,
and embodied the belief of his time. Dr. ] lingard himself quotes a passage from
Hall, stating " that the Cardinal lamented on his death-bed that money could
CARDINAL BEAUFORT, CHANCELLOR.
343
not piirchase life, and that death should cut him off when he hoped, now his CHAP.
nephew Gloucester was gone, to procure the purple tiara," — which the historian XX.
tries to discredit, merely on the ground of improbability, because the Cardinal _^^_^___
was so old and infirm, and had his funeral rehearsed while he was yet alive.
Dr. Lingard even denies his avarice, because he did not receive interest on liis
loans to the crown, and only looked to be benefited by the forfeiture of the
pledges which he took by way of security, and being paid back in gold coin the
sums he seems to have advanced in silver. He thus demanded " that paement be
maad in golde of the coigne of England of just weighte, elles I not to be bounde
to delyver ayene the seide weddes (pledges), though the seide paiement were
offered to be maad in silver." A usurer stipulating for ten per cent, interest
would not show a more intense love of money. — Acts of Coun. iv. 234. 248.
Ling. v. 124.
z 4
344
REIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAPTER XXI.
CHAKCELLOES DURING THE EEIGN OF HENRY VI. FROM THE
APPOINTMENT OF CARDINAL KEMPE TILL THE DEATH OF LORD
CHANCELLOR WATNFLETE.
CHAP.
XXI.
March 16.
1426.
Obscure
origin of
Lord
Chancellor
Kempe.
His rise.
His con-
duct as
Chancellor.
We have had a succession of Chancellors of high birth, some
of them nearly allied to the Crown. Cardinal Beaufort's suc-
cessor was one of that other class who have won their way in
this country to high distinction from an obscure origin. He
was born in Kent, of parents in a very low condition of life *,
and educated as a poor scholar at Merton College, in Oxford.
Here, amidst all the evils of penury, he applied himself with '
ardour to study, and made particular proficiency in the civil
and canon law. In due time he took the degree of Doctor in
both faculties, after disputations which attracted the notice of
the, whole university, and were talked of all over England.
After practising for some time as an advocate in the eccle-
siastical courts, — on account of his high reputation as a jurist
he was made Dean of the Arches and vicar-general to the
Archbishop of Canterbury. Rising rapidly in the church, he
was consecrated Bishop of Rochester; from whence he was
translated to Chichester, and thence to London, the see he
filled when he was appointed Lord Chancellor ; finally, he was
promoted to the Archbishopric of York, and a cardinal's hat
was bestowed upon him.
Soon after his high civil appointment, he was called upon to
take a decisive part in checking the arrogance of the Duke
of Gloucester, who having for a time got rid of Cardinal
Beaufort, avowed his purpose to rule in an arbitrary manner,
although the Duke of Bedford had not yet returned to
France, exclaiming, " Let my brother govern as him lusteth,
* I have since ascertained that at the time of his birth his father and mother
were living in the parish of St. Gregory, in Wye, where he founded a college of
secular priests, to attend divine service and instruct youth in grammar and other
learning. — Note to 3d Edition.
CARDINAL KEMPE, CHANCELLOR. 345
whiles he is in this land ; after his going over into France, I cHAP.
woll govern as me seemeth good." The Chancellor and the XX i.
other members of the Council made a representation on the
subject to the Duke of Bedford, and both brothers being
present, the Chancellor delivered an address, stating " that
the young Prince was the rightful King of England, and
entitled to the obedience of all his subjects, of whatever rank
they might be ; that, young as he was, he yet possessed by
law all the authority which would belong to him at a more
mature age ; that as, during his infancy, he could not exercise
such authority, it was vested in the Lords spiritual and tem-
poral assembled in parliament, or in the great council, and at
other times in the Lords appointed -to form " the continual
council^'' and that this Council, representing the King's person,
had a right to exercise the powers of government, " with-
outen that any one ■person may or ought to ascribe to himself the
said rule and government.'''' *
Kempe's first chancellorship lasted six years. During this
time several parliaments were held, which he opened with
suitable speeches, except that held in January, 1431, when, on
account of his sickness, the Duke of Gloucester sitting in the
chair of state in the Painted Chamber, commanded William
Linewood, Doctor of Laws, to explain the cause of the
summons f, which was done with infinite divisions and sub-
divisions ; but the only important business transacted at these
parliaments, was passing the famous statute which regulates
county elections, and enacts that no freeholder shall vote who
cannot spend from his freehold at least 405. a year \, — all
• Rot. Par. V. 409. 411. Acts of Coun. iii. 231. 242.
t There is a curious entry of this in the Parliament Roll, showing a great
anxiety to preserve the Chancellor's right to address the two Houses on the
opening of parliament. After stating the meeting of Lords and Commons
under the Duke of Gloucester, Custos Angliae, it proceeds, '' Pro eo quod Ve-
nerabilis Pater Johannes Archiepiscopus Ebor. Cancellarius Anglie, cui ratione
officii sui secundum consuetudineni laudahilem in Regno Anglie antiquitus usitatam
pertinuit cnusum summonitionis parliamenti predicti pronunciare et declarare, tali et
tanta detenebatur infirmitate quod circa declarationem et pronunciationem
predictas adtunc intendere non valebat, Reverendus vir Magister Willielmus
Lynwoode, Legum Doctor, causam summonitionis ejusdem parliamenti de man-
dato prefati custodis egregie declaravit." — Vol. iv. 367. So in 31 & 32 Hen. 6.,
Bishop of Lincoln stated causes of summons. " Johanne Arch. Cant. Cancellario
Angliaj tunc absentc." — Roll. v. 227.
\ 10 Hen. 6.
346 REIGX OF HENRY VI.
CHAP, freeholders having before voted for knights of the shire, as
XXI
they still may for coroners.
Resigna- ^ change in the office of Chancellor now took place, the
tion of reasons for which have not been explained to us, and all we
Kempe. know of it we learn from the Close Roll, which records
March 4. " That the Lord Cardinal, Archbishop Kempe, on the 25th of
1432. February, 1432, delivered up to the King the gold and silver
FORD " Seals, and the Duke of Gloucester immediately took them and
Chancellor, kept them till the 4th of March, on which day he gave them back
to the King, and they were deHvered by his Majesty to John
Stafford, Bishop of Bath and Wells, who took the oath of office,
and used the silver seal for the despatch of business."*
His birth The new Chancellor was of illustrious descent, being the
tion. " son of the Earl of Stafford by the Lady Anne Plantagenet,
daughter and heir of Thomas of Woodstock, sixth son of
Edward III., and he was equally distinguished for his learn-
ing and industry. Having with great reputation taken the
degree of Doctor of Civil Law at Oxford, he practised for
some time as an advocate in Doctors Commons, and rose
into considerable business, when Chicheley, Archbishop of
Canterbury, elevated him to be Dean of the Arches, and ob-
tained for him the deanery of St. Martin, and a prebend in
Lincoln Cathedral. He then became a favourite of Henry V.,
who made him successively Dean of Wells, Prebendary of
Sarura, Keeper of the Privy Seal, and Treasurer of England.
He attached himself to the party of Cardinal Beaufort, by
whose interest, in 1425, he was appointed Bishop of Bath
and Wells.
His long He filled the office of Chancellor till 1450, a longer period
ance in than any one since the Conquest had continuously held the
office. Qreat Seal.
From the 22d of April to the 23d of May, 1433, he was
absent on an embassy to Calais, and the silver Seal was in
the custody of John French, Master of the Rolls, for the
sealing of writs and the despatch of necessary business, but
it was restored to the Chancellor on his return without any
re-appointment, or new oath of office, the Master of the Rolls,
• Rot. Cl. 10 Hen, 6. m. 8.
JOHN STAFFORD, CHANCELLOR. 347
as upon similar occasions, being merely considered as his CHAP,
deputy. '
In 1436, an act was passed with the concurrence of the ^^t to re-
Chancellor, to check the wanton filing of bills in Chancery in strain ex-
CGSSIVG lU*
disturbance of common law process. The Commons, after risdiction
reciting the prevailing grievance, prayed " that every person assumed by
from this time forward vexed in Chancery for matter deter- chancery. '
minable by the common law, have action against him that so
vexed him, and recover his damages." The King answered,
" that no writ of subpoena be granted hereafter till security
be found to satisfy the party so vexed and grieved for his
damages and expenses, if it so be that the matter may not be
made good which is contained in the bill." *
We find few subsequent complaints against Lord Chancellor
Stafford, and he seems to have diligently and quietly applied
himself to the duties of office, not aiming at political as-
cendancy himself, and bending submissively to the varying
pressure of the times. In opening parliaments, and urging
supplies, he had no victories to announce ; but he had to tell
of the raising of the siege of Orleans by the sorceress Joan of
Arc, and of successive disasters rapidly succeeding each other,
till after the defection of the Duke of Burgundy, and the
death of the Duke of Bedford, the English were driven
from Paris; — Guienne and Normandy were lost, and there a.d. 1449.
was not left to the English a remnant of the conquests of
Henry V. in France.
The Parliament Roll and the contemporary chroniclers Lord
give us a very slender account of this Chancellor's harangues §.^^^'^^1'°'^
in parliament : but from the specimen we have of them, they style of
seem to have been very dull and quaint. His maiden ex- ^ <"l"ence.
hibition was on the 12th of March, 1432, when the infant
King being on the throne, he took for his text, " Deum timete,
Regem honorificatc : " on which words he remarked two
points : — 1 . A general Counsel to Princes, that they might
learn knowledge : — 2. A Commandment to subjects to learn
to obey and honour the Prince. Which points he learnedly
enlarged upon, and endeavoured to prove by many quotations,
* From the petition and answer was framed stat. 15 Hen. 6. c. 4.
348 EEIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP, examples, and similitudes, that the King and realm of England
might easily attain to the height of peace and prosperity, if
A.D. 1432.
true fear of God and honour to the Prince were in the
hearts of the subjects.*
He had a more delicate task to perform the following day.
The Duke of Gloucester rose in his place and declared, for
the contentment of the Commons, who, he was informed,
had expressed some uneasiness on the subject, that although
he was Chief President of the Council, yet he would act
nothing without the consent of the majority of them. This
declaration was communicated to the Commons by the Chan-
cellor when they produced John Russell as their Speaker for
the King's approbation ; and it so much pleased them, that
they immediately granted tonnage and poundage, with a new
subsidy on wools, f
May, 1433. The Chancellor's text the following year was Suscipiant
monies pacem populo et colles justiciam. " This subject he
divided," we are told, " into three parts, according to the three
estates of the realm ; by mountains, he understood bishops,
lords, and magistrates ; by the lesser hills, he meant knights,
esquires, and merchants ; by the people, he meant husbandmen,
artificers, and labourers. To which three estates, he en-
deavoured to prove, by many examples and authorities, that
a triple political virtue ought to belong ; to the first — unity
peace, and concord, without dissimulations ; to the second —
equity, consideration, and upright justice, without partiality ;
to the third — a due obedience to the King, his laws and
magistrates, without grudging." %
During the same session, he seems gracefully to have
expressed to the Duke of Bedford the confidence which
all felt in his gallantry and honour, notwithstanding the
reverses of the English arms in France. The Duke having
said "that he had come over to clear himself from some
slanders which were cast upon him, as that he had been
the occasion of the late great losses by his default and
negligence, and offered to take his trial for the same," — the
Chancellor, by the King's command, declared, " That his
• 1 Pari. Hist. 365. f Ibid. 366. \ Ibid. 368.
JOHN STAFFORD, CHANCELLOR. 349
Majesty took him for his true and faithful subject and most CHAP,
dear uncle, and that for his coming at that time gave him '
most hearty thanks." This was followed up by a compliment ^ n. 1435.
from the other house, communicated in a way rather dif-
ferent from our present forms. The Commons came before
the King and Lords, and by their Speaker praised the Duke
of Bedford for his warlike behaviour and notable deeds done
in France, and particularly for his conduct in the battle of
Verneuil.*
In 1435, the Kino; sitting; in his chair in the Painted
Chamber, the Chancellor delivered a most violent invective
against the defection of the Duke of Burgundy, his text being
" Soliciti sitis servare unitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis."
This performance is plain, forcible, and eloquent. But he pro-
bably piqued himself much more on his speech the next year
from the words Corona Regni in manu Dei: —
" On which he demonstrated that three sorts of men are crowned,
viz. all Christians in their baptism, in token whereof they are
anointed ; all clerks in their orders, in token whereof they are
shaven ; and all kings in their coronation, who in token thereof
wear a crown of gold set about with flowers and precious stones.
The erecting and standing of the flowers in the upper part of the
crown denoteth the King's pre-eminency over his subjects, which
ought to be garnished with four cardinal virtues, that is to say,
in the fore part ought to be wisdom, adorned with three precious
stones, viz. memory of things past, circumspection of things pre-
sent, and prudence in things to come. On the right hand ought
to be fortitude — accompanied with courage in attempting, — pa-
tience in suffering, — and perseverance in well meaning. On the
left side ought to be justice distributing her arms three ways, to
the best, mean, and lowest. On the hinder part ought to be tem-
perance, with her trinity, viz. restraint of sensuality in fear, silence
in speech, and mortification in will ; all which proceeding from
God fully proved that the crown of the King was in the hand
of God." t
In 1439, the Chancellor, being a friend to free trade, passed Repeal of
an act lessening his duties and his emoluments, — " that cheese chancellor
and butter might be exported to foreign parts without the to license
Chancellor's licence." atum. '
* 1 Pari. Hist 369. f Ibid. .S74.
350
KEIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XXI.
King's
marria£e.
Disgraceful
treaty with
France.
Founda-
tion of
Eton Col-
lege.
National
indignation
on dis-
covering
secret arti-
cle in
treaty with
France.
After an interval of some years, in which we have no
account of any parliamentary proceeding, in February, 1445,
the parliament met which was to sanction the King's marriage
with Margaret of Anjou, daughter of the titular King of
Sicily and Jerusalem, and the Chancellor put forth all his
strength in painting the felicity of this happy union, selecting
for his text, " Justitia et Pax osculatse sunt."*
But a great difficulty arose respecting the peace with
France, which had been negotiated at the same time with
the marriage, and the conditions of which were so humbling
to England. An act had been passed in the late King's time
forbidding any treaty with the Dauphin of France, now
Charles VIL, without the assent of the three estates of both
realms, and the Chancellor was afraid that the peace being
unpopular, he might be impeached for an infraction of this
statute. To evade the danger, — in the presence of the King
and the whole parliament, Stafford made a protestation
*' That the peace about to be made with France was merely
of the King's own motion and will, and that he was not
instigated thereto by any one whatsoever." This protest was
enrolled, and thereupon the statute referred to was repealed,
and it was declared, " that no person whatsoever should be
impeached at any time to come for giving counsel to bring
about this peace with France."!
It should be stated to the honour of the Chancellor, who
cordially seconded the liberal intentions of the King, that in
this parliament he proposed and carried an act to confirm the
foundation of Eton College, where —
" Grateful Science still adores
Her Henry's holy shade."
By concealing an article in the treaty with France, that
the province of Maine, which was still in the possession of
the English, should be delivered up, ministers contrived to
obtain a vote of thanks from both Houses for concluding the
treaty; and for some time the Chancellor's tenure of office
seemed more secure than ever. But after the murder of
Gloucester and the death of Cardinal Beaufort, when the
1 Pari. Hist. .378.
t Ibid. 379.
JOHN STAFFORD, CHANCELLOR.
351
stipulated cession of Maine was made known, and France
insisted on the strict performance of the treaty, there was a
general burst of indignation throughout the country, and the
greatest impatience was testified to bring to punishment the
Duke of Suffolk, the Queen's favourite who had negotiated
the treaty, together with the Lord Chancellor, and all who
were concerned in it.
The assembling of a parliament was delayed as long as
possible. The Queen, who had gained a complete ascendant
over her husband, apprehensive of danger to Suffolk, long
prevented the writs from issuing, and, under pretence of the
plague, contrived to have the opening of the session several
times adjourned.
At length both Houses met in the beginning of the year
1450. Lord Chancellor Stafford, who had been lately made
Archbishop of Canterbury, appeared on the woolsack, and
tried to brave the storm, but soon found himself obliged to
yield to it. Although he was the organ of announcing se-
veral prorogations, he was not permitted to deliver the usual
address explaining the reasons for summoning parliament;
and the two Houses seem to have insisted, before beginning
any business, that he should be dismissed from his office.
On the 31st of January, 1450, the day that parliament met
pursuant to the last adjournment, " the Archbishop of Canter-
bury was discharged from the office of Chancellor, and John
Kempe, Cardinal and Archbishop of York, was put in his
place." * I conjecture that, to appease the two Houses, this
transfer actually took place in their presence. From the
entry in the Close Roll, it appears that there were three seals
delivered to the new Chancellor, all which, it is said, he took
with him to his country house at Charing Cross, f
Ex-chancellor Stafford was not further molested. He
retired from politics, and died at Maidstone, in Kent, on the
6th of July, 1452. He was par negotiis neque supra, one of
those sensible, moderate, plodding, safe men, who are often
much relished by the leaders of political parties, as they can
fill an office not discreditably, without any danger of gaining
CHAP.
XXL
A par-
liament.
A.D. 1450.
Lord
Chancellor
Stafford
dismissed.
His death
and cha-
racter.
• 1 Pari, Hist. 38G.
t Rot. CI. 28 Hen. 6. m. 7.
352 REIGN OF HENBY VI.
CHAP, too much eclat, and with a certainty of continued sub-
XXI
serviency.
Cardiiiai Cardinal Kempe succeeded him likewise as Archbishop of
Kempe Canterbury, and continued Chancellor till he died in the
Oiancellor. office on the 2d of March, 1454. Any knowledge of the
law he had acquired when he before held the Great Seal had
utterly evaporated during his eighteen years' retirement from
the office, and he must no doubt have now been very unfit
for its judicial duties ; but civil war was at hand, and the
interests of justice were little regarded in the struggles of the
diiferent factions who were preparing for hostilities.
Banish- He had first to preside on the impeachment of the Duke of
™^"* ^'V^ Suffolk, who, declaring " that he was as innocent as the
death or , ', , ' °
Duke of child still in the mother's womb," instead of claiming to be
" " • tried by his peers threw himself without reserve on the will
of his sovereign. Chancellor. — " Sir, since you do not put
yourself on your peerage for trial, the King will not hold 5 ou
either guilty or innocent of the treasons with which you have
been charged, but as one to whose control you have volun-
tarily submitted (not as a Judge advised by the Lords) : —
he commands you to quit this land before the 1st of May,
and forbids you ever to set your foot during the five next
years on his dominions either in this kingdom or beyond the
sea."* It is well known how the unfortunate SuflTolk, who
the cunning man in calculating his nativity had prophesied
was to die by " Water," had his head struck off by " Walter"
Whitmore, as he was crossing the sea under this illegal
sentence, t
A.n. 1450. Then broke out Jack Cade's rebellion, which was specially
Jack Cade's • . ' sr j
rebellion, aimed against the Chancellor and all concerned with the
profession of the law. The measures at first taken to sup-
press it were most inefficient, and the King and his court were
obliged to seek protection in Kenilworth Castle, London
opening its gates to the insurgents. The Chancellor took
the chief management of affairs, and the rebels having re-
ceived a repulse, he succeeded in dispersing them by offering
* Rot. Par. vol. v. 182. f Shaks, Part II. Hen. VI. act iv. so. 1.
CARDINAL E.EMPE, CHANCELLOE. 353
a general pardon and setting a price on Cade's head, which chap.
was earned by Iden of Kent. *
Many supposed that Cade had been set on to try the dis- ^ j,. 1450.
position of the people towards the right heir to the crown.
He pretended to be a son of Mortimer, who had married the
daughter of the Duke of Clarence, elder brother of John of
Gaunt ; and in this belief thousands flocked to his standard.
The Duke of York, the real heir through a daughter of Mor-
timer, at last openly set up his claim — for which there was
now a very favourable opportunity from the intellectual
weakness of the King; — from the extreme unpopularity of
the Queen, whose private character was open to great sus-
picion, and who was considered a devoted partisan of France ;
— from the loss of the foreign possessions which had so much
flattered the pride of the English nation ; — from the death
and discomfiture of the ablest supporters of the reigning dy-
nasty ; — from the energy and popularity of the pretender him-
self;— and from the courage, the talents, and the resources
of his numerous adherents.
The claims of the rival houses being debated in the Temple War of the
Gardens, the red and the white roses there plucked became the ^^"ses,
opposing emblems f, and men took different sides according to
their judgment, their prejudice, or their interest.
When the next parliament met at Reading in the spring of
1453, it was found that the Duke of York had a powerful party
in both Houses, although many who preferred his title were
very reluctant to take active measures to support it, on ac-
count of the mild virtues of the reigning Sovereign. The
Chancellor, being unable to attend, the session was opened by
a speech from the Bishop of Lincoln, who contented himself
with declaring " the cause of summoning the parliament to
be chiefly for the good government of the realm and safe
* Shakes. Part 11. Hen. VI.
f " Plantogenet. Let him that is a true born gentleman
And stands upon the honour of his birth,
If he suppose that I have pleaded truth,
From off this brier pluck a white rose with me.
" Somerset. Let him that is no coward nor no flatterer,
But dare maintain the party of the truth.
Pluck a red rose from ofFtliis thorn with me."
VOL. I. A A
354
REIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XXI.
A.D. 1453.
Death and
character
of Lord
Chancellor
Kempe.
defence of the saine; to which end he bid the Commons
choose their Speaker and present him at the bar."* The
Speaker chosen was Thomas Thorpe, Chief Baron of the
Exchequer, whose imprisonment gave rise to the famous case
of parliamentary privilege, in which the judges declared that
such questions did not belong to them to consider. On the
22d of July the Chancellor prorogued the parliament to the
7th of November, to meet at Reading, and it was farther
prorogued to the 11th of February following, to meet at
Westminster.
Before this day arrived, public affairs had fallen into
a state of the greatest confusion. The King had been
attacked by an illness which affected his mind and made
him unfit for business, and his ministers seem to have been
wholly at a loss what course they should adopt. The
Duke of York did not yet venture formally to claim the
crown ; but he contrived to get almost all the power of
the executive government into his own hands. A commis-
sion under the Great Seal was produced, appointing him to
hold the parliament in the King's absence. Thorpe the
Speaker being of the opposite party, and being imprisoned for
damages recovered against him by the Duke of York, the
Commons were prevailed upon to choose another Speaker,
and the Chancellor announced to them the royal approbation
of the choice.
This was the last act of Lord Chancellor Kempe ; while
still in possession of his office he suddenly sickened, and died
on the 22d of jVIarch, 1454. He had showed himself always
ready to go with the ruling power, and recently, even to join
the Yorkists if necessary, a disposition which may account
for the continued stream of promotion which flowed upon
him through life. Besides being twice Lord Chancellor, he
had held three bishoprics and two archbishoprics. He was
first created cardinal by the title of aS'^. Albinus, which after-
wards, when he came to be Archbishop of Canterbury, he
changed by the authority of the Pope for that of St. Rufinus.
* 1 Par). Hist. 391.
CARDINAL KEMPE, CHANCELLOR. 355
A barbarous line has been handed down to us describing his chap.
ecclesiastical preferments —
" Bis primas, ter prases, et bis cardinale functus."
Amidst the difficulties which arose in carrying on the a.d. 1454.
government on the Chancellor's death, a committee of the ne^sf^'
Lords was appointed to go to the King lying sick at Windsor,
to learn his pleasure touching two articles ; the first, to know
who should be Archbishop of Canterbury, and who Chancellor
of England in the place of John Kempe, by whose death they
lay in the King's disposal*; the second, to know whether
certain Lords there named to be of the Privy Council were
agreeable to him or not. On the 25th of March, the said
committee reported to the whole House " that they had been
to wait upon the King at Windsor, and after three several
repairs thither, and earnest solicitations to speak with the
King, they could by no means have answer, or token of
answer, being only told the King was sick." Two days after-
wards the Lords appointed the Duke of York Protector of
the realm, so long as the same shall please the King. The
Duke, still hesitating about the assertion of his own right,
with a view to the pains of treason to which he might
afterwards be subjected, obtained a declaration of the House,
" that he took upon him the said office by the particular ap-
pointment of the Lords, and not of his own seeking or desire."
Letters patent, to Avhich the Duke must himself have affixed
the Great Seal, were read in the House, appointing him Pro-
tector during the King's pleasure, or until such time as
Edward the Prince, then an infant a few months old, should
* The entry in the Parliament Roll affords a curious specimen of the English
language in the middle of the fifteenth century.
" Mt-morand' that on the xxiii day of Marche, forasmuche as God hath called
to his mercy and shewed his will upon Maister John Kempe, late Cardinall
Archebishop of Caunterbury, and Chaunceler of Englond, whoos soule God
assoile, and by whoos deth th' oflRce of Chaunceler of Englond stondeth now
voide, the which office, of force and necessite for the ease of the people and
processe of the lawe, must be occupied; it was advised, ordeigned, assented,
and thurroughly agreed by the Duke of York, the Kinges lieutenaunt in this
present parlement, and all the Lordes spiritualx and temporal x assembled in the
parlement chambre at Westr., that certain Lordes, that is to seie, &c., siioulde
ride to Wyndesore to the Kynges high presence, to shewe and declare to his
Highnesse the seid materes," &c. The instructions are then set out, and there
is a long account of the whole transaction. — v. 244.
A A 2
York.
356 REIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP, come to the age of discretion. The Duke, in full parliament,
then swore faithfully to perform the duties of his high
office.*
The Earl His first judicial appointment must have caused consider-
Buuv ap" ^ble astonishment in Westminster Hall. The Close Roll of
pointed this year informs us, that "on the 2d of April the King's
by the three Great Seals, one of gold and two of silver, were brought
v"Ji.^°'^ into parliament; and the Duke of York, Lieutenant of the
kingdom, delivered them to Richard Neville, Earl of
Salisbury, as Chancellor." f
He was the most powerful Peer who has ever been
Chancellor of England; and if military prowess were the
great requisite for the office, none could be better qualified
to fill it. He was one of the chiefs of the family of Neville,
'•' which," says Hume, " was perhaps at this time the most
potent, both from their opulent possessions, and from the
characters of the men, that has ever appeared in England."
This Earl of Salisbury was the son of the Earl of West-
moreland, and inherited by his wife, daughter and heir of
Montacute Earl of Salisbury, killed before Orleans, the
estates and title of that great house. In the 1 ith of Hen. VI.
he was made warden both of the east and west marches,
and gained great distinction in rej^ressing incursions of the
Scotch. He then served with gallantry in France, having
under his own pennant 7 knights, 49 men at arms, and
1046 archers. He early espoused the interest of Richard
Duke of York. Havino; contributed his assistance to make
him Protector, he was now rewarded with the office of Lord
Chancellor, and seemed in the possession of permanent power
* 1 Pari. Hist. 393. — Historians have been much at a loss to account for
Richard's reluctance to throw off his allegiance, even when his party had all
the power of the state in their hands. The reason may be, that while the King
■was childless he would not run the risk of civil war, as he hoped that his family
would succeed to the throne without any dispute, on failure of the line of
Henry IV. The war of the Roses may perhaps be ascribed to the birth of the
Prince of Wales, which was considered so auspicious. There can be no doubt
that had it not been for the birth of another Prince of Wales, the son of
James II., William and Mary would have waited to claim the crown by right
of blood.
f Another account states, that on the second of April the coffer containing
the Seals was brought into the parliament chamber, placed on the bench where
tlie Duke of York sat as Lieutenant, and after an interval opened by the Earl of
Salisbury himself, wlio took possession of them, and assumed the office of Chan-
cellor.— Ilymer, t. ii. p. 344.
CARDINAL BOURCHIER, CHANCELLOR. 357
and felicity, though actually destined to finish his career by CHAP,
the hands of the common executioner, — his head being
stuck upon a pole erected over one of the gates of the city of peh. 2.
York. 1461.
He retained the office exactly one year. During this time a»- 1455.
the King so far recovered from his distemper as to be able to covery/
carry the appearance of exercising the royal prerogative ; and
the Duke of York, not haviiio; boldlv seized the Crown as his
right, Margaret, in her husband's name, resumed the royal
authority, annulled the protectorship, released the Duke of
Somerset, the principal leader of the Lancastrians, from the
Tower, and committed the administration into the hands of
that nobleman. The Duke of York, and his Chancellor, saw
that if they submitted to this revolution, they would soon be
brought to trial for treason. They flew to arms, and em-
ployed themselves in levying forces in the counties where
they were most potent.
On the 7th of March, 1455, Thomas Bourchier, Arch- Cardinal
bishop of Canterbury, was made Lord Chancellor by the ^°^'^^"'*^''
Queen's new government. There is an entry in the Close Chancellor
Roll of the surrender of the Seals*; but, in reality, the same nj^^^
seals were not used by the different Chancellors of the oppos- March 7.
ing parties, and it was objected to the Earl of Salisbury that
the true Great Seal had never been in his custody.
The new Chancellor holds a distinguished place in English Great
history, having been Archbishop of Canterbury under five To Edward
successive reiscns, and having; exercised a considerable influ- ^^^-
ence upon the events of his time. He was of high lineage,
being a descendant of Lord Chancellor Bourchier, and son of
William Bourchier, Count of Eu in Normandy, by Anne,
daughter of Thomas of Woodstock, sixth son of Edward III.,
and relict of Edmund Earl of Stafford. He early discovered His good
that love of letters for which he was noted through life, and
which induced him to take an active part in introducing the
art of printing into England. In 1434, while he was still a
young man, he was elected Chancellor of the University of
Oxford, where he had been educated. He filled successively
♦ Rot. CI. S3 Hen. 6. m. 9.
A A 3
358 EEIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP, the sees of "Worcester and Ely. In April, 1454, on the
death of Cardinal Kempe, he was promoted to the Arch-
llis rise. bishopric of Canterbury ; and in December following he
received the red hat from Rome, being created Cardinal-
priest of St. Cyriacus in Thermis.
Battle of Soon after his appointment as Chancellor was fought the
Ma^s''?"^' S^'^^^ battle at St. Alban's, in which his predecessor had a
1455. leading command, and in which the Yorkists were superior,
having, without any material loss on their part, slain 5000 of
their enemies. Among these were the Duke of Somerset and
several other of the most distinguished Lancastrian leaders,
so that Margaret's party seemed almost annihilated.
The Duke of York still thought it the most politic course
to exercise power in the name of the King, who had been
taken prisoner, and for whom all outward respect was tes-
tified. As a proof of moderation, the Archbishop of Canter-
bury was allowed to retain the office of Chancellor, and a
July, 1455. parliament, which met in July at Westminster, was opened
by a speech from him. There was some mistrust, however,
as to what he might say if left to himself to declare the
causes of the summons, and his speech was settled at a con-
ference between the two parties. It is related that "the
Chancellor caused certain articles to be read before the
Houses containing the causes of the summons, which were
divided as follows — to take order for the expenses of the
King's household; for the due payment of the garrison at
Calais; for keeping the seas against any invasion of the
French ; to guard against the Scots, who had besieged Ber-
wick; to procure a perfect accord and unity among the
Lords," &c.*
The Earl of Salisbury, the late Chancellor, was present at
this parliament, and produced a charter of pardon, under the
Great Seal, to himself and his confederates for having taken
arms and fought at St. Alban's, and all other acts which
could be construed into treason. This charter was confirmed
by both Houses, but was found a very feeble protection when
the opposite party regained their superiority.
* 1 Pari. Hist. 395.
CARDINAL BOURCHIER, CHANCELLOR. 359
On the 31st of July the Archbishop of Canterbury, as CHAP.
Chancellor, in the King's presence and in bis name, pro- '__
rogued the parliament to the 12th of November. a.d. 1455.
In the interval he seems to have been entirely gained over I'uke of
by the Yorkists ; for, when the parliament again met, he con- tector.
curred with them in measures for utterly subverting the royal
authority. A deputation from the Commons prayed the Lords
that a Protector might be again appointed. The Lords con-
sequently held a consultation, when it was resolved that the
Duke of York was the most worthy for the office, and a
request was made to him by the whole House, that he would
assume the protectorship. The Duke excused himself, and
desired time to consider of it. The deputation from the
Commons expressed some impatience; to which the Lord
Chancellor answered, that the King, with the assent of the
Lords, had requested the Duke of York to be Protector.
At the proper moment the Duke relented, but he accepted
the office with the like protestation as on a former occasion —
that it had been forced upon him by the King and the two
Houses.*
This farce must have been somewhat disgusting to the
people, who probably would have been better pleased had the
right heir boldly seated himself on the throne under the title
of Richard IIL The Queen watched her opportunity ; and,
thinking that the Yorkists had incurred unpopularity,
availed herself of the Duke's absence from London, produced
her husband before the House of Lords, and made him declare
his intention of resuming the government, and putting an end
to the Protectorship. The manoeuvre, being unexpected, was
not resisted by the opposite party, and the House of Lords,
who had unanimously appointed the Protector, unanimously
assented to the immediate termination of his authority.
Bourchier the Chancellor rejoined his old friends, and a writ Chancellor
under the Great Seal was addressed to Richard Duke of ^Tsu,^?
York, in the King's name, superseding him as Protector, and sede Duke
at the same time the King, by proclamation, committed the
* 1 Pari. Hist. 398,
A A 4
of York.
160
REIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XXI.
Seal taken
from Arch-
bishop
Bourc'hier.
Oct. 11.
1456.
William
Wayn-
FLETE,
Bishop of
Winches-
ter, Chan-
cellor.
whole estate and governance of the realm to the Lords of his
council — meaning the Lancastrian leaders with whom the
Chancellor co-operated. The King's son was now created
i*rince of Wales, with a splendid provision for his main-
tenance during his minority.
The Parliament was prorogued by Archbishop Bourchier,
which seems to have been the last act which he did as Chan-
cellor.* He rather affected neutrality in the struggle that
was going forward, and he was always desirous of preserving
peace between the contending parties. Maintaining his alle-
giance to the King, he refused to enter into the plots that
were laid for the destruction of the Yorkists. The Great
Seal was therefore now taken from him, and transferred to
William Watnflete f, Bishop of Winchester, a most
determined and uncompromising Lancastrian.
The Record states that the Court being at Coventry, in
the Priory there, on the 11th of October, the Lord Chan-
cellor Bourchier, in the presence of the Duke of York, who,
with the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, had been invited
to attend, and of many Lords spiritual and temporal, produced
to the King in his chamber the three royal seals which had
been intrusted to him, two of gold and one of silver, in three
leather bags under his own seal, and caused them to be
opened; that the King received them from his hands, and
immediately delivered them to the Bishop of Winchester,
whom he declared Chancellor, and that Waynflete, after
taking the oath of office and setting the silver seal to a
pardon to the late Chancellor for all offences which could be
alleged against him, ordered the seals to be replaced, and the
bags to be sealed with his own signet by a clerk in Chancery,
and was thus fully installed in his new dignity. |
Waynflete was the son of Richard Patten §, a gentleman of
* 1 Pari. Hist. 399.
f Dugdale calls him Wickham ; but this is a mistake, as he certainly always
went by the name of Waynflete, although he may be considered as spiritually a
son of William of Wickham. — Rot. CI. 35 Hen. 6. m. 10.
I Rot. CI. 35 Hen. 6- m. 10.
§ His father was sometimes called Bardon. At this time the surnames of
families were very imcertain
WILLIAM WAYNFLETE, CHANCELLOR. ^^^
respectable family residing at Waynflete, in Lincolnshire, ^^^f'
His biographers are at great pains to refute an imputation
upon him that he was a foundling, and relate with much His origin,
exultation that not only was his father " worshipfuUy de-
scended," but that his mother, Margery Brenton, was the
daughter of a renowned military leader, who for his gallantry
in the French wars had been made governor of Caen. Young
Patten was educated in the noble seminaries established by
William of Wickham, — first at Winchester, and then at
Oxford, and acquired very great reputation for his proficiency
in classical learning.
He was ordained priest at an early age, and according to a
very usual custom, even with those of good birth, he then
exchanged his family name for that of the place where he
was born. In 1429 he was made head master of Winchester
school. Here he acquired high fame as a teacher, and in con-
sequence gained the favour of Cardinal Beaufort, then bishop
of the diocese, who introduced him to the King. " Holy a.d. 1441.
Henry " was now employed in founding his illustrious es- provost of
tablishment for education at Eton, and prevailed on Waynflete J^*^"-
to consent to be named in the charter one of the original
Fellows for three years ; he Avas promoted to the office of
Provost, and he not only superintended the studies of the place
with unwearied industry, but largely contributed to the ex-
pense of the buildings from his private means.
On the death of Cardinal Beaufort, by the unanimous
election of the Chapter and the royal consent, he was ap-
pointed Bishop of Winchester. In compliance with the
fashion of the times he protested often, and with tears, against
the appointment, till he was found about sunset in the church
of St. Mary, — when he consented, saying, he would no
longer resist the divine will. He repeated often that verse
of the Magnificat, " Qui potens est fecit pro me magna ; et
sanctum nomen ejus ;" * which also he added to his arms as
his motto.
He showed great energy in assisting in the suppression of His con-
Jack Cade's rebellion. He had a persoiiul conference with ^^[th"ja^.k
Cade.
* St. Luke, i. 49.
a62
EEIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XXI.
The Chan-
cellor sup-
ports the
Lancas-
trians.
His judicial
conduct.
Cade, and advised the publication of the general pardon, which
drew off many of his followers.
The war of the Roses beginning, he took a most decided
part in favour of the Lancastrians. The two armies being
first arrayed against each other on Blackheath, the King sent
Waynflete to the Duke of York to inquire the cause of the
commotion ; and the Lancastrians being indifferently pre-
pared, a temporary reconciliation was brought about by his
efforts.
He was selected to baptize the young Prince, who, to the
great joy of the Lancastrian party, was born on St. Edward's
day, 1453 ; and he so won the King's heart, by framing
statutes for Eton and King's College, Cambridge, that his
Majesty added a clause with his own hand, ordaining that
both colleges should yearly, within twelve days preceding the
Feast of the Nativity, for ever after Waynflete's decease,
celebrate solemn obsequies for his soul, " with commendations
and a morrow mass ; " a distinction not conferred on any other
person besides Henry V. and Queen Katherine, the father
and mother of the founder ; and Queen Margaret, his own
wife, for whom yearly obits are decreed, with one quarterly
for the founder himself.
The prudence of the Bishop was now to be " made eminent,
in warilie wielding the weight of his office " * of Lord Chan-
cellor. For its judicial duties he must have been very unfit :
and as he had not the assistance of a Vice-chancellor, the
defective administration of justice must have given great cause
of complaint ; but in such troublous times, these considera-
tions were little attended to. His first act was to bring to
trial, on a charge for publishing Lollardism, Peacock, Bishop
of Chichester, inclined to Yorkism, if not to heterodoxy, —
who was sentenced to sit in his pontificals, and to sec his books
delivered to the flames in St. Paul's churchyard, and then to
retire to an abbey on a pension.
While the Yorkists renewed their efforts to shake the
Lancastrian power, and the two parties continued to display
mutual animosity, the peaceful King found consolation in his
Hollinsh. vol. ii. p. 628.
WILLIAM WAYNFLETE, CHANCELLOR.
363
Chancellor. He sometimes, it is related, would bid the other ^^vf
Lords attend the council, but detain him to be the companion
of his private devotion ; to offer up with him in his closet
prayers for the common weal.* However, the Chancellor,
in reality, exerted himself to the utmost to depress the
Yorkists, although he was sometimes obliged to dissemble, and
to make the King assume a tone of moderation, and almost
of neutrality.!
By the mediation of Archbishop Bourchier, a seeming March 24.
reconciliation was brought about, and a formal treaty con- Apparent
eluded, consisting of eight articles, to which the new Chan- pacifica-
cellor, with no very sincere intentions, affixed the Great
Seal. In order to notify this accord to the whole people, a
solemn procession to St. Paul's was appointed, where the
Duke of York led Queen Margaret, and the chiefs of the
opposite parties marched hand in hand. Chancellor Wayn-
flete, I presume, had for his partner Ex-chancellor the Earl
of Salisbury. The less that real cordiality prevailed, the more
were the exterior demonstrations of amity redoubled on both
sides. X
Had the intention of the leaders been ever so amicable. Hostilities
they would have found it impossible to restrain the animosity '"^^"""^ •
of their followers ; and a trifling quarrel between one of the
royal retinue and a retainer of the Earl of Warwick, the son
of the Earl of Salisbury, and soon famous under the title of
" the King-maker," renewed the flames of civil war. The Battle of
battle of Blore Heath was fought, in which the Earl of Salis- Heath
bury acquired the most brilliant renown for his generalship ;
but this was soon followed by a heavy disaster to the
Yorkists, arising from the sudden desertion of a body of
veterans the night before an expected engagement, so that
they were obliged to disperse ; and the leaders flying beyond
sea, for a time abandoned the kingdom to their enemies.
The Queen, under the advice of the Chancellor, took this A parlia-
ment.
* " S£epius ob eximiam sanctimoniain in penetrale regiiim adhibitus, cacte-
roque senatu super arduis regni negoliis consilium inituro, Quin ahite (inquit
Princeps) Ego interim et Cancellarius mens pro salute rcipuhlicm vota Deo nuncu-
pabimus." — Budden, p 86.
t Chandler's Life of Waynflete, c. iv. v. J 1 Pari. Hist. 40ir
364
REIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XXI.
Yorkists
attainted,
A.D. 1460.
Battle of
Nortliamp-
ton,
July 10,
1460.
Waynflete
resigns
Great Seal.
opportunity of holding a parliament to attaint the Duke of
York and his adherents. Both Houses met at Coventry on
tlie 20th of November, 1459. No temporal Peers were sum-
moned, except staunch supporters of the House of Lancaster.
On the day of meeting, the King, sitting in his chair of state
in the Chapter House belonging to the Priory of our Lady
of Coventry, the Lords and Commons being present, it is said
that " William, Bishop of Winchester, then Chancellor, made
a notable declaration why this parliament was called." But
we have no account either of his text or his topics ; and we
are only told that he willed the Commons to choose their
Speaker, and present him the next day to the King.*
The desired attainders were quickly passed ; the members
of both Houses were sworn to support the measures taken to
extinguish the Yorkists ; and the Chancellor, in the presence
of the King and of the three estates, and by his Majesty's
command, after giving thanks to the whole body, dissolved the
parliament.!
But in a short time the Yorkists again made head ; and the
youthful Earl of March, afterwards Edward IV., gained the
battle of Northampton, in which above 10,000 of the Queen's
forces were slain. The King was again taken prisoner, and a
Yorkist parliament was held at Westminster.
Preparatory to this, the Great Seal was demanded in the
King's name from Bishop Waynflete, and he resigned it on
the 7th of July, 1460, having held it three years and nine
months.^ He took the precaution of carrying away with
him a pardon, under the Great Seal, which he might plead if
afterwards questioned for any part of his conduct. He like-
wise induced the King to write an autograph letter to the
Pope, to defend him from the calumnies now propagated
against him. §
• 1 Pari. Hist. 401 . f Ibid. 463.
t Rot. CI. 38 Hen. 6. m. 5.
§ This curious epistle is of considerable length, and I shall content myself
with extracting one sentence as a specimen. " Animo nobis est, vehementer et
cordi, clarissimo viro fortasse per emulos tracto in infamiam, nostro testimonio
quantum in nobis est omnem adimere culpam, huic presertim quem plurimum
carum habemus Reverendo in Christo patri Willelmo Winton Episcopo ; cujus
cum o])era et obsequiis, in rcgni negotiis gerendis non parum usi sumus, in
nichilo tamen cum excessisse testamur quo juste denigrari possit aut debeat
WILLIAM WAYNFLETE, CHANCELLOK. 365
William, Bishop of Sidon, a monk of the order of St. CHAP.
• X X T
Austin, had acted for him as his suffragan while he was
Chancellor, but he now returned to the personal dischar-ge of jjj^ subse-
his episcopal duties, and occupied himself for the rest of his quent ca-
days in founding Magdalen College, Oxford, that splendid
monument of his munificence.
Although always at heart an affectionate partisan of the Submits to
House of Lancaster, when Edward IV. had been firmly ^'^^^'.^ '
•' A.D. 14(0.
established on the throne, he submitted to the new dynasty ;
but he was allowed frequently to visit his ancient master, who,
while a prisoner in the Tower, being indulged in the freedom
of his devotions, hardly regretted the splendour of royalty.
During Henry's short restoration, Waynflete assisted in re-
crowning him ; but after he and his son had been murdered,
and Edward was restored and re-crowned, the Ex-chancellor
again submitted, swore allegiance to the young Prince, who a.d. 1472.
Iiad been born in the sanctuary at Westminster, and accepted
the office of Prelate to the Order of the Garter.
He was famed for the hospitable reception he gave to Entertains
Richard III. in his new College. This Sovereign, who seems ni^a['ji,e
not to have been by any means unpopular while on the College
throne, having intimated an intention of visiting the imi- ^'^^^ *" ^
versify of Oxford, Waynflete invited him to lodge at Mag-
dalen, and went thither to entertain him. On his approach
from Windsor on the 24th of July, 1483, he was honourably
received, and conducted in procession into the newly erected
College by the founder, the president, and scholars, and there
passed the night witli his retinue, consisting of many prelates,
nobles, and officers of state.*
Next day two solemn disputations were held by the King's
order in the College hall, the first in moral philosophy, the
tanti fama Prelati, quam hactenus omnium ore constat intemeratam extitlsse."
— MS. C. C. C. Cambridge, Budden, p. 80.
* It puzzles us much to understand how not only the King and his court,
but the King and both Houses of Parliament, were anciently accommodated
when assembled in a small town ; but it ajipears that a great many truckle beds
were spread out in any apartment, and with a share of one of these a luxurious
baron was contented, — the less refined not aspiring above straw in a barn. Both
Charles I. and Cromwell slept in the same bed with their officers. By Wayn-
flete's statutes for Magdalen College, each chamber on the first floor in ordinary
times was to contain two trujkle beds.
366 REIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP. Other in divinity, — the disputants receiving from the King a
' " ■ buck, and a present in money. He bestowed likewise on the
president and scholars two bucks, with five marcs for wine.
Such good will was created by his condescension and gene-
rosity, that the entry in the college register made under the
superintendence of Waynflete, ends with " Vivat- Rex in
eternum."
His death The Ex- chanccllor lived to see the union of the Red and
and cha- "w^hitc Rosc, and died on the 11th of August, I486.*
racter. ' .
His character and conduct are not liable to any consider-
able reproach, and his love of learning must ever make his
memory respected in England, f
* It is remarked as a curious fact that three prelates in succession held the
bishopric of Winchester for 119 years, the time between the consecration of
William of Wickham and the death of Waynflete.
f Budden's Life of Waynflete. Chandler's Life of Waynflete.
GEORGE NEVILLE, CHANCELLOR. 367
CHAPTER XXII.
CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY VI. FROM THE AP-
POINTMENT OF GEORGE NEVILLE, BISHOP OF EXETER, TILL THE
DEATH OF LORD CHANCELLOR FORTESCUE.
When the Great Seal was taken from Waynflete In 1460, CHAP,
from the 7th to the 27th of July it was in the custody of
Archbishoii Bourchier, but only till it could be intrusted to ^ ^ 14^0.
one in whom the Yorkists could place entire confidence. Great Seal
This prelate had lately much favoured the Yorkists, but still of Arch-
they recollected his former vacillation. bishop
On the 25th of July a new Chancellor was installed, about ^
•' ^ ' (jEORGE
whose fidelity and zeal no doubt could be entertained ; — Neville,
George Neville, Bishop of Exeter, the son of the Earl of Exeter, "^
Salisbury, and brother of the Earl of Warwick.* He had Chancellor
studied at Baliol College, Oxford, and taking orders, had 1460'
such rapid preferment, that he was consecrated a bishop
before he was twenty-five, and he was made Lord Chancellor
before he had completed his thirtieth year.
The parliament met on the 7 th of October. We are told a pariia-
that, in the presence of the King sitting in his chair of state, "^^"*'
in the Painted Chamber at Westminster, and of the Lords
and Commons, George Bishop of Exeter, then Chancellor of
England, made a notable declaration, taking for his theme,
" Congregate populum et sanctificate ecclesiam." But we are
not informed how he prepared the two Houses for the solemn
claim to the crown now to be made by his leader, to which
he was undoubtedly privy, f
The Duke of York, on his return from Ireland, having Duj^g ^f
entered the House of Lords, he advanced towards the throne, ^o'-k
and being asked by Archbishop Bourchier whether he had crown,
yet paid his respects to the King, he replied " he knew none to
* Rot. CI. 38 Hen. 6. m. 7. | 1 Pari. Hist. 404.
368
KEIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XXII.
Right to
> crown
argued at
bar of
Lords.
Judgment
for Duke
of York
after death
of King
Henry.
whom he owed that title." Then, addressing the Peers from
the step under the throne, he asserted his right to sit there,
giving a long deduction of his pedigree, and exhorting them
to return into the right path by doing justice to the lineal
successor. It might have been expected that he would have
concluded the ceremony by taking his seat on the throne,
which stood empty behind him ; but he immediately left the
House, and the Peers took the matter into consideration with
as much tranquillity as if it had been a claim to a dormant
barony. They resolved that the Duke's title to the crown
should be argued by counsel at the bar, and they ordered that
notice should be given to the King that he likewise might be
heard. The King recommended that the Judges, the King's
Serjeants, and the Attorney General should be called in and
consulted. They were summoned, and attended accordingly ;
but the question being propounded to them, they well con-
sidering the danger in meddling with this high affair, utterly
refused to be concerned in it.
Nevertheless counsel were heard at the bar for the Duke ;
the matter was debated several successive days, and an order
Avas made that every Peer might freely and indifferently
speak his mind without dread of impeachment. Objections
to the claim were started by several Lords, founded on former
entails of the crown by parliament, and on the oaths of fealty
sworn to the House of Lancaster ; while answers were given
derived from the indefeasibility of hereditary right, and the
violence by which the House of Lancaster had obtained and
kept possession of the crown.*
The Chancellor, by order of the House, pronounced judg-
ment, " that Richard Plantagenet had made out his claim,
and that his title was certain and indefeasible ; but that in
consideration that Henry had enjoyed the crown without
dispute or controversy during the course of thirty-eight years,
he should continue to possess the title and dignity during the
remainder of his life ; that the administration of the govern-
ment, meanwhile, should remain with Richard, and that he
should be acknowledo;ed the true and lawful heir of the
* 1 Pari. Hist. 405.
GEORGE NEVILLE, CHANCELLOR. 3611
monarchy." This sentence was, by order of the House, CHAP,
communicated to the King by the Chancellor, who explained
to him the Duke's pedigree and title ; and thereupon the
King acquiesced in the sentence. All this was confirmed by
the full consent of parliament, and an act was published
declaring- the Duke of York to be right heir on a demise of
the crown.*
But Margaret refused to be a party to this treaty, and was Battle of
again at the head of a formidable army. The battle of ^g^^'^^^^''^'
Wakefield was fought, in which Richard Plantagenet fell, i46o.
without ever having been seated on that throne to which he R^jJ^grd
was entitled by his birth, and which had repeatedly seemed Plantage-
within his reach. Here bravely fighting by the side of his ^f y^,^ ^
leader was taken prisoner, overpowered by numbers, the Ex-
chancellor, the Earl of Salisbury. He was immediately Execution
tried by martial law and beheaded. His head remained ghajj^'ji
stuck over one of the gates of York till it was replaced by the Earl of
that of a Lancastrian leader after the battle of Mortimer's ^eb. 2^^'
Cross. 1461.
For the dignity of the Great Seal I ought to give some
account of the illustrious progeny of Lord Chancellor Salis-
bury. His sons were Richard Earl of Warwick, " the King- His chil-
maker," John Marquis of Montagu, Sir Thomas, a great
military leader, and George, the Bishop, made Chancellor in
his father's lifetime. His daugliters were, Joan, married to
* The entry of this proceeding on the Parliament Roll is very curious.
" Mernorand' that on the xvl day of Octobr', the ixth daye of this present
parlement, the counseill of the right high and mighty Prynce Richard Due
of York brought into the parlement chambre a wryting conteignyng the clayme
and title of the right that the said Due pretended unto the corones of Englond
and of Fraunce, and lordship of Irelond, and the same wryting delyvered to the
Right Reverent Fader in God, George Bishop of Excestre, Chanceller of
Englond, desiryng hym that the same wryting might be opened to the Lordes
spiritualx and temporal x assembled in this present parlement, and that the seid
Due myght have brief and expedient answere therof : Whereupon the seid
Chauneeller opened and shewed the seid desire to the Lords spiritualx and
temporalx, askyng the question of theym, whither they wold the seid writyng
shuld be openly radde before theym or noo. To the which question it was
answered and agreed by all the seid Lords : Inasmuch as every persone high
and lowe suying to this high court of parlement, of right must be herd, and liis
desire and petition understaude, that tlie seid writyng shuld be radde and herd,
not to be answered without the Kyng's commaundment, for so moche as the
matter is so high and of soo grete wyght and poyse. Which writyng there
than was radde the tenour whereof foloweth in these wordes," &c.
Then follow all the proceedings down to the King's confirmation of the
Concord.
VOL. T. B B
dr?n.
370
REIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XXII.
Feb. 17.
1461.
Quisere,
Whether
Sir John
Fortescue
■was ever
Chancellor
in Eng-
land?
Supposed
to have
been only
Chancellor
in partibus.
the Earl of Arundel ; Cicily, to Henry Beauchamp Earl of
Warwick; Alice, to Henry Lord Fitzhugh of Ravenfroth;
Eleanor, to Thomas Stanley, the first Earl of Derby of that
name ; and Katherine, to John de ' Vere Earl of Oxford,
and afterwards to Lord Hastings, chamberlain to King
Edward IV.
There is no entry in the Records respecting the Great Seal
from the 25th of July, 1460, when George Neville was
created Chancellor nominally to Henry YL, but really under
the house of York, till the 10th of March, 1461, when he
took the oaths to the new King, and, according to Dugdale,
he continued Chancellor all the while; but it is impossible
that he should have been allowed to exercise the duties of the
office during the whole of this stormy interval, as for a
portion of it Margaret and the Lancastrians were in pos-
session of the metropolis, and had a complete ascendancy
over the kingdom, although it does not appear by the Rolls
or any contemporary writer that any other Chancellor was
appointed.
If the celebrated Sir John Fortescue, author of the admi-
rable treatise — "De Laudibus Legum Angliae," ever was
de facto Chancellor of England, and in the exercise of the
duties of the office, it must have been now, after the second
battle of St. Alban's, and at the very conclusion of the reign
of Henry YI.
Fortescue is generally by his biographers mentioned as
having been Chancellor to this Sovereign. In the introduc-
tion to his great work, after describing the imprisonment of
Henry YL, and the exile of Prince Edward his son, he
says, " Miles quidam grandjevus, pr^dicti Regis Anglic
Cancellarius, qui etiam sub hac clade exulabat, principem
sic affiitur;" and throughout the dialogue he always de-
nominates himself " Cancellarius."
I suspect that he only had the titular office of Chancellor
in partibus — when he accompanied the young Prince his pupil
as an exile to foreign climes, and that he never exercised
the duties of the office in England^; but under these cir-
* Spelman, in his list of Chief Justices, under head Jo. Forteseu, writes,
" Notior in ore omnium nomine Cancellarii quam Justiciarii, diu taraen functus
SIR JOHN FORTESCUE, CHANCELLOR. 37
cumstances I am called upon to offer a sketch of his history, — CHAP,
and it is dehghtful, amidst intriguing Churchmen and warlike *
Barons who held the Great Seal in this age, to present to
the reader a lawyer, not only of deep professional learning,
but cultivated by the study of classical antiquity, and not
only of brilliant talents, but the ardent and enlightened lover
of liberty, — to whose explanation and praises of our free
constitution we are in no small degree indebted for the re-
sistance to oppressive rule which has distinguished the people
of England.
Sir John Fortescue was of an ancient and distinguished His family,
family, being descended in the direct male line from Richard
Fortescue, who came over with the Conqueror. The family
was seated first at Winston, and then at Wear Giifard in
Devonshire, which still belongs to them.* He was educated
at Exeter College, Oxford, and called to the bar at Lincoln's
Inn. Unfortunately there is no further memorial of his
early career, and we are not informed of the course of study
by which he acquired so much professional and general know-
ledge, and reached such eminence.
In 1441 he was called to the degree of the coif, and was His rise at
made a King's Serjeant, and the year following he was raised * ^
to the office of Chief Justice of the King's Bench, the duties Chief Jus-
of which he discharged with extraordinary ability. In the
struggle for the Crown he steadily adhered to the House of
Lancaster while any hope seemed to remain for that cause, —
being of opinion that Richard II. was properly dethroned for
his misgovernment ; — that parliament then having the power
to confer the crown upon another branch of the royal family,
hereditary right was superseded by the will of the nation,
est hoc munere ; illo vix aliquando. Constitui enim videtur Cancellarius, iion
nisi a victo et exulante apud Scotos Rcge, Hen. 6., nee referri igitur in archiva
regia ejus institutio, sed cognosci maxime e libelli sui ipsius inscriptione." —
Glossarium Justiciarius. And under Spelman's Series Cancellariorum, he says,
" Jo. Fortescue Justiciarius Banci Regii exulante Hen. 6. in Scotia videtur
ejus constitui Cancellarius eoque usus titulo ; sed nulla de eo mcntio in Rott.
patentibus. Quidam vero contendunt cum non fuisse Cancellarium Regis sed
filii ejus primogeniti ; contrarium vero manifeste patet lib. suo de L. L. Ang.
in introductione, ubi sic de se ait, Quidcm Miles granda;vus," &c.
* I have been favoured with a sight of the pedigree by Earl Fortescue, and
it is perfect in all its links.
B B 2
372
KEIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XXII.
While
Chief Jus-
tice fights
in battle of
Towton.
March,
1461.
Attainted
by act of
parliament.
Goes into
exile.
>.D. 1463.
Writes
*' De Lau-
dibus."
— and that the parliamentary title of the House of Lancaster
was to be preferred to the legitimist claim of the House of
York.
Although advanced In years, and long clothed with the
ermine, he seems, according to the fashion of the age, to have
accompanied his party in their headlong campaigns, and to
have mixed in the moody fight. By the side of Morton,
afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Chancellor,
he displayed undaunted valour at Towton, where a great part
of his associates were put to the sword, and the crown was
fixed on the brow of Edward IV. Still he refused to send
In his adhesion to the new Sovereign, and having vainly tried
to strike another blow in the county of Durham, he was
attainted for treason by act of parliament with other Lancas-
trian leaders.
After the fatal adventures which reduced the Queen and
her son to the society of robbers in a forest, he accompanied
the exiled family Into Scotland, where It is said by some that
the title of Chancellor was conferred upon him. While there
he wrote a treatise to support, on principles of constitutional
law, the claim of the House of Lancaster to the crown. Ed-
ward being firmly seated on the throne, and King Henry a
prisoner in the Tower, he embarked with Margaret and
her son for Holland, and continued several years In exile
with them. Intrusted with the education of the young Prince.
He conceived that he was pursuing a judicious course for
securing the future happiness of the English nation in forming
the character of the heir-apparent to the throne, and ac-
quainting him with the duties of a patriot king — a task
which in later times even Hampden did not look upon as
derogatory to his talents or Incompatible with his indepen-
dence.*
With this view Fortescue now employed himself In the
composition of his book " De Laudibus," for the Instruction
of his royal pupil, in which he fully explains the principles
of the English constitution and English jurisprudence, and
* Preface to Amos's translation of the " De Laudibus."
SIR JOHN FORTESCUE, CHANCELLOR.
373
points out the amendments to be introduced into them by
the Prince on recovering the throne.*
He afterwards accompanied the Queen back to England,
but the cause of the House of Lancaster appearing at last
utterly desperate, and parliament and the nation having re-
cognised the title of the new dynasty, he expressed his wil-
lingness to submit himself to the reigning monarch.
Edward, with some malice, required that as a condition
of his pardon he must write another treatise upon the dis-
puted question of the succession, in support of the claim of
the House of York against the House of Lancaster. The old
lawyer complied, showing that he could support either side
with equal ability ; and afterwards, in a new petition, assured
the King " that he had so clearly disproved all the arguments
that had been made against his right and title, that now there
remained no colour or show of reason to the hurt thereof, and
that the same stood the more clear and open on occasion of
the writings hitherto made against them."f
The pardon was then agreed to, and expedited in due form.
As he had been attainted by act of parliament, it was neces-
sary that the attainder should be reversed by the same autho-
rity. He accordingly presented a petition for his restoration
in blood, to which the Commons, the Lords, and the King
assented, and which, according to the forms then prevailing,
thus became a statute. |
CHAP.
XXIL
Submits to
Edw. IV.
Writes in
favour of
title of
House of
York.
He is par-
doned.
* So minute is he in liis law reforms, that he even recommends new orna-
ments for the robes of the judges. — Ch. .51.
t Rot. Pari. vi. 26. 69. He tried to ride off on a point of fact. In his first
work he maintained that Philippa, daughter of Lionel Duke of Clarence,
through whom the House of York claimed, had never been acknowledged by
her father ; in the second, that her legitimacy had been cleared up beyond all
controversy. — See Ling. v. 217. n.
:|: By the favour of Earl Fortescue, his lineal representative, an exemplifica-
tion of it under tlie Great Seal of Edward IV. now lies before me, and I
copy it for the curious in historical antiquities.
" Edwardus dei gra. Rex Anglie, Francie, et Dominus Hibnie Omibz ad
quos psentes Ire prvint, saltm. Inspeximz quandam petioem in parliamento nro
apud Westm. sexto die Octobr. Anno regni nri duodecimo sumonito et tento
et p. diusas progacoes vsqz ad et in sextum diem Octobr. Anno regni nri
tciodecimo continuato et tunc tento nob. in eodem parliamento dco sexto die
Octobr. dco Anno regni nri triodecimo p. Johem Fortescu Militem exhibi-
tam in hec vba : To the kyng oure soureyne lord, In the moost humble wise
sheweth vnto yo'' most noble grace, your humble subget and true liegeman,
John Fortescue, knyght, which is and eid. shalbe duryng his lyf yo' true and
B B 3
Exempli-
fication of
reversal of
the at-
tainder of
Lord
Chancellor
Fortescue.
374 REIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP, He retired to Ebrington, in Gloucestershire, an estate
which he had purchased before his exile, and which now
Retires to gi^cs the title of viscount to his descendants.
Ebrington,
feithfull subget and liegeman, soureigne lord by the gee of God. Howe be
it the same John is not of power, ne hauoir to doo your highnes so goode suice
as his hert and wille wold doo, for so moche as in your parlement holden at
Westm. the iiijth day of Novembr, the first yere of your moost noble reigno,
it was ordeyned, demed, and declared by auctorite of the same parlement, that
the seid John, by the name of John Fortescu, knyght, among other psones
shuld stond and be conuicted and attaynted of high treason, and forfeit to you,
soureyn lord and your heires, all the castelles, manes, lordshippes, londes,
tentes, rentes, suices, fees, advousons, hereditamentes, and possessions, with
their appurtenances, which he had of estate of inheritance, or any other to his
vse had the xxx day of Decembr next afore the first yere of your moost noble
reigne, or into which he or any other psone or psones, feoffes to the vse or
behofe of the same John, had the same xxx day lawfull cause of entre within
Englond, Irelond, Wales, or Cales, or the marches thereof, as more at large is
conteyned within the same acte or actes, pleas it your highnes, forasmoch as
your seid suppliaunt is as repentaunt and sorowfull as any creature may be, of
all that which he hath doon and comitted to the displeasure of your highnes,
contrie to his duetie and leigeaunce, and is and pseuantly shalbe to you,
soueigne lord, true, feithfull, and humble subget and liegeman, in wllle, worde,
and dede, of your moost habundant grce, by thaduis and assent of the lordes
spiel! and temporell, and the coens in this your psent parlement assembled,
and by auctorite of the same, to enacte, ordeyne, and stablish that the seid acte
and all actes of atteyndre or forfeiture made ayenst the same John and his feof-
fes, to the vse of the same John, in your seid parlement holden at Westm. the
seid iiijth day of Novembr as ayenst them and euery of them, by what name or
names the same John be named or called in the same acte or actes, of, in, or by
reason of the pmisses, be vtterly voide and of noon ePecte ne force : And that the
same John nor his heires in no wise be purdiced or hurte by the same acte or
actes made ayenst the same John : And that by thie same auctorite your seid sup-
pliaunt and his heires have possede, joy, and inherite all man' of possessions and
hereditamentes in like man"" and fourme, and in as ample and large wise as the
seid John shuld haue done if the same acte or actes neu"" had be made ayenst the
same John : And that the seid John and his heires haue, hold, joy, and inherit
all castelles, manes, lordshippes, londes, tentes, rentes, suices, fees, advousons, and
all otiier hereditaments and possessions, with their appurtenances, which come or
ought to haue come to yo"' handes by reason of the same acte or actes made
ayenst the same John and feoffes to his vse : And vnto theym and euy of theym
to entre, and theym to haue, joy, and possede in like man^ fourme, and con-
dicion, as the same John shuld have had or doon if the same acte or actes neu''
had been made ayenst the seid John and his seid feoffes, to his vse, withoute
suying theym or any of theym oute of your handes by peticion, lyne, or other-
wise, by the course of your lawes. And that all Ires pattentes made by your
highnes to the seid John, or to any psone or psones of any of the pmisses be
voide and of noon effecte, sauing to euy persone such title, right, and lawfull
entre as they or any of theym had at the tyme of the seid acte or actes made
ayenst the same John, or any tyme sith other then by means and vtue of oure
Ires patentes made sith the iiijth day of March, the first yere of your reigne, or
any tyme sith : And that no psone or psones be empeched nor hurt of or for
takyng of any issues or pfittes, nor of any offenses doon in or of any of the
pmisses afore the iijth of the moneth of Aprill, the xiij yere of your reigne, or
at any tyme sith the seid iiijth day of IMarcJie by the seid John or any feoffes
to his vse by wey of accion or otherwise. Provided alway, that no psone nor
psones, atteynted, nor their heires, take, haue, or enjoy any avauntage by this
psent acte, but oonly the seid John and his heires in the pn-ises. And also the
SIR JOHN FORTESCUE, CHANCELLOR.
375
Here he quietly spent the remainder of his days, and here
he died, leaving a great and venerable name to his posterity
and his country.
He was buried in the parish church at Ebrington, where a
monument, with the following inscription, was erected to his
memory : —
" In felicem et immortalera memoriara
Clarissimi viri Dili Johannis P'ortiscuti militis grandaevi,
Angliae Judicis primarii et processu temporis sub Henrico VI.
Rege et Edwardo principi summi Cancellarii Consiliarii Regis
Prudentissiini, Legum Angliae peritissimi, necnon earundem
Hyperaspistis fortissimi, qui corporis exuvias lastam
Resurrectionem expectantes liic deposuit."
In 1677 this monument was repaired by Robert Fortescue,
Esq., the then representative of the family, who added to it
these quaint verses ; —
" Angligenas intra cancellos Juris et Equi
Qui tenuit, cineres jam tenet urna viri.
Lux viva ille fuit patrite, lux splendida legis.
Forte bonis Scutum, sontibus et scutica.
Clarus erat titulis, clarus majoribus, arte
Clarus, virtute ast clarior emicuit.
Jam micat in tenebris, veluti carbunculus orbis,
Nam virtus radios non dare tanta nequit.
Vivit adhuc Fortescutus laudatus in a;vum
Vivet et In legum laudibus ille suis. "*
CHAP.
xxn.
Death.
Epitaph.
feofFes to the use of the seid John, oonly for and in the pmisses which the same
feoft'es had to the vse of the seid John, the seid xxx day or any tyme sitb. And
your seid suppliaunt shall pray to God for the pseruacion of your raoost roiall
astate, consideryng soueigne lord that your seid suppliaunt louyth so and teii-
drith the goode of your moost noble estate, that he late by large and clere
writyng delyued vnto your highness hath so declared all the maf' which were
writen in Scotland and elles where ayen your right or title, which writynges
haue in any wise comen vnto his knowledge, or that he at any tyme hath be
pryue vnto theym : And also hath so clerely disproued all the argumentes that haue
be made ayen the same right and title, that nowe there reniayneth no colour or mat'
of argument to the hurt or infayme of the same right and title by reason of any such
writyng. but the same right and title stonden nowe the more clere and open by that
any such writynges haue be made ayen hem. Inspeximus eciam quendam assensum
cidem peticoi p coitates regni nri Angl. in dco parliamento existen scm. et
in dca peticoe specificat. in hue verba a cest bille les coenz sont essenxuz.
Inspeximus insup. quandam responsionem eidem peticoi p nos de acusamento
et ^assessu dnoq. spualiu. et temporaliu. in dco parliamento similit. existen.
ac Coitates pdce necnon auctoritate eiusdem parliamenti ftam et indorso eius-
dem peticois insertam in hec verba soix fait come il est desire. Nos autem
tenores peticois assensus et responsionis predie. ad requisicoem pfate Johis
duximus exemplificand. p psentes. In cuius rei testimoniu. has Iras nras fieri
fecimus patentes. Teste me ipo apud Westm. quartodecimo die Februaij
Anno regni nri quarto decimo. Gunthokt.
T-, - f JoiIEM GUNTHOIIP, "I ^..
Ex" p. -{ n- . T J- Cticos.
' (_ Ihomam Jvo. J
* I insert the following re-lease of the manor of Ebrington as a curious spe-
B B 4
376
KEIGN OP HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XXII.
His cele-
brated
judgment
on parlia-
mentary
privilege.
Thorpe's
case.
As a common-law judge he is highly extolled by Lord
Coke, and he seems to have been one of the most learned and
upright men who ever sat in the Court of King's Bench.
He laid the foundation of parliamentary privilege, to which
our liberties are mainly to be ascribed. He had the sagacity
to see, that if questions concerning the privileges of parliament
were to be determined by the common-law judges appointed
and removable by the Crown, these privileges must soon be
extinguished, and pure despotism must be established. He
perceived that the Houses of parliament alone were com-
petent to decide upon their own privileges, and that this
power must be conceded to them, even in analogy to the
practice of the Court of Chancery and other inferior tribunals.
Accordingly, in Thorpe^s case, he expressed an opinion which,
from the end of the reign of King Henry VI. till the com-
mencement of the reign of Queen Victoria, was received with
profound deference and veneration.
Thorpe, a Baron of the Exchequer, and Speaker of the
cimen of conveyancing, and of the English language in the reign of Henry VI,
See 145 I
Re-lease of To alle men to whom this wrytyng shal come, Robt. Corbet, knyght, sende
Manor of gi^etyng in oure Lord. For asmuch as I have solde to Sir John Fortescu,
Ebrington. I'nyght, in fee symple, the reuersion of the Manour of Ebryghton, in the Counte
of Gloucestre, with the apptenaunces, to be had after the decesse of Joyes, late
the Wif of John Grevyle, Esquier, for Cli pounds, to be payed to me in certayn
fourme betwene vs, accorded by reason of which sale I have by my dede enrolled
and subscribed with myne owne hande, graunted the same reuersion to the said
Sir John, and other named with hym, to his vse in fee by vertu of which the said
Joyes hath attourncd to the said Sir John ; and also I have delyuered to the
same Sir John alle the evydences whiche euer come to myne handes concernyng
the said Manour ; I wol and desire as welle the foresaid Joyes the abbot of
Wynchecombe, and alle other personnes in whos handes the said Sir John or his
heyres can wete or aspye any of the forsaid evydences to be kepte, to delyuer
the same evydences to ham, for the right and title of the reuersion of the said
Manour is now clerely, trewly, and lawefully in the said Sir John, his cofeoftees
and theyre heyres, and from me and myne heyres for euer moore, and the said
Manour, nor the reuersion therof, was neuer tayled to me, nor none of myne
Auncestres, but alway in vs hathe he possessed in fee symple, as far as euer I
coude knowe, by any evydence or by any manner, sayyng by my trouthe. Wher-
fore I charge Robt. my sone and myne heyre, his issue, and alle thos that shal be
myne heyres herafter, vppon my blessyng, that they neuer vexe, implede, ne greve
the forsaid Sir John, his said cofeoffees, theyre heyres, nor assignees, for the for-
said Manour ; and if they do, knowyng this my prohibicion, I wote wel they shal
haue the curse of God, for theyre wronge and owr trouthe, and also they shal
haue my curse, Witnysyng this my wrytyng vnder my scale, and subscribed with
myne owne hande, Wreten the v day of decembr, the yere of the reigne of
Kyng Herry \i^° after the conqueste xxxv*'.
(L. S.) Sir RoBERD Corbet, Knyth.
SIR JOHN FORTESCUE, CHANCELLOR.
377
House of Commons, being a Lancastrian, had seized some CHAP.
harness and military accoutrements which belonged to the '_
Duke of York, who brought an action of trespass against
him in the Court of Exchequer to recover their value. The
plaintiff had a verdict, with large damages, for which the
defendant, during a recess of parliament, was arrested and
imprisoned in the Fleet. When parliament re-assembled, the
Commons were without a Speaker ; and the question arose
whether Thorpe, as a member of the Lower House and
Speaker, was not now entitled to be discharged ?
The Commons had a conference on the subject with the
Lords, who called in the Judges, and asked their opinion.
" The said Lords, spiritual and temporal, not intending to
impeach or hurt the liberties and privileges of them that
were coming for the commerce of this land to this present
parliament, but legally after the course of law to administer
justice, and to have knowledge what the law will weigh in
that behalf, opened and declared to the Justices the premises,
and asked of them whether the said Thomas Thorpe ought to
be delivered from prison by, for, and in virtue of the privilege
of parliament or no ? " " To the whole question," says the
report, " the Chief Justice Fortescue, in the name of all the
Justices, after sad communication and mature deliberation
had amongst them, answered and said : that they ought not
to answer to that question ; for it hath not been used afore-
time that the Justices should in anywise determine the privi-
lege of this high court of parliament ; for it is so high and
so mighty in its nature, that it may make law ; and that that
is law, it may make no law ; and the determination and
knowledge of that privilege belongeth to the Lords of the
parliament and not to the Justices." *
In consequence of this decision the two Houses of parlia-
ment were for many ages allowed to be the exclusive judges
of their own privileges ; liberty of speech and freedom of
inquiry were vindicated by them ; the prerogatives of the
Crown were restrained and defined ; and England was saved
from sharing the fate of the monarchies on the Continent of
* Thorpe's Case, 31 Hen. 6. a, d, 1452. 1:5 Rep. 63. 1 Hatsell, 29,
Lord Campbell's Speeches, 22.5.
378
REIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XXII.
Equity
lawyer.
His lite-
rary merits.
His cha-
racter.
His de-
scendants
Europe, In which popular assemblies were crushed by the un-
resisted encroachments of the executive government.
What acquaintance Fortescue had with equity we have no
means of knowing ; but it is clear that he was not a mere
technical lawyer, and that he was familiar with the general
principles of jurisprudence.
As a writer, his style is not inelegant, though not free from
the barbarisms of the schools; and he displays sentiments
upon liberty and good government which are very remark-
able, considering the fierce and lawless period when he
flourished. His principal treatise has been celebrated, not
only by lawyers, but such writers as Sir Walter Raleigh, and
not only by Englishmen, but by foreign nations. " We
cannot," says Chancellor Kent, in commenting upon it, " but
pause and admire a system of jurisprudence which in so un-
cultivated a period of society contained such singular and
Invaluable provisions in favour of life, liberty, and property,
as those to which Fortescue referred. They were unpre-
cedented in all Greek and Roman antiquity, and being pre-
served In some tolerable degree of freshness and vigour amidst
the profound ignorance and licentious spirit of the feudal ages,
they justly entitle the common law to a share of that constant
and usual eulogy which the English lawyers have always libe-
rally bestowed upon their municipal institutions." *
Notwithstanding his tardy submission to the House of
York, he is to be praised for his consistency as a politician.
Unlike the Earl of Warwick and others, who were constantly
changing sides according to Interest or caprice, he steadily
adhered to the House of Lancaster till it had no true repre-
sentative, and the national will had been strongly expressed
In favour of the legitimate heir. We must, indeed, regret the
tyranny of Edward, who would not generously pardon him
on account of his fidelity to his former master ; but his com-
pliance with the arbitrary condition Imposed upon him should
be treated with lenity by those who have never been exposed
to such perils.
Lord Coke rejoiced that his descendants were flourishing in
the reign of Queen Elizabeth ; and I, rejoicing that they still
* Kent's Commentaries.
STATE OF THE LAW. 379
flourish in the reign of Queen Victoria, may be permitted to CHAP,
express a confident hope that they will ever continue, as now, ^^^'•
to support those liberal principles which, in the time of the
Plantagenets, were so powerfully inculcated by their illils-
trious ancestor.
We must here take a short review of the law under End of the
Henry VI. ; for although after languishing ten years as a l^'^"^ "^
prisoner in the Tower, he was again, for a short time, placed
as a puppet on the throne, we may consider that his reign
really closed when, upon the military disasters of his party,
his queen and son went into exile, all his supporters were
either slain or submitted, and a rival sovereign was proclaimed
and recognised.
After the marriage of the King's mother, Catherine of Law
France, with a Welsh gentleman, Owen ap Tudor, whereby ^^^"0 ^
the royal family was supposed to be much disparaged, a Dowager
statute was passed* enacting, that to marry a Queen Dowager wfthout the
without the licence of the King, should be an offence punish- consent of
able by forfeiture of lands and goods. Some doubted whether ing S-'
this statute had the full force of law, because the prelates, ""^^sn-
asserting a doctrine still cherished by some of their successors,
that " it belongs to the Church alone to regulate all matters
respecting marriage," assented to it " only as far forth as the
same swerved not from the laAv of God and of the Church,
and so as the same imported no deadly sin ; " but Lord Coke
clearly holds it to be an act of parliament f, and it continues
law to the present day.|
The only other statute of permanent importance, passed
under Henry VI., was that for regulating the qualification of
the electors of knights of the shire. §
The Chancellors of this reign, particularly Cardinal Beau- Equitable
fort, the Earl of Salisbury, Archbishop Bourchier, and Bishop if'chan-''"
Waynflete, were men of great note, and had much influence eery during
upon the historical events of their age. Under them, assisted Hl?" VI.
by Jolm Frank, Master of the Rolls, the Court of Chancery
• AD. 1418, 6 Hen. G. f 4 Inst. 34.
:f A vain attempt was made (as was supposed by tlie clergy) to do away with
it by cutting off and stealing the membrane of the parliament roll on which it
was inscribed. See 5 Ling. 105.
§ 8 Hen. 6. c. 7.
380
EEIGN OF HENRY VI.
CHAP.
XXII.
Rude state
of Equity.
grew into new consideration. The doctrine of uses was
now established, and it was determined that they might be
enforced without going to parliament. So low down as
the 7th of Henry VI., this kind of property was so little re-
garded, that we find it stated by one of the judges as " a thing
not allowed by law, and entirely void, if a man make a feoff-
ment with a proviso that he himself should take the profits * ; "
but in the 37th year of the same reign, in the time of Lord
Chancellor Waynflete, a feoffor " to such uses as he should
direct," having sold the land and directed the feoffees to
convey to the purchaser, it was agreed by all the judges in
the Exchequer, when consulted upon the subject, that the
intention of the feoffor being declared in writing, the feoffees
were bound to fulfil it ; and they intimated an opinion, that
where a testator devised that his feoffees should make an estate
for life to one, remainder to another, the remainder-man
should have a remedy in Chancery, to compel a conveyance
to himself, even during the continuance of the life interest.f
Very soon after, the distinction between the legal and
equitable estate was fully settled on the principles, and in the
language which ever since have been applied to it4
On other points. Equity remained rather in a rude plight.
For example, — in a subsequent case which came before Lord
Chancellor Waynflete, the plaintiff having given a bond in
payment of certain debts which he had purchased, filed his
bill to be relieved from it, on the ground that there was no
consideration for the bond, as he could not maintain an action
to recover the debts in his own name. This case being ad-
journed into the Exchequer Chamber, the Judges, instead of
suggesting that an action might be brought for the benefit of
the purchaser, in the name of the original creditor, held, that
the bond was without consideration, and advised a decree
tliat it should be cancelled, which the Chancellor pronounced.
An action was, nevertheless, brought upon the bond in the
Common Pleas, which prevailed, — that Court holding that
the only power the Chancellor had of enforcing his decrees,
was by inflicting imprisonment on the contumacious party, who
* Y. B. 7 Hen. 6. 436.
t See Y. B. 4 Ed. 4. 3.
t Bro. Ab. Garde, 5.
STATE OP THE LAW. 381
might still prosecute his legal right in a court of law, notwith- CHAP,
standing the determination in Chancery, that the bond was
unconscionable.* To remedy this defect, injunctions were
speedily introduced, raising a warfare between the two sides
of Westminster Hall, which was not allayed till after the
famous battle between Lord Coke and Lord Ellesmere, in the
reign of James I. Bills were now filed for perpetuation of
testimony, the examination being taken by commissioners, and
certified into Chancery. Possession was quieted by the au-
thority of the Court, and its jurisdiction was greatly extended
for the purpose of afibrding relief against fraud, deceit, and
force.
* Y, B, 36 Hen, 6. 13.
382
REIGN OF EDWARD IV.
CHAPTER XXIII.
CHANCELLORS IN THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.
CHAP.
XXIII.
March 5.
1461.
George
Neville
again
Chancellor.
Nov. 1461.
A parlia-
ment.
Chancel-
lor's speech
on opening
session.
Edward IV. having been proclaimed king on the 5th of
March, 1461, on the 10th of the same month George Neville,
Bishop of Exeter, was declared Chancellor.* He had been
an active leader in the tumultuary proceedings which took
place in the metropolis during the late crisis. Without call-
ing a parliament, first by a great public meeting in St. John's
Fields, and then by an assemblage of bishops, peers, and other
persons of distinction at Baynard's Castle, he had contrived
to give a semblance of national consent to the change of
dynasty.
The new King, after the decisive battle of Towton, in
which 36,000 Englishmen were computed to have fallen, but
which firmly established his throne, having leisure to hold a
parliament, it met at Westminster in November, and was
opened in a notable oration by Lord Chancellor Neville, who
took for his theme " Bonas facite vias ; " but we are not in-
formed whether he exhorted them to make provision for the
repair of the highways, greatly ncjlected during the civ'' war,
or to find out ways and means to restore the dilapidated
finances of the country, or what other topics he dwelt upon.
After a Speaker had been chosen by ;he Commons, "who
addressed the King, commending him for his extraordi-
nary courage and conduct against his enemies, — the
Chancellor read a long declaration of the King's title to the
crown, — to which was added a recapitulation of the tyran-
• Feed. xi. 473. A difficulty arose about having a Great Seal to deliver to
him. At the commencement of a new reign, the Great Seal of the preceding
Sovereign is used for a time, but tliat of Henry VJ. was not forthcoming, and
he had been declared an usurper. A new Great Seal, with the effigies of Ed-
ward IV., was speedily manufactured, though in a rude fashion. — 1 Hale's
Pleas of the Crown, 177.
GEORGE NEVILLE, CHANCELLOK. 383
nous reign of Henry IV., and his heinous murdering of CHAP.
Kichard 11. * XX in.
The required acts of attainder and restitution being passed
against Lancastrians and in favour of Yorkists, the King,
according to modern fashion, closed the session with a
gracious speech, dehvered by himself from the throne.f
After his Majesty had ended his speech, the record tells us
that " the Lord Chancellor stood up and declared, that since
the whole business of this parhament was not yet concluded,
and the approaching festival of Christmas would obstruct it,
he therefore, by the King's command, prorogued the parlia-
ment to the 6th of May next ensuing. At the same time
he told them of certain proclamations which the King had
issued against badges, liveries, robberies, and murders, and
which " the Bishops, Lords, and Commons promised to
obey."$
Neville was made Archbishop of York, and continued to Acts
hold the office of Chancellor till the 8th of June, 1467 ; but ^f^^^^^
I do not find any transaction of much consequence in which pTiTeT^
he was afterwards engaged. The parliaments called were ^^°^''
chiefly employed in reforming the extravagant fashion pre-
vailing among the people of adorning their feet by wearing
pikes to their shoes, so long as to encumber them in their
walking, unless tied up to the knee with chains of gold,
silver, or silk. There was a loud outcry against these enor-
mities, and this appears to have operated as a diversion in
favour of the Court of Chancery, which now enjoyed a long
respite from parliamentary attack. Several statutes were
passed, regulating the length of pikes of shoes, under very
severe penalties; but the fame of reformers is generally
short-lived, and I cannot affirm that the Lord Chancellor
gained any distinction by bringing forward or supporting
these measures.
In 1463 the pleasing and novel task was assigned to Lord
* 1 Pari. Hist. 41 9."
t A little specimen of the language and style may be interesting. " James
Stranways and ye that be comyn for the common of this my lond, for the true
hertes and tender consideracions that ye have had unto the coronne of this
reame, the which from us have been long time withholde."— 1 Pari. Hist. 419.
t 1 Pari. Hist. 422.
384
REIGN OF EDWARD IV.
CHAP.
XXIII.
ChaucclloT
abroad on
an embassy.
March,
1464.
Edward's
nipture
with the
Nevilles.
Neville
dismissed
from office
of Chan-
ccllor.
A.D. 1467.
Chancellor Neville, of announcing to the Commons that, from
the flourishing state of the royal revenue, the King released
to them parcel of the grant of a former session.
For several months in the autumn of this year he was
abroad, on an embassy to remonstrate against the countenance
given to Lancastrians at foreign courts ; and during his ab-
sence the Great Seal was in the custody of Kirkham, the
Master of the Rolls.*
On the 10th of April, 1464, the Chancellor being about to
leave London for Newcastle on public business, the Great
Seal was again intrusted to the Master of the Rolls, who was
directed by writ of privy seal to keep it till the 14th of May,
and on that day to deliver it to Richard Fryston and William
Moreland, to be conveyed to the Chancellor. They accord-
ingly delivered it back to the Chancellor at York, on his re-
turn to London.
Things went on very smoothly for several years, till the
quarrel of Edward IV. with the house of Neville, arising out
of his marriage with the fair widow, the Lady Elizabeth Grey,
while the Earl of Warwick, by his authority, was employed
in negotiating an alliance between him and the Lady Bona of
Savoy. The rupture was soon widened by the new Queen,
Avho, regarding the Nevilles as her mortal enemies, was eager
to depress them, and to aggrandise her own kindred.
In consequence, George Neville was dismissed from the
office of Lord Chancellor. On the 8th of June, 1467, the
King abruptly demanded the Great Seal from him, and gave
it to John de Audley to carry to the palace. The next day
it was delivered to the Master of the Rolls, without any
Chancellor over him, but with a declaration, " that he was
not to use it excej)t in the presence of the Earl of Essex,
Lord Hastings, Sir John Fagge, and Sir John Scotte, or of
one of them ; and after each day's sealing, it was to be put
into a bag, which was to be sealed with those who were pre-
sent at the sealing, and the Master of the Rolls was every day,
before night, to deliver tlie seal so enclo'sed to one of the
Kot. CI. 4 Ed. 4.
ROBERT STILLINGTON, CHANCELLOR. 385
persons above mentioned, and to receive it again the next chap.
• • • XXIII
morning, to be used in the manner here recited.*
The ruling party had not determined who should be the
new Chancellor when Neville was dismissed, and an interval of
ten days elapsed before the choice was made — employed no
doubt in intrigues among the Queen's friends, from whom he
was to be selected. At last, on the 20th of June, it was June 20.
announced that Kobert Stillington, Bishop of Bath and J^fj^^^^
Wells, was appointed Chancellor, and the Great Seal was Stilling-
1 T J i !-• 4. TON, Chan-
aelivered to nim.j cellor.
But before entering on his history, we must take a final
leave of Ex-chancellor Neville. He now harboured the deep- Subsequent
est resentment against Edward, and entered into all the cabals ^^^^l "^
^ _ Ex-chan-
of his brother the " King-maker," who was secretly leagued cellor
with Queen Margaret and the Lancastrians, and wished to ^^' ^'
unmake the king he had made.
Both brothers, however, attempted to conceal their wishes
and designs, and at times pretended great devotion for the
reigning Sovereign. In 1469, Edward, in a progress passing
through York, was invited by the Archbishop, his Ex-chan-
cellor, to a great feast at the archiepiscopal palace. He
accepted the invitation ; but as he sat at table he perceived
symptoms which suddenly induced him to suspect that the
Archbishop's retainers intended to seize his person, or to
murder him. He abruptly left the entertainment, called for
his guards, and retreated.
When in the following year the civil war was openly re- a.d. 1470.
newed, and the Earl of Warwick, by one of the most sudden
revolutions in history, was complete master of the kingdom,
it is said that Edward was for a time in the custody of the
Archbishop, who, however, used him with great respect, not
restraining him from the diversions of hunting and walking
abroad, by which means Edward made his escape, and soon
after recovered his crown. Upon the counter-revolution, the a.d. 1471.
* Rot. CI. 7 Ed." 4. m. 12. It had not been unusual to impose such
restrictions on persons holding the seal without being Chancellor, but the Chan-
cellor always had the unlimited use of it, upon his responsibility to the King
and to Parliament.
t Rot. CI. 7 Ed. 4. m. 12.
VOL. I. CO
384
REIGN OF EDWARD IV.
CHAP.
XXIIT.
A.D. 1472.
His death.
Character
of Robert
Stillington.
His origin.
A.D. 1467.
His speech
at proroga-
tion of par-
liament.
Archbishop was surprised in his palace at Whitehall, and sent
to the Tower ; but on account of his sacred character was
soon after set at liberty, although he had been repeatedly
guilty of high treason, by imagining the King's death, and
levying war against him in his realm. Being detected in new
plots, about a year after his enlargement, the King again
caused him to be arrested on a charge of high treason, seized
his plate, money, and furniture, to the value of 20,000/.,
and sent him over to Calais, then often used as a state prison.
There he was kept in strict confinement till the year 1476,
when on the score of his declining health he was liberated,
and he died soon after. During the seven years he held the
Great Seal, I do not find any charge against him of partiality
or corruption ; and his sudden changes in politics, and the vio-
lence with which he acted against his opponents, must be con-
sidered rather as characteristic of the age in which he lived,
than bringing any great reproach upon his personal character.
Robert Stillington, his successor, had the rare merit
of being always true to the party which he originally es-
poused. He appears to have been of humble origin, but he
gained a great name at Oxford, where with much applause
he took the degree of Doctor of Laws. He was a zealous
legitimist, and on the succession of Edward IV. he was a
special favourite with that Prince, Avho successively made
him Archdeacon of Taunton, Bishop of Bath and Wells,
Keeper of the Privy Seal, and finally Lord Chancellor. He
held this office for six years, Avith the exception of the few
months when Edward was obliged to fly the kingdom, and
the sceptre was again put into the feeble hand of Henry VI.
He had been appointed during a session of Parliament.
This was brought to a close on the 5th of July, when it is
stated, that having in the presence of the King, Lords, and
Commons, first answered certain petitions from the lower
House, he thanked them in the King's name for the Statute
of Resumption which they had passed, — told them that
the King had provided for Calais, and had taken care for
Ireland and Wales, —[and assured them that his Majesty
desired there might be a due execution of the laws in all his
ROBERT STILLINGTON, CHANCELLOR. 387.
dominions. After which, in the King's name, he prorogued chap.
the parliament.*
sion.
At the opening of the following session, in May, 1468, Lord ^j, 1453
Chancellor Stillington, departing from the custom of deli- ^^^ speech
vering a quaint discourse from a text of Scripture, with next ses-
infinite divisions and subdivisions, — delivered a very eloquent
and statesmanlike speech, which made a deep impression, if
we may judge from the liberal supplies which were voted.
After some observations in praise of the government of
England by Kings, Lords, and Commons,
" He put them in mind in what poor estate the King found the
crown ; despoiled of the due inheritance ; wasted in its treasures ;
the laws wrecked ; and the whole by the usurpation in a manner
subverted. Add to this the loss of the crown of France ; the
Duchies of Normandy, Gascoigny, and Guienne, the ancient patri-
mony of the crown of England, lost also ; and further he found it
involved in a war with Denmark, Spain, Scotland, Brittany, and
other parts, and even with their old enemy of France. Then, de-
scending, he told them that the King had appeased all tumults
within the realm, and planted such inward peace that law and jus-
tice might be extended. That the King had made peace with
Scotland ; that the Lord Wenters was negotiating a league with
Spain and Denmark, so as to open a free commerce with those
countries. But what was still the greatest, he had allied himself
to the Dukes of Burgundy and Brittany, two most powerful princes
in such sort as they had given the King the strongest assurance of
acting vigorously against France for the recovering of that king-
dom and other the King's patrimonies ; of which, since they made
little doubt, the King thought fit not to omit such an opportunity,
and such a one as never happened before. And that his Majesty
might see this kingdom as glorious as any of his predecessors did,
he was ready to adventure his own person in so just a cause.
Lastly, he told them that the King had called this parliament to
make them acquainted with these matters, and to desire their
advice and assistance."!
The announcement of a French war was a certain mode of
opening the purse-strings of the nation ; a large subsidy of
two tenths and two fifteenths was immediately granted, and
a renewal of tlie glories of Cressy, Poictiers, and Agincourt
was confidently anticipated.
* 1 Pari. Hist, 426. f ^^'^^- 427.
c c 2
388
REIGN OF EDWARD IV.
CHAP.
XXIII.
Invasion
by Earl of
Warwick.
Sept 1470,
Henry VI.
restored.
" The hun-
dred days."
October,
1470.
But these visions were soon dispelled by the landing of the
Earl of Warwick, now the leader of the Lancastrians, with
the avowed object of rescuing Henry from the Tower, where
he himself had imprisoned him, and replacing him on the
throne from which he had pulled him down as an usurper.
" The scene which ensues," says Hume, " resembles more the
fiction of a poem or romance than an event in true history."
It may be compared to nothing more aptly than the return
of Napoleon from Elba. In eleven days from Warwick's
landing at Dartmouth, — without fighting a battle, Henry was
again set at liberty and proclaimed king, and Edward was
flying in disguise to find a refuge beyond the seas.
The Lord Chancellor Stillington certainly did not submit
to the new government ; but I cannot find whether he fol-
lowed Edward into exile, or where he resided during " the
hundred days." Most of the leading Yorkists fled to the
Continent, or took to sanctuary, like the Queen — who, shut
up in Westminster Abbey, while assailed by the cries of the
Lancastrians, was delivered of her son, afterwards Edward V.,
murdered by his inhuman uncle. Stillington probably relied
for safety on his sacred character, and retired to his see.
A new Chancellor must have been appointed, as a par-
liament was called and the government was regularly con-
ducted in Henry's name, this being now styled "the 49th
year " of his reign ; but there is no trace of the name of any
one who was intrusted with the Great Seal till after the
restoration of Edward IV.
It is chiefly on the public records that we ought to rely for
the events of those times, and as soon as Edward was again on
the throne, the records of all the transactions which had taken
place during his exile were vacated and destroyed. " There
18 no part of English history since the Conquest so uncertain,
so little authentic or consistent, as that of the wars between
the two Roses ; and it is remarkable that this profound dark-
ness falls upon us just on the eve of the restoration of letters,
and when the art of printing was already known in Europe.
All that we can distinguish with certainty through the deep
cloud which covers that period, is a scene of horror and blood-
ROBERT STILLINGTON, CHANCELLOR. 389
shed, savage manners, arbitrary executions, and treacherous, CHAP,
dishonourable conduct in all parties."*
Thus we shall never know who was the Chancellor that Doubtful
stated the causes for calling, in the name of Henry VI., the ^|'° ^*,^
1-1 . ^ T*.T Chancellor
parliament which met at Westminster on the 26th of Novem- onrestora-
ber, 1470, — when Edward TV. was declared a traitor and V^" °*^ ttt
' ^ Henry VL
usurper of the Crown, — all his lands and goods were con-
fiscated, — all the statutes made by him were repealed, —
all his principal adherents were attainted, — and sentence of
death was passed on the accomplished Tiptoft, Earl of Wor-
cester, though, struck with the first rays of true science, he
had been zealous by his exhortation and example to pro-
pagate the love of polite learning among his unpolished coun-
trymen, f The strong probability is, that George Neville,
King-maker Warwick's brother, at this time had the Great
Seal restored to him, and took the oaths as Chancellor to
King Henry VI.
But Edward soon returned to recover his lost authority, a.d. 1471.
and to wreak vengeance on his enemies ; the battles of Barnet iv"^^J_
and Tewkesbury were fought ; the Earl of Warwick fell ; stored.
Edward the Prince of Wales was assassinated ; and the un-
happy Henry, "after life's fitful fever slept well," — whether Death of
relieved from his sufferings by the pitying hand of nature, or ^^'^
by the " weeping sword " of the inhuman Gloucester.
When King Edward had gone through the ceremony of Stlllington
being re-crowned, we find Stillington in possession of the (fhancellor
Seal as Chancellor. There is no entry in the records of its
being again delivered to him, and he was probably considered
as holding it under his original appointment.
A parliament was soon afterwards called, which was opened
and prorogued by a speech from the Chancellor, but at which
nothing memorable occurred. The late parliament held in
the name of Henry VI. was not then even recognised so far
as that its acts were repealed, and the course was adopted as
preferable of obliterating all rolls recording its proceedings.
Had things so remained, it would have been difficult for
* Hume. t 1 Pari. Hist. 428.
c c 3 ,
380 REIGN OP HENRY VI.
CHAP. "TCw into new consideration. The doctrine of uses was
^^''* now established, and it was determined that they might be
enforced without going to parliament. So low down as
the 7th of Henry VI., this kind of property was so little re-
garded, that we find it stated by one of the judges as " a thing
not allowed by law, and entirely void, if a man make a feoff-
ment with a proviso that he himself should take the profits * ; "
but in the 37th year of the same reign, in the time of Lord
Chancellor Waynflete, a feoffor " to such uses as he should
direct," having sold the land and directed the feoffees to
convey to the purchaser, it was agreed by all the judges in
the Exchequer, when consulted upon the subject, that the
intention of the feoffor being declared in writing, the feofiees
were bound to fulfil it ; and they intimated an opinion, that
where a testator devised that his feoffees should make an estate
for life to one, remainder to another, the remainder-man
should have a remedy in Chancery, to compel a conveyance
to himself, even during the continuance of the life interest, f
Very soon after, the distinction between the legal and
equitable estate was fully settled on the principles, and in the
language which ever since have been applied to it.:}:
Rude state On Other points. Equity remained rather in a rude plight.
q"« y- Pqj, example, — in a subsequent case which came before Lord
Chancellor Waynflete, the plaintiff having given a bond in
payment of certain debts which he had purchased, filed his
bill to be relieved from it, on the ground that there was no
consideration for the bond, as he could not maintain an action
to recover the debts in his own name. This case being ad-
journed into the Exchequer Chamber, the Judges, instead of
suggesting that an action might be brought for the benefit of
the purchaser, in the name of the original creditor, held, that
the bond was without consideration, and advised a decree
that it should be cancelled, which the Chancellor pronounced.
An action was, nevertheless, brought upon the bond in the
Common Pleas, which prevailed, — that Court holding that
the only power the Chancellor had of enforcing his decrees,
was by inflicting imprisonment on the contumacious party, who
* Y. B. 7 Hen. 6. 436. -j- Bro. Ab. Garde, 5.
X See Y. B. 4 Ed. 4. 3.
STATE OF THE LAW. 381
might still prosecute his legal right in a court of law, notwlth- chap.
standing the determination in Chancery, that the bond was
unconscionable.* To remedy this defect, injunctions were
speedily introduced, raising a warfare between the two sides
of Westminster Hall, which was not allayed till after the
famous battle between Lord Coke and Lord EUesmere, in the
reign of James I. Bills were now filed for perpetuation of
testimony, the examination being taken by commissioners, and
certified into Chancery. Possession was quieted by the au-
thority of the Court, and its jurisdiction was greatly extended
for the purpose of affording relief against fraud, deceit, and
force.
♦ Y. B. 36 Hen. 6. 13.
392
EEIGN OF EDWARD IV.
CHAP.
XXIII.
His rise.
His incom-
petency.
He is dis-
missed.
He had risen by merit from obscurity. He studied at
Cambridge, where he gained high distinction for his pro-
ficiency in literature, law, and divinity. While still a young
man he was elected head of his house and Chancellor of that
University. In 1457 he was made Bishop of Durham, while
Henry VI. was nominally King, but under the influence of
the Yorkists, to whom he continued steadily attached. It
seems strange to us that an individual, who for sixteen years
had been occupied in superintending a remote diocese, should
in his old age be selected to fill the office of Lord Chancellor,
now become one of great importance in the administration of
justice ; but there were, no doubt, political reasons for the
appointment, and the interests of the suitors were not much
regarded. It is possible that the Bishop might have been
thought capable of silencing a noisy opponent in parliament,
or that he was of that moderate, decent, unalarming character,
which so often leads to promotion.
His appointment turned out a great failure. He was
equally inefficient in the Court of Chancery and in parlia-
ment. Except that he did not take bribes, he had every bad
quality of a judge, and heavy complaints arose from his va-
cillation and delays. While he presided on the woolsack in
the House of Lords, he never ventured to open his mouth,
unless in the formal addresses which he delivered by the
King's command at the commencement and close of the
session, and these were so bad as to cause general dissatis-
faction. On the 1st of February, 1474, he summoned the
Commons to the Upper House, and told them " that they
were then assembled to consult which way the King might
proceed in the wars ; but because his Majesty had yet heard
nothing from his brother, the Duke of Burgundy, relating
to that affivir, whereon much depended, it was the King's
command that this parliament should be prorogued to the
9th of May ensuing."*
When the two Houses again met, his incompetency became
more glaring, and it was found that he had not the requisite
skill, by eloquence or management, to carry the measures of
* I Pari. Hist 432.
THOMAS ROTHERAM, CHANCELLOR. 393
the Court, or to obtain the supplies. He was accordingly CHAP.
• XXIII
dismissed from the office of Chancellor. To console him, he
was soon after translated from Durham to York. He died
after having quietly presided over this province between
three and four years, during which time, abandoning politics,
he exclusively confined himself to his spiritual duties.*
There is no record of the delivery of the Great Seal to a. d. 1475.
RoTHERAM, his distinguished successor ; but we know from Bbhop'^of^*
the Privy Seal Bills extant, that he was Chancellor in the Lincoln,
end of February, 1475. f Although he held the Great Seal
only for a short time on this occasion, it was afterwards re-
stored to him, and he acted a most conspicuous part in the
troubles which ensued on the death of Edward lY.
He owed his elevation to his own merits. His family name
was Scot, unillustrated in England at that time, and instead of
it, he assumed the name of the town in the West Riding of
Yorkshire in which he was born. | He studied at King's
College, Cambridge, and was one of the earliest fellows on
this royal foundation which has since produced so many dis-
tinguished men. § He was afterwards Master of Pembroke
Hall, and Chancellor of this University. For his learning
and piety he was at an early age selected to be chaplain to
Vere, thirteenth Earl of Oxford, and he was then taken into
the service of Edward IV. Being a steady Yorkist, he was
made Bishop of Rochester in 1467, and translated to Lin-
coln in 1471. To finish the notice of his ecclesiastical dig-
nities, I may mention here that, in 1480, he became Arch-
bishop of York, and that he received a red hat from the
Pope with the title of Cardinal St^ Cicili^.
Soon after his elevation to the office of Chancellor he was a parlia-
ment, June
* Privy Seal Bills, 14 Ed. 4. f L. C. 56.
X We are not to suppose from this that he was ashamed of his descent.
Edward I., to introduce surnames, still rare, and to give variety to them, had
directed that people might take as a name the place of their birth. Even
princes of the blood were called by the place of their birth, as " Harry of Mon-
mouth," "John of Gaunt," " Thomas of Woodstock," &c. Priests being mortal
g<BcuL), very frequently relinquished their family names on their ordination.
§ Three Chancellors, — Rotheram, Goodrich, and Camden, and many most
eminent lawyers, — as Chief Justice Sir James Mansfield, Chief Justice Sir
Vicary Gibbs, Mr. Justice Patteson, Mr. Justice Dampier, and his son, the
present Judge of the Stannary Court.
II Fuller's Worthies, 214. Godwin Willis, 42. Wood's Ath, i. 147.
6. 1475.
394 REIGN OF EDWARD IV.
rilAP. called to open a session of parliament after a prorogation,
^^^^^' and by holding out the prospect of a French war he con-
trived to obtain supplies of unexampled amount. In the
beginning of the following year he passed a great number of
A D. 1476. bills of attainder and restitution, with a view to the perma-
nent depression of the Lancastrians. On the 14th of March,
by the King's command, he returned thanks to the three
estates, and dissolved the parliament, which had lasted near
Length of tvvo ycars and a half.* Since the beginning of parliaments
parliaments ^^ q^q jjg^^j enjoyed an existence nearly so long. Formerly
times. there was a new parliament every session, and the session did
not last many days. But as the power of the House of
Commons increased, it was found of great importance to have
a majority attached to the ruling faction, and disposed to
grant liberal supplies. When such a House was elected there
was a reluctance to part with it, and prorogations were gra-
dually substituted for dissolutions ; but the keeping of the
same parliament in existence above a year was considered a
great innovation. At common law, however, the demise of
the Crown was the only limit to the duration of parliaments,
— which accounts for the first parliament of Charles II.
having lasted eighteen years, and there being sometimes no
dissolution of the Irish parliament during a long reign.
Characters The history of Croyland points it out as something very
Omncdlors remarkable, that during this parliament of Edward IV. no
who pre- less than three several Lord Chancellors presided. "The
parTiamc^n"! ^''st," adds that authority, " was Eobert Stillington, Bishop
of Bath, who did nothing but by the advice of his disciple,
John Alcock, Bishop of Worcester ; the next was Lawrence
Booth, Bishop of Durham, who tired himself with doing just
nothing at all ; and the third was Thomas Kotheram, Bishop
of Lmcoln, who did all, and brought every thing to a happy
conclusion."
i^K '^'" ^Itl^ough Rotheram had given such satisfaction as Chan-
Chancellor cellor,— on the 27th of April, 1476, John Alcock, who had
been formerly keeper of the Great Seal under Stillington,
was sworn in Chancellor, and held the office till the 28th of
* 1 Pari. Hist. 433.
a short
time.
THOMAS EOTHERAM, CHANCELLOR. 395
September following, when Rotheram was reinstated in it.* chap.
We have no certain information respecting the cause of this
ment.
discontinuance, or how he employed himself in the interval; ^^ 1475
but there is a strong probability that he accompanied the Kotheram
King in his inglorious expedition to claim the crown of
France, which ended in the peace of Pecquigni, and that the
negotiations with the Duke of Burgundy and Louis XL were
chiefly intrusted to him.
He continued Chancellor and chief adviser of the Crown
during the remainder of this reign. Edward, immersed in
pleasure and indulging in indolence, unless excited by some
great peril, when he could display signal energy as well as
courage, — threw upon his minister all the common cares of
government.
A parliament met at Westminster in January, 1477, when a.d. 1477.
Lord Chancellor Rotheram, in the presence of the King, jor'sTp^eech
Lords and Commons, in the Painted Chamber, declared the to pariia-
cause of the summons from this text, " Dominus regit me et
nihil mihi deerit;" upon Avhich he largely treated of the
obedience which subjects owe to their Prince, and showed,
by many examples out of the Old and New Testament, what
grievous plagues had happened to the rebellious and dis-
obedient, particularly that saying of St. Paul, Non sine causa
Rex gladium portat. He added, that "the Majesty of the
King was upheld by the hand and counsel of God, by which
he was advanced to the throne of his ancestors." f
Lord Chancellor Rotheram now found it convenient to pass
an act repealing all the statutes, and nullifying all the pro-
ceedings of the parliament which sat during the 100 days,
" alleged to have been held in the 49th year of Hen. VI.,
but which," it was said, " was truly the 9th of Ed. IV." He
then obtained great popularity by an act showing the dislike
to Irishmen, which still lingers in England, and which, with statute
little mitio-ation, was long- handed down from generation to ^S^'"**
^ . ^ , ° Irishmen,
generation, — " to oblige all Irishmen born, or coming of Irish
parents, Avho reside in England, either to repair to and remain
in Ireland, or else to pay yearly a certain sum there rated
* Privy Seal Bills, 15 Ed. 4. \ I Pari. Hist. 434.
396
REIGN OF EDWARD IV.
CHAP
xxiir.
January,
1477. Dis-
putes be-
tween King
and Clar-
ence.
Feb. 1478.
" Statute
of Ker-
queue." f
A.D. 1483.
Death of
Edward
IV.
for the defence of the same." We fear this was not meant
as an absentee tax for the benefit of Ireland, but was, in re-
ality, an oppressive levy on obnoxious aliens, such as was
imposed on the Jews till they were finally banished from the
realm.
Now began the fatal dissensions in the royal family which
led to the destruction of the House of York, and the extinc-
tion of the name of Plantagenet. There is reason to think
that the Chancellor did all that was possible to heal the dis-
pute between the King and his brother, the Duke of Clarence.
When the trial for treason came on in the House of Lords,
the Duke of Buckingham presided as Lord Steward, and the
King appearing personally as accuser, the field was left to
the two brothers ; " no one charging Clarence but the King,
and no one answering the King but Clarence."* According
to the universal usage, the Bill of Attainder passed both
Houses unanimously ; but the Chancellor, as a churchman,
could not vote in this affair of blood. We may suppose that
it was at the merciful suggestion of " the Keeper of his con-
science," that the King was so far softened as to give his
brother the choice of the mode of dying, and consented to
his being drowned in a butt of his favourite malmsey.
On the 20th of January, 1482, the Chancellor opened
Edward's last parliament with a speech from the text,
Dominus illuminatio mea et salus mea ; but we are not told
on what topics he enlarged ; and nothing was brought for-
ward during the session except a code or consolidation of the
laws touching "excess of apparel," with a new enactment,
" that none under the degree of a Lord shall wear any mantle,
unless it be of such a length that a man standing upright,
il lui voilera la queue %;''' — so that, instead of appearing in
flowing robes, and with a long train, the privilege of the no-
bility now was to show the contour of their person to the
multitude.
In « Cotton's Abridgement " Is to be found a list of the
peers summoned to attend another parliament at Westminster
I Pari. Hist. 435.
t This word is of the same etymology as « AercAe/,"— head-covering
I Iranslated m the statute-book, " it shall cover his buttocks." 22 I
Ed. 4. c. 1.
THOMAS ROTHERAM, CHANCELLOR. ' 397
In the beginning of the following year ; but there are no pro- chap.
ceedings of such a parliament on record, and, If summoned, it ^
was probably prevented from meeting by the last sickness
and death of the King, which happened on the 9th of April,
1483, in the forty-second year of his age and the twenty-
third of his reign.
There are to be found in the Year Books and Abridge- Decision of
ments various cases decided by the Chancellors of Edward IV., ceUw Ro""
showing that their equitable jurisdiction still required much theram. .
to be Improved and strengthened. Lord Chancellor Rotheram
was considered the greatest equity lawyer of the age. While
he held the Great Seal, a bill was filed by a person who had
entered into a statute merchant (that is, had acknowledged
before the mayor of a town that he owed a sum of money),
who had paid the debt without taking a written discharge,
and who was afterwards sued at law for the amount. The
question was, whether he should have relief? The Chan-
cellor, having great doubt, called in the assistance of the
Judges in the Exchequer Chamber, — where, after much ar-
gument, he pronounced that a statute merchant, being matter
of record, no relief could be given, though it would have
been otherwise in the case of a bond. And he decreed
accordingly. *
But it is not to be wondered at that he proceeded warily. Attempts
and that he stood in awe of the common-law Judges : for o*" ^ommon-
o ' law Judges
they appear to have formed a combination against him. In against in-
the same year in which the last case was decided, he had J""''^'°"*-
granted an injunction after verdict in a case depending in
the Court of King's Bench, on the ground that the verdict
had been fraudulently obtained. Hussey, the Lord Chief
Justice, who had probably presided at the trial, was very in-
dignant, and asked the counsel for the plaintiff " if they would
pray judgment according to the verdict?" and they declared
their dread of infringing the injunction. One of the puisne
Judges argued, that " though the party himself against whom
the injunction was directed might be bound by it, his counsel
or attorney might pray judgment with safety." But this dis-
* Y. B. 22 Ed. 4. 6.
398 REIGN OP EDWARD IV.
CHAP, tinction being over-ruled, the Lord Chief Justice said "they
^''''^' had talked over the matter among themselves, and they saw
no mischief that could ensue to the party if he prayed judg-
ment, for the pecuniary penalty mentioned in the injunction
was not leviable by law, so that there remained nothing but
imprisonment ; " and as to that he said, " If the Chancellor
commits any one to the Fleet, apply to us for a habeas
corpus, and upon the return to it we will discharge the pri-
soner, and we will do all to assist you." To avoid the im-
pending collision, another puisne Judge said " he would go to
the Chancellor, and ask him to dissolve the injunction ; " but
they all stoutly declared that " if the injunction were con-
tinued, they would nothingtheless give judgment and award
execution," — taking much credit to themselves for their
moderation in refusing damages for the loss occasioned by
the proceedings in Chancery.*
Jurisdic Yet the equitable jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery
bHshedover ^^7 ^^ Considered as making its greatest advance in this
trusts. reign. The point was now settled, that there being a feoff-
ment to uses, the cestui que use, or person beneficially en-
titled, could maintain no action at law, the Judges saying
that he had neither jits in re nor jus ad rem, and that their
forms could not be moulded so as to afford him any effectual
relief, either as to the land or the profits. The Chancellors,
therefore, with general applause, declared that they would
proceed by subpoena against the feoffee to compel him to
perform a duty Avhich in conscience was binding upon him,
and gradually extended the remedy against his heir and
against his alienee with notice of the trust, although they
held, as their successors have done, that the purchaser of the
legal estate for valuable consideration without notice might
retain the land for his own benefit, f They therefore now
freely made decrees requiring the trustee to convey accord-
ing to the directions of the person beneficially interested ;
and the most important branch of the equitable jurisdiction
of the Court over trusts was firmly and irrevocably esta-
blished.
• Y. B. 22 Ed. 4. .<?7.
t See Bro. Feoff, al. Uses, pi. 45. Saunders on Uses, p. 20.
STATE OF THE LAW.
399
A written statement of the supposed grievance being re- CHAP,
quired to be filed before the issuing of the subpoena, with '_
security to pay damages and costs, — bills now acquired form,
and the distinction arose between the proceeding by bill and
by petition. The same regularity was observed in the sub-
sequent stages of the suit. Whereas formerly the defendant
was generally examined viva voce when he appeared in obe-
dience to the subpoena, the practice now was to put in a
written answer, commencing with a protestation against the
truth or sufficiency of the matters contained in the bill,
stating the facts relied upon by the defendant, and con-
cluding with a prayer that he may be dismissed, with his
costs.
There were likewise, for the purpose of introducing new Equity
facts, special replications and rejoinders, which continued till ^ ^^'i"'?
the reign of Elizabeth, but which have been rendered unne-
cessary by the more modern practice of amending the bill
and answer. Pleas and demurrers now appear. Although
the pleadings were in English, the decrees on the bill con-
tinued to be In Latin down to the reign of Henry VIII. *
Bills to perpetuate testimony, to set out metes and bounds,
and for injunctions against proceedings at law, and to stay
waste, became frequent, f
The common-law Judges at this time Avere very bold men,
having of their own authority repealed the statute De Donis,
passed in the reign of Edward I., which authorised the
perpetual entail of land, — by deciding. In Taltarum's case %,
that the entail might be barred through a fictitious proceed-
ing in the Court of Common Pleas, called a " Common Reco-
very;"— the estate being adjudged to a sham claimant, — a
sham equivalent being given to those who ought to succeed to
it, — and the tenant In tail being enabled to dispose of it as he
pleased, in spite of the will of the donor. One of these
judges was Littleton, the author of the Treatise on Tenures,
♦ They were now sometimes expressed to be " habita deliberatione cum jus-
ticiariis et aliis de dicti Domini Regis coneilio peritis ad hoc evocatis et ibidem
tunc prajsentibus."
t See Calendar, and Reports of Record Commissioners, Temp. Ed. 4.
t 12 Ed. 4.
400 REIGN OF EDWARD IV.
CHAP, a work of higher authority than any other in the law of
^^'^ ' England. Fortescue is the only individual in the list of
Chancellors who wrote in this reign, and his Dialogue " De
Laudibus " was not published till long after.*
In the old " Abridgements of the Law" there are various
decisions of Edward IV. 's Chancellors referred to under the
heads "Conscience," "Subpoena," and "Injunctions," — the
only prior ones being a few in the time of Henry VI. ; but
they show equity to have been still in the rudest state, with-
out systematic rules or principles. '
• The general principles on which the equity jurisdiction of the Court of
Chancery was exercised in the time of Edward IV., may be favourably judged
from the instructions to Kirkeham when made Master of the Rolls. " The
King willed and commanded there and thanne, that all manere maters, to be
examyned and discussed in the Court of Chauncery, should be directed and de-
termined accordyng to equite and conscience, and to the old cours and laudable
custume of the same Court, so that if in any such maters any difEcuitie or ques-
tion of lawe happen to ryse, that he herein take th' advis and counsel of sume
of the Kynge's Justices ; so that right and justice may be duely ministered to
every man."' This document, which must have been framed under the directions
of Lord Chancellor Neville, shows that there was then a great anxiety to keep
equity in subjection to the common law ; that it was usual to call in the assist-
ance of the common-law Judges when any point of difficulty arose in the Court
of Chancery ; and that this privilege then belonged to the Master of the Rolls,
as well as to the Lord Chancellor himself.
' CI. Rol. 7 Ed. 4.
JOHN RUSSELL, CHANCELLOR. 401
. CHAPTER XXIV.
CHANCELLORS DURING THE REIGNS OF EDWARD V. AND
RICHARD III.
Before Edward IV. was laid in his ffrave, disputes beojan chap.
between the Queen's family and the Duke of Gloucester, her
brother-in-law, who from the first claimed the office of Pro- ^ -j 9
tector, and soon resolved at all hazards to seize the crown, i^ss. Dis-
Lord Chancellor Rotheram sided with the Queen, and when tween the
with her daughters and her younger son she had taken ^^^^ of
. . . . Gloucester
sanctuary within the precincts of the Abbey at Westminster, and the
where on a former distress during the short restoration of Q"o<2"-
Henry VI. she had been delivered of the Prince of Wales,
he interfered in his sacred character of Archbishop to prevent
her and the objects of her affection from being forcibly laid
hold of by Richard, who contended that the ecclesiastical
privilege of sanctuary did not apply to them, as it was ori-
ginally intended only to give protection to unhappy men
persecuted for their debts or crimes. A messenger came
from Richard to Rotheram, to assure him " that there was no
sort of danger to the Queen, the young King, or the . royal
issue, and that all should be well ; " to which he replied, —
*' Be it as well as it will, I assure him it will never be as
well as we have seen it." Being at a loss how to dispose of Rotheram
the Great Seal, which he no longer had a right to use, he the Great
went to the Queen and unadvisedly delivered it up to her, Seal.
who certainly could have no right to receive it ; — but re-
penting his mistake, he soon sent for it back, and it was
restored to him.
Rotheram has escaped all suspicion of being knowingly
implicated in the criminal projects of Richard ; but he was
unfortunately made the instrument of materially aiding them.
The Queen still resisted all the importunities and threats
VOL. I. D D
402 REIGN OF EDWARD V.
CHAP, used to get possession from her of the infant Duke of York,
^ ' observing "tliat, by living in sanctuary, he was not only
A.D. 1483. secure himself, but gave security to his brother, the King,
whose life no one would dare to aim at, while his successor
and avenger remained in safety."
Prevails on Richard, with his usual art and deceit, applied himself to
Queen to Rothcram and another Ex-chancellor, Archbishop Bourchier,
part with ' ^ , ^ ^ ,
her younger and contrived to persuade them that his intentions were fair,
"*"* and that his only object in obtaining the release of the young
Prince was, that he might keep the King, his brother, com-
pany, and walk at his coronation. These holy men at last
prevailed with the Queen to give a most reluctant assent.
Taking the child by the hand, and addressing Rotheram, she
said : — " My Lord Archbishop, here he is ; for my own part
I can never deliver him ; but if you will needs have him, take
him : I will require him at your hands." She was here struck
with a kind of presage of his future fate ; she tenderly em-
braced him, she bedewed him with her tears, and bade him
an eternal adieu.
John Rus- Rotheram appears soon after to have surrendered the
ceiio'r to Great Seal into the hands of the Protector. There is no
Edward V. rccord of the transfer or delivery of it during the reign of
Edward V. But we know that while the young King still
lived and his name was used as sovereign, John Russell
was appointed to the office, and must have sworn fidelity to
that Sovereign. Sir Thomas More, after giving an account of
Richard taking upon himself the office of Protector, says : —
" At whiche counsayle also the Archebischoppe of York,
Chauncellore of Englande, whiche had delivered uppe the
Greate Scale to the Queene, was therefore greatly reproved,
and the Scale taken from hyme, and delivered to Doctour
Russell, Byschoppe of Lincolne." * Moreover, there is an
original letter extant in the Tower of London, addressed in
the name of Edward V. to " John Bishop of Lincoln, our
Chancellor," and dated « the seconde daie of Juyn, in the furste
yere of oure reigne." And Spelman f says, though without
citing his authority, — " Hie mortuo rege Edwardo IV. si-
• Sir T. More's Hist. Ric. 3. p. 46. f Glos. 111.
JOHN RUSSELL, CHANCELLOR. 403
glllum tradldit (Thomas Rotheram) Reglnae Matrl, de qua CHAP,
receptum lo. Russell datur, vivente adhuc Edwardo V." '
But before entering on the life of the new Chancellor, we pinai his-
must conclude our account of the two Archbishops, who for ^°'y of Ex-
1 /•I'l ^11 1 iTi chancellor
the rest oi their days confined themselves to the dischai'ge Archbishop
of their ecclesiastical functions. Bourchier performed the Bourchier,
marriage ceremony between Henry VII. and Elizabeth of
York, by which the red and white roses were united; but
his great glory is, that he was one of the chief persons by
whose means the art of printing was introduced into England,
and that he was a zealous and enlightened patron of reviving
learning. He died at his palace of Knowle, near Sevenoaks,
on the 30th of March, 1486, and was buried at Canterbury,
where his tomb still remains on the north side of the choir,
near the high altar.
Rotheram did not take any active part in the struggles and Ro-
which ensued, but he was so strongly suspected by Richard III. ***^''*'"-
that he was detained in prison till near the end of this reign,
when the Lady Anne had been made away with. He was
then liberated on account of his great influence over the
Queen Dowager, that he might persuade her to agree to a
marriage between her daughter Elizabeth and the murderer
of her sons — which would have taken place if Richmond
had been repulsed. After the battle of Bosworth, the Ex-
chancellor quietly submitted to the new government, but
he was looked upon with no favour by Henry VIL, who to
the last retained his Lancastrian prejudices, and was desirous
to depress all the partisans of the House of York. He died
of the plague, at Cawood, in the year 1500, aged 76, and
was buried in his own cathedral.* He was founder of
Lincoln College, Oxford, and showed his affection to the
place of his nativity by building a college there, with three
schools for gi-ammar, writing, and music.
The Protector was wading through slaughter to a throne
when he appointed John Russell to the office of Chancellor
to the young King whom he had doomed to destruction.
Yet this Prelate, though he did not altogether escape sus-
* In 1735 his vault was opened, and a head of good sculpture in wood was
found, supposed to be a resemblance of him. — Will. York. 156. 180.
D D 2
404
CHAP.
XXIV.
Character
of Lord
Chancellor
Russell.
His origin
and rise.
His con-
duct on the
usurpation
of Richard
III.
BEION OF EDWARD V.
picion, appears to have been unstained by the crimes of his
patron ; and he is celebrated by most of the chroniclers of
that period for uncommon learning, piety, and wisdom. He
was probably selected by Kichard as a man who, from his
mild disposition, would not be dangerous to him, and whose
character might bring some credit to his cause.
I do not find any distinct account of this John Russell's
parentage. He was most likely of the Bedford family, who,
liaving held a respectable but not brilliant position in the
West of England since the Conquest, were now rising into
eminence.* He was born in the parish of St. Peter, in the
suburbs of the city of Winchester, in the beginning of the
reign of Henry Vl.f Having studied some years at the
school recently established by William of Wickham in the
place of his birth, he was removed to the University of
Oxford. Here he made particular proficiency in the canon
law, and took the degree of Doctor in this faculty. In 1449
he was elected a fellow of New College, and residing there
he still increased his academical reputation. X He was made
a prebendary of Salisbury, and Archdeacon of Berkshire, —
when he removed to Court, and was much noticed by
Edward IV. In 1476 he was consecrated Bishop of Rochester,
and in 1480 he was translated to the see of Lincoln. He
was a man of very bland manners, and as he rose in the
world, made himself still very acceptable to those above him,
and popular with all ranks. He was left by Edward IV.
one of his executors, and his appointment as Chancellor to
the infant Sovereign was generally approved of.
We are not informed how the new Chancellor employed
himself in the short interval during which the government
was allowed to be carried on in the name of Edward V. ; but
as he is not mentioned in connection with the scenes of open
violence which ensued, and no serious charge of treachery
• John Russell, a lineal ancestor of the present Duke, was Speaker of the
House of Commons in the second parliament of Hen. VI., which met in 1432.
Wiffl-n, in his " History of the House of Russell," does not mention the Chan-
cellor,— perhaps from a shyness to acknowledge him on account of his connec-
tion with Richard III., and the suspicion under which he unjustly laboured of
having betrayed two sovereigns to whom he had sworn allegiance.
t Wood, Hist, et Ant. Oxon. 413. % Ibid. 413, 414.
JOHN RUSSELL, CHANCELLOR. 405
was urged against him when the Lancastrians triumphed, we CHAP,
are bound to believe that the usurpation was planned and
effected without his privity, though, like most others in
the kingdom, he was not unwilling to recognise the usurper.
We must remember that the revolution proceeded on the
ground that Richard was the right heir ; — that the two
young Princes, though set aside, still survived when he gave
in his adhesion ; — and that there is great reason to think
that Edward actually walked at the coronation of his cruel
uncle.*
Two days after the ridiculous farce acted at Guildhall, June 28.
under the management of Buckingham, which Shakspeare ^^^^^^^ ^g.
has made so familiar to us, John Russell had the Great Seal appointed
again delivered to him, as Chancellor to Richard III., and ^.y Richard
he swore allegiance to the new King. The ceremony took HI-
place at Baynard's Castle, in Thames Street, the residence
of the Duchess of York, where the usurper first kept his
Court. The record tells us, " that the Chancellor having
there received the Great Seal from the King, carried it to
his inn called the Old Temple, In the parish of St. Andrew,
Holborn, and that on the 20th of June following he sat here,
assisted by Morton the Master of the Rolls, and three
Masters in Chancery." f We have no further account of the
exercise of his judicial functions.
Richard was soon obliged to take the field that he might
put down the insurrection of the Duke of Buckingham. The
Chancellor was then confined to his bed In London by a
severe fit of sickness. When Richard reached Lincoln at
the head of his army, he sent to the Chancellor the fol-
lowing letter, the original of which is still preserved in the
Tower : —
" By the King, ^ a.d. 1483.
" Right Reverend Fadre in God, and right trusty and well- j^j^j^^^j to
beloved. We grete you well, and in our hertiest wyse thank you the Chan-
for the manyfold Presentes that your servantes in your behalve cellor.
have presented unto us at this oure being here : which we assure
* So far Horace Walpole, I think, succeeds, although he fails cgregiously in
making Richard both handsome and virtuous,
t Rot. CI. 1 Ric. 3. n. 100.
D D 3
406
REIGN OF RICHARD III.
CHAP.
XXIV.
A.D. 1483.
you we toke and accepted with good herte : and so we have cause.
And whereas we, by Goddes grace, intend briefly to avaunce us
towards our rebel and traitor, the Due of Buckingham, to resist
and withstand his malicious purpose, as lately by oure other letters
We certifyed you oure mynde more at large : For which cause it
behoveth us to have our Grete Sele here, We being enfourmed
that for such infirmities and diseases as ye susteyne ne may in
your person to your ease conveniently come unto us with the
same : Wherefore we wil, and natheless charge you that forthwith
upon the sight of thies, ye saufly do the same oure Grete Sele to
be sent unto us ; and such of the office of our Chauncery as by your
wisedome shall be thought necessary, receiving these oure letters
for youre sufficient discharge in that behalve. Geven undre oure
signet at oure cite of Lincolne the xii day of Octobre."
The letter, so far, is in the handwriting of a secretary.
Then follows this most curious postscript in the handwriting
of Richard himself : —
Postscript. " "VVe wolde most gladly ye came your selflP, yf that you may,
and yf ye may not, we pray you not to fayle, but to accomplyshe in
al dillygence our sayde commaundemente, to send oure Seale incon-
tinent upon the syght hereof as we truste you with such as ye
truste and the officers parteyning to attende with hyt ; praying
you to ascerteyn us of your News ther. Here, loved be God, is
al wel and trewly determyned, and for to resiste the malyse of him
that had best cause to be trew, the Due of Bokyngam, the most
untrew creature lyvynge. Whom, with God's grace, we shall not
be long til that we wyll be in that parties and subdew his malys.
Wee assure you there was never falsre traitor purvayde for,
as this Berrerr Gloucestre shall shew you."*
The Great Seal was accordingly sent to the King, who re-
tained it in his own custody till the 26th of November, when
having returned in triumph to London, he restored it to Lord
Chancellor Russell.f
There had as yet been no parliament since the death of
Edward IV., but one was now summoned by writs under the
Great Seal. The two Houses met in January, 1484, and the
King being seated on the throne, the Lord Chancellor ad-
dressed them, and as soon as a Speaker was chosen, proposed
a bill, whereby it was " declared, pronounced, decreed, con-
A.D. 1484,
A parlia-
ment
See Kennet, i. 532. n.
t Rot. 01. 1 Ric. 3. n. 101.
JOHN RUSSELL, CHANCELLOR.
407
firmed, and established, that our Lord Richard III. is the ^^^^*-
true and undoubted King of this realm, as well by right of '_
consanguinity and heritage, as by lawful election and coro- a.d. i484.
nation,"
The issue of Edward IV. being bastardised, and the Earl Excellent
of Richmond and all the Lancastrian leaders attainted, the enacted,
parliament, at the suggestion of the government, set to work
in good earnest to reform the law and to improve the in-
stitutions of the country. This policy, prompted by the
King's consciousness of his bad title to the crown and his
desire to obtain popularity, was warmly promoted by the
Chancellor,
From the destruction and obliteration of records which
followed upon the change of dynasty, we have very imperfect
details of the proceedings of this parliament ; but looking to
the result of its deliberations as exhibited in the Statute
Book, we have no difficulty in pronouncing it the most me-
ritorious national council for protecting the liberty of the
subject and putting down abuses in the administration of
justice, which had sat since the time of Edward I.
I will fondly believe, though I can produce no direct
evidence to prove the fact, that to " John Russell " the
nation was indebted for the Act entitled — " The Subjects of Act against
this Realm not to be charged with Benevolence," the object lences."
of which was to put down the practice introduced in some
late reigns of levying taxes under the name of " Benevolence,"
without the authority of parliament. The language employed
would not be unworthy of that great statesman bearing the
same name, who in our own time framed and introduced
Bills " to abolish the Test Act," and " to reform the Repre-
sentation of the People in Parliament : "
'' Remembering how the Commons, by new and unlawful inno-
vations against the laws of this realm, have been put to great
thraldom and exactions, and in especial by a new imposition called
Benevolence, be it ordained that the Commonalty of this realm
from henceforth in no wise be charged therewith, and that such
exactions aforetime taken shall be for no example to make the like
hereafter, but shall be damned and annulled for ever."*
* Stat. 1 Ric. 3. c, 2.
D D 4
408
REIGN OF RICHARD III.
CHAP.
XXIV.
Chancellor
regulates
treaty with
Scotland,
Sept. 148^.
When the session of parliament was over, the Chancellor
was employed to negotiate a peace with Scotland. At Not-
tingham he met commissioners from the Scottish King, and it
was agreed, that to consolidate the amity between the two
countries, Anne de la Pole, the niece of King Richard and
sister of the Earl of Lincoln, declared to be heir presumptive
to the crown, should be married to the eldest son of James III.
The parties were then infants, and this marriage did not
take place ; but afterwards another English Princess, eldest
daughter of Henry VII., did become the bride of James IV.,
and was the means of uniting the whole island under one
sovereign. *
The Chancellor was next employed in a negotiation of a
more difficult and delicate nature. Jane Shore, celebrated
* Hall gives a detailed account of this negotiation : " At which tyme came
thether for the Kynge of England, John, Byshop of Lincoln, Chauncellor of
England," &c. — Chro. p. 398.
We have a still more curious statement respecting it in Lesly's History of
Scotland, lately published by the Banatyne Club : — " Ther wes no peace kepit
on the bourdouris of Scotland and Ingland ; but divers incursionis and raides
wer made on ather syde, with greyt spoiles and prayes of guidis brocht furth of
Ingland all the nixt winter, sua that thair wes greit appeirance of weir to ensue
betwix thame. Innocentius Octavus, than Pope, hering thairof, send ane legat
callit James Bischop of Imola, to baith the Kinges for ane treaty of peace to be
maid amangis thame; at quhilk tyme Kinge Richard, considering his awin un-
quiet state within his realme, be civill sedicione attempted aganis him be his
nobles, thoucht it wes the neirast way to appease the same be contracting of
peace with the King of Scotland his nierast nychtbour ; and thairfoir be per-
suatione of the same legat, Commissionaris were appointit, wha met at Nutting-
hame, the sevint of September : Quha were for Scotland Coline Erie of Ar-
gyle. Lord Campbell and Lome, the Lord Chancellar of Scotland, &c. : For
Ingland wer appointit Johne Bishop of Lincolne, Chancellar of Ingland, &c.
Thir Commissioneris did sex tymis meit, and efter lang debaitting, demanding,
and denying, in the end of September thay fully concludit, and maid a deter-
minacione, le the quliilkis there was ane perfytte amitye and inviolable peace
contractit betwix the realmes of Scotland and Ingland for thre yeiris, to begine
at the sonc rysinge, the 29 day of September, 1484, and to indure to the sone
setting the 29 September, 1487," &c. — Les. Hist. p. 52. — In Rymer we find
the warrant addressed to Lord Chancellor Russell for a safe conduct under
Great Seal to the Scottish ambassadors : — " Memorandum quod vicesimo nono
Die Novembris anno Regni Regis Ricardi Tertii primo, ista Billa liberata fuit
Domino Cancellario Anglia; apud Westmonasterium exequenda :
" R. R.
" Rex universis et singulis Admirallis salutem. Sciatis," &c. The safe con-
duct was to be under condition that the ambassadors should attempt nothing to
the prejudice of the King of England, and contained a declaration " quod ipse
SIC attemptans pro eo juxta ejus demerita puniatur." — Rym. F. xii. 207. The
full powers to the Scottish ambassadors are also given, and show that the head
of my clan was then Chancellor of Scotland : « Confisi ad plenum de fidelitate
prudontia, legalitatc, scientia, et probitate nobilis et potentis Domini Colini
Lomitis de Ergde, Domini Campbell et Lome, Cancellarii nostri," &c. — Rym.
!•. xxu. 234. ^
JOHN RUSSELL, CHANCELLOE. 409
for her beauty, her frailties, and her amiable qualities, — after chap.
the death of her lover, Edward IV., having tried to support
the title of his children to the throne, and having put her-
self under the protection of Hastings — on the fall of that
nobleman, Richard was resolved to be revenged of her, and,
complaining that she had conspired against him, caused her
to be prosecuted in the ecclesiastical court for adultery and
witchcraft, — her husband, the goldsmith of Lombard Street,
being induced to join in the prosecution and to sue for a
divorce. She had been found guilty, sentenced to penance,
and imprisoned in Ludgate. While there she was considered
a state prisoner, and, according to a custom which was acted
upon in many succeeding reigns, the law officers of the
Crown were sent to interrogate her, for the purpose of obtain-
ing information respecting the movements of the Lancastrians,
with whom she was now suspected to be in correspondence.
It so happened that Sir Thomas Lynom, the Solicitor General,
after two or three private interviews, was so smitten with
her " pretty foot, cherry lip, bonny eye, and passing pleasing
tongue," that he actually offered her his hand. Kichard
hearing of this extraordinary courtship, and thinking it in-
decent that his Solicitor General should marry a woman
whose immodesty had been made so notorious, wrote the
following letter to the Lord Chancellor, for the purpose of
breaking oif the match, yet (good naturedly, so as to
furnish an argument for Horace Walpole to prove that
the supposed bloody tyrant was a very worthy fellow)
— with the intention that, if Mr. Solicitor was incurable, he
might be put in the way of making Mrs. Shore Lady Lynom
with as little discredit as possible :
" By the King.
" Right reverend fadre in God, &c. Signifying unto you, that
it is shewed unto us, that our servaunt and soUicitor, Thomas
Lynom, merveillously blinded and abused with the late (wife) of
Williaim Shore^ now living in Ludgate by oure commandment,
hatli made contract of matrymony with hir (as it is said) and in-
tendith, to our full grate merveile, to proceed to th' effect of the
same. We for many causes wold be sory tliat liec soo shulde be
disposed. Pray you therefore to send for him, and in that ye
goodly may, exhorte and stirre hyra to tlie contrarye. And if ye
410
EEIGN OP RICHARD III.
CHAP.
XXIV.
A.D. 1485.
Removed
from his
office.
finde him utterly set for to marye hur, and noon otherwise will be
aduertised, then if it stand with the law of the churche*, We be
content (the tyme of marriage deferred to our comyng next to
London) that upon sufficient suertie founde of hure good abering,
ye doo send for hure Keeper and discharge him of our said com-
mandment by warrant of these, committing hur to the rule and
guiding of hure fadre or any othre by your discretion in the mene
season. Geven, 8fc.
" To the right reverend fadre in God &c. the Bishop of Lincoln
our Chauncellour."f
The particulars of the conference between the two legal
dignitaries are no where mentioned; but the Chancellor
must have succeeded in persuading the Solicitor General of
the imprudence of a match which the world would censure,
and which might hurt his advancement ; for we know that
the unfortunate lady never was married again, and that she
died in the reign of Henry VIII., still bearing the name of
Jane Shore. |
John Russell continued Chancellor tiU the 29 th of July,
1485, having the Great Seal always in his own custody,
except from the 19th of October to the 26th of November,
1483, on the occasion I have referred to.
We have no information as to the cause of the good
Bishop's dismissal from the office of Chancellor. There was
no party crisis or change of measures at the time, and there
was no rival for the office who was to be preferred to him. It
is possible that Richard, marching to meet the Earl of
Richmond, acted as he had done in his expedition against
Buckingham, and desired to take the Great Seal into the
field with him, intending to restore it to the former keeper
of his conscience when he returned victorious ; but, on the
other hand, it has been supposed that Richard suspected
the Chancellor of being in correspondence with the Earl
* The doubt was whether, notwithstanding the divorce, a second valid mar-
riage could be contracted.
t Harl. MS. Brit. Mus. 433. fol. 340. b. Walpole's Hist. Doubts, 118.,
where there is a wrong reference to the King's letter, which I have corrected
after examining the 31 S.
t She was seen by Sir Thomas More, poor, decrepid, and shrivelled, without
the least traces of that beauty which once commanded the admiration of a King
and all his court. The story of her dying of hunger in a ditch, supposed, after
her, to be called 5Aoreditch, is a fable.
JOHN RUSSELL, CHANCELLOR. 411
of Richmond, and that he meditated a dreadful revenge upon CHAP.
XXIV
him when he had vanquished his enemy.
Ex-chancellor Russell retired to his palace at Buckden, jjj^ ^^^^^_
where he heard of the Battle of Bosworth and the acces- quent his-
sion of Henry VII. He mixed no more In politics, and
spent the remainder of his days in the care of his diocese
and superintending the discipline of the University of
Oxford.
He is celebrated as the first perpetual Chancellor of that First per-
learned body. Hitherto the office had been held only for a Q^ancellor
year, and frequently by some resident member of no very of Oxford,
high rank. In 1483 when Russell was appointed Chancellor
of England, — on account of the inconvenience arising from
annual elections, and the great confidence reposed in him, he
was elected Chancellor of the University for life.
Tired of the dignity, he resigned it in 1487 ; but great
confusion being likely to arise from this step, " the Academi-
cians earnestly desired him to take upon him the office again,
which he promising they proceeded to election." * A keen
contest took place, Peter Courtenay, Bishop of Winchester,
being put up against him ; but he was re-elected, and held
the office till his death, when he was succeeded by Lord
Chancellor Cardinal Morton. In 1488 he published cer-
tain " Aulary Statutes for the Government of the University,"
which were supposed to have made it a model for all uni-
versities.
He died January 30. 1494, and was buried in his cathedral, His death,
at the upper end on the south side, in a chapel where he
had founded a chantry, under an altar tomb, with this
Inscription : —
" Qui sum quae mihi Sors fuerat narrabo, Johannes His epi-
Russel sum dictus servans nomen genitoris. taph.
Urbs Ventana parit, studium fuit Oxoniense :
Doctorem juris, me Sarisburia donat
Archidiacono ; legatum mittit in orbem
Rex, et privatum mandat deferre Sigillum ;
Cancellarii Regni tunc denique functus
Officio, cupii dissolvi, vivere Christo.
• Fast. Ox. 64.
412 REIGN OF RICHARD III.
CHAl\ Ecclesiasquc duas suscepi Pontificales
XXIV. UofFa Sacrum primo, I^incolnia condit in unum
Anno milleno ; C. quater quater atque viceno
Bis septem junctis vitalia Lumina claudo."*
But the most valuable memorial to his fame is the character
given of him by Sir Thomas More, — " A wyse mane & a
good, & of much experyence, & one of the best learned
menne undoubtedly that Englande hadde in hys time." f
He left behind him considerable reputation as an author,
his two greatest works being *' A Commentary on the Can-
ticles," and a treatise " De Potestate summi Pontificis et Im-
peratoris." Had they been written a few years later we
should have been able to pass judgment upon them; but
they never were printed, and they have not come down to us.
He appears to have been a great encourager of reviving
learning |, but he is more loudly extolled for his " re-edifica-
tion of the episcopal palace at Buckden." §
No other Chancellor was appointed by Richard during the
short remainder of his reign. The invasion of the Earl of
Disposal of Richmond was now impending. The discontented were
at end of flocking to him, as a deliverer, from all parts of the kingdom ;
ir^r °!\ ^^^ there was a general feeling among the people, that the
III. man stained with so many crimes ought not longer to be per-
mitted to occupy the throne which he had usurped. The
Great Seal was given by Richard into the temporary keeping
of Thomas Barrowe, Master of the Rolls ||, for the despatch
of necessary business, and it probably remained with him till
the conclusion of the reign, although some accounts represent
* Willis's Cathedrals, Bishops of Lincoln, vol. iii. pp. 7. 59.
t Life of Ilic. 3. p. r>29.
t On a manuscript of Mathew Paris (Royal MSS. 14. C. vii.) now in the
British Museum, there is an inscription in Latin, dated June 1. 1488, in the
handwriting and with the signature of John Russell, Bishop of Lincoln, in which
whosoever siiall obliterate or destroy the Bishop's memorandum respecting the
ownership of the volume is solemnly declared to be accursed. — Warton's Dis-
sertation on Introduction of Learning into England, p. 111. It appears from an
inscription in the author's own hand, to l.ave been a presentation copy from
himself, probably to some church or monastery. — Sketches of the History of
Literature and Learning in England, vol. ii. 168. Knight's Weekly Volume,
No. XVIII.
§ God. de Prffis. Line. Although Lord Chancellor Russell has considerable
historical interest, he is not mentioned l)y modern historians, and many of my
welUinfurmed readers may never have heard of his existence. I consider him one
of the " Cancellarian mummies" I have dug up and exhibited to the public.
II Hot. CI. 3 Ric. 3. n. 1. Rym. F. xii. 272.
STATE OF THE LAW. 413
that Richard carried it with him when he marched aj^ainst CHAP.
. XXIV.
Richmond, and had it in his tent at Bosworth Field, — in
which case it must at once have fallen into the hands of the
victor, and, next to the crown worn by Richard in the fight,
have been his earliest emblem of royalty.*
We do not find any equity decisions In these two short Legal pro-
reigns, although, amidst arms, the laws seem to have been ^^,^j*|["^^
regularly administered ; and there have been handed down to reigns of
us Reports in the Year Books, beginning "De Termino ancTmch-
Trinitatis Anno primo Edwardi Quinti." Lord Chancellor aid IIL
Russell appears to have been perplexed by the cases which
came before him respecting uses ; and, to obviate the necessity
for a Bill in Chancery, it was enacted that the person entitled '
to direct the trustee to convey should himself be entitled to
execute a conveyance to carry the estate f; but this new
expedient to remedy the inconvenience of uses only produced
the additional confusion which must necessarily follow when
two persons have an equal legal right to dispose of the same
land, and the deduction of title, by tracing the legal estate,
on which the security of tenure in England depends, became
impossible.
• See Nicholls' Lit. Anec. vi. 47. Walpole's Hist. Doubts. Antiq. Bish.
Rochester. Harl. MSS. No. 2578. Buck's Life of Richard III. in Kcnnet,
vol. i.
f 1 Ric. 3. c. L It is remarkable that this is the first statute in the English
language, the statutes hitherto having been all in Latin or French, and it was
taken as a precedent, for all statutes afterwards are in English. It is curious
that in this reign, which we regard with so much horror, laws were given to the
people of England, for the first time since the Conquest, in their own language,
and acts of parliament were for the first time printed Macpherson's Annah of
Commerce, i. 704. But it would appear that they were still entered on the par-
liament roll in French. — Tomlin's Ed. of Statutes, p. 638.
414 KEIGN OF HENRY VII.
CHAPTER XXV.
CHANCELLORS AND LORD KEEPERS FROM THE ACCESSION OP
HENRY Vll. TILL THE APPOINTMENT OF ARCHBISHOP WARHAM
AS LORD KEEPER.
CHAP. King Henry VII., returning from Bosworth Field, appointed
^^^' for his first Chancellor John Alcock, now Bishop of Wor-
j^g^ cester*, who for a few months, while Bishop of Rochester,
Alcock, had filled the office under Edward IV., and an account of
Worcester, whom I havc rcservcd for this place. He was born at
first Chan- Beverley, in the county of York, of no distinguished family.
Hen. VII. and raised himself entirely by his own merits. He studied at
Cambridge, where he obtained great distinction, particularly
for his knowledge of the civil and canon law. He was patron-
ised by Lord Chancellor Stillington, — was extremely useful
to him, — and, as his deputy, performed most of the duties
belonging to the Great Seal. In 1471, as a reward for his
services, he was made Bishop of Rochester and Master of the
Rolls. He contrived to ingratiate himself equally with Lord
Chancellor Rotheram, through whose interest he was trans-
lated to Worcester, and intrusted, for a short time, with the
Great Seal, under the title of Chancellor.
Now was the triumph of his powers of insinuation and
versatility; having been brought forward and employed by
the House of York, and never having had any open rupture
with Richard, he at once gained the confidence of Henry,
who hardly ever favoured any one who had not fought with
the Lancastrians in the field, or had been engaged in plots to
promote their ascendancy.
There is no record of the day of the delivery of the Seal to
him; but in the Parliament Roll of the 1st of Henry VIL it
• Rot. Pari. 1 Hen. 7. p. 1.
JOHN ALCOCK, CHANCELLOR. 415
is stated, that "on the 7th of November, in the first year of CHAP.
. . XXV.
the King's reign, the Reverend Lord and Father in God '
John Alcock, Bishop of Worcester, Cancellarius Magnus ^.d. i485.
Anglic, declared the cause of summoning parliament."
Great reliance must have been placed on his learning and Difficult
experience for settling the delicate points which were to be tionalq^Jes-
brought forward. One of these was the effect of the at- tions
tainder, by a parliament of Richard, of a great number of the
temporal Peers now summoned. Could they, at the com-
mencement of the session, take their seats in the House of
Lords? The Chancellor asked the opinion of the Judges,
who held that they ought not to sit till their attainder had
been reversed, — thereby recognising the principle that " any
statute passed by a parliament under a King de facto is
ever after to be taken for law till repealed." But a more
puzzling question arose as to the eifect of the attainder of
Henry himself, as Earl of Richmond ; for how could this be
reversed without an exercise of the prerogative in giving the
royal assent? and could the royal assent be given till the
outlawry was reversed ? The Chancellor again consulted the
Judges, and they cut the knot by unanimously resolving,
"that the descent of the Crown of itself takes away all
defects, and stops in blood by reason of attainder,"* which
has ever since been received as a maxim of constitutional
law; and no doubt was relied upon by the Jacobites, who
attempted to restore the Princes of the House of Stuart,
attainted under King William, Queen Anne, and George I.
The Chancellor gave great satisfaction to his wary master Nov. 1485.
by the dexterity with which he met such difficulties, and he ^^^'^^
was translated to the rich see of Ely as a reward for his Ely.
services ; but there does not seem to have been any intention
to employ him after the new government was fairly started ;
and the King reserved his real confidence for John Morton,
who had been in exile with him, who had been attainted for
adhering to him, who had mainly contributed to his elevation,
and whom he resolved to make his chief adviser for the rest Alcock
of his reign. The exact date of the transfer of the Great ';«''"o^'^J
o from oince
of Chan-
cellor.
* Pari. Roll. 1 Hen. 7. 1 Pari. Hist. 450.
416
EEIGN OP HENRY VII.
CHAP.
XXV.
Death of
£x-chan-
collor A\-
cock.
Cardinal
IMoRTOX,
Chancellor.
His birth
and educa-
tion.
Seal to him is unknown, as it is not recorded in the Close
Roll ; but it is supposed to have happened in August, 1487,
and was certainly before November in that year, when there
were bills addressed to him as Chancellor, which are still
extant.*
Bishop Alcock, the Ex-chancellor, lived in the enjoyment of
his new diocese till the 1st of October, 1500; when, accord-
ing to a quaint authority I have consulted, " he was translated
from this to another life." He had in his latter days a great
character for piety, abstinence, and other religious mortifica-
tions. He built a chapel at Beverley, founded a chantry to
pray for the souls of his parents," and turned St. E-udegunda's
old nunnery at Cambridge, founded by Malcolm, King of
Scots, into the flourishing foundation of Jesus' College.
In the two first reigns of the House of Tudor, the Great
Seal may be considered in its greatest splendour; for the
Chancellor was generally the first minister of the Crown,
and by his advice the Lord Treasurer, and the other high
officers of state, were appointed. Henry, whose darling ob-
ject was to depress the powerful barons hitherto so formidable
to his predecessors, was determined to rule by men more de-
pendent on him than the nobility, who enjoyed, by hereditary
right, possessions and jurisdictions dangerous to royal au-
thority. The new Chancellor was, in all respects, such a
man as the King wished for his minister.
John Morton was born in the year 1410, at Bere, in
Dorsetshire, of a private gentleman's family. He received
his earliest education at the Abbey of Cerne, from whence
he was removed to Ballol College, Oxford, where he devoted
himself to the study of the civil and canon law, and took
with great distinction the degree of LL.D. He then went
to London, at all times the best field for talents and energy,
and practised as an advocate in Doctors' Commons. In the
Court of Arches, and the other ecclesiastical Courts, there
was then much business, producing both fame and profit;
and success at the civil law bar frequently led to promotion
both in church and state. Morton was soon the decided
See Philpot, p. 68. Rot. Pari. 3 Hen. 7.
CAHDINAL MORTON, CHANCELLOR. 417
leader; and he rose to such distinction by his learning and CHAP.
eloquence, that he gained the good opinion of Cardinal '
Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, who recommended
him to Henry YI. He was sworn of the Privy Council by
that Sovereign, was made Prebendary of Salisbury, and had
the valuable living of Blakesworth bestowed upon him.
In the struggles which ensued between the rival families, A Lancas-
he adhered with the most unshaken fidelity and unbounded 'gp*"^j.ji"j
zeal to the Lancastrian cause, — till Edward IV. was firmly to Edward
• 1 V
seated on the throne, — when he thought it not inconsistent
with the duties of a good citizen to submit to the ruling
powers, without renouncing his former attachments. He
petitioned for pardon at the same time as Fortescue. Ed-
ward was so much struck with his honourable conduct, that
Avithout requiring from him any unbecoming concessions,
he continued him a Privy Councillor, appointed him Master
of the Rolls*, conferred upon him great ecclesiastical prefer-
ment crowned with the Bishopric of Ely, — and, by his last
will, made him one of his executors. Some of the biogra-
phers of Morton state, that he was likewise Lord Chancellor
to Edward IV., but this is a mistake. In the year 1473,
during the illness of Lord Chancellor Stillington, he for a
short time was intrusted with the custody of the Great Seal,
and no douLt did the duties of the office, but he then only
acted as deputy to the Chancellor.
Being executor of Edward IV., and enjoying the entire His con-
confidence of the Queen, he had a sort of guardianship of Riti,ard
the royal children, and Kichard thought it would be a great HI-
point gained to corrupt liim as he had corrupted Buckingham
and others ; but Morton rejected all his overtures with scorn
and indignation, and thereby incurred the special hatred of
the usurper.
On the very day when Rivers, Gray, and Vaughan, the Strawberry
Queen's relations, were executed by the orders of Richard, Xowvr of
at Pomfret, there was acted in the Tower of London the London,
scene which is so admirably and truly described by our im-
mortal dramatist. Morton, along with Hastings and the other
• 1473,
VOL. I. E E
A.D. 1483.
41g REIGN OF HENRY VII.
CHAP, councillors, took his place at the council-table, according to
^^^' the summons sent to them, — when Richard, who was capable
of committing the most bloody and treacherous murders with
the utmost coolness and indifference, appearing among them
in an easy and jovial humour, entered into familiar conversa-
tion with them before proceeding to business, and compli-
menting the Bishop on the good and early strawberries which
he i-aised in his garden at Holborn, he begged the favour of
Imprisoned having a dish of them.* A messenger was immediately de-
ll I. '*^""^' spatched for the fruit, but before he returned, Hastings was
beheaded, and Morton was a close prisoner in the Tower.
The University of Oxford petitioned King Richard for
Morton's liberation, saying, " the bowels of our mother, the
University, like Rachel weeping for her children, are moved
with pity over the lamentable distress of this her dearest son.
For if a pious affection be praiseworthy, even in an enemy,
much more is it in our University, professing the study of all
virtues. Upon the re-admittance of so great a prelate into
your favour, who is there that will not extol your divine
clemency ? Thus gloried the Romans to have it marshalled
among their pi'aises, that submissive wights they spared, hut
crusht the proud "If
Escapes to Richard would have cared little for these remonstrances ;
Continent, i i i /.
but lest the confanement of a popular prelate in the Tower
might stir up a mutiny among the Londoners, he was given
in ward to the Duke of Buckingham, and was shut up by
him in the castle of Brecknock. ^ From thence, however, he
escaped, and after lying disguised for some time in the Isle
• " Glo. My Lord of Ely, when I was last in Holborn
I saw good strawberries in your garden there,
I do beseech you, send for some of them.
" Ell/. Marry, and will, my Lord, with all my heart.
* » * *
Where is my Lord Protector ? I have sent
For these strawberries.
" Hast. His Grace looks cheerfully and smooth this morning :
Iheres some conceit or other likes liim well
When he doth bid good-morrow with such spirit."
Kitiff Richard HI. act iii. scene 4.
1 f *'c- ^n/ '• ^"^^^ " P'*'"''ere subjectis et debellare superbos."
amis n^ bn[^°T'H ; ^-^^^ of Richard III. there is a very long and rather
BuckinJh " "" ^ \fietit.ous dialogue, between Morton and the Duke of
Uuckmgham, upon the character and conduct of the usurper.
CAEDINAL MORTOX, CHANCELLOK. 419
of Ely, he contrived to pass beyond sea and joined the Earl CHAP,
of Richmond. He was attainted by Richard's parliament,
which met soon after. He assisted in planning Richmond's ^ ^ 2485.
invasion, and is said first to have suggested and pressed upon
him the plan of putting an end to the civil wars by marrying
Elizabeth, the daughter of Edward IV., who had become the
heiress of the House of York.
He did not accompany Richmond's expedition, not being Recalled
of the class of fighting bishops, now nearly extinct, but re- yil.^"'^^
mained in the Netherlands to watch the event. Immediately
after the battle of Bosworth, Henry recalled him, — on the
death of Cardinal Bourchier raised him to the see of Canter-
bury, — procured a Cardinal's hat for him from Pope Alex-
ander VI., — and now made him Lord Chancellor.
He continued in this oflSce, and in the unabated favour and His policy
confidence of his royal master, down to the time of his death, chancellor,
a period of thirteen years ; — during which he greatly contri-
buted to the steadiness of the government, and the growing
prosperity of the country. Although he appeared merely to
execute the measures of the King, he was in reality the chief
author of the system for controlling the power of the great
feuflal barons, and he may be considered the model, as he was
the precursor, of Cardinal Richelieu, who in a later age accom-
plished the same object still more effectually in France.
The first parliament at which he presided was that which a. p. 1488.
met on the 3d of November, 1488. Lord Bacon in his to'thTtwo
"History of Henry VII.," gives a very long account of the Houses of
speech delivered by the Lord Chancellor on this occasion, ment.
The custom of taking a text from the Holy Scriptures was
dropped by him, and he rather conformed to the modern
fashion of a king's speech, though with more of detail and of
reasoning than would now be considered discreet on such an
occasion. He thus begins : —
" My Lords and Masters, the King's Grace, our Sovereign Lord,
hath commanded me to declare unto you the causes that have
moved him at this time to summon this his parliament, which I
shall do in few words, craving pardon of his Grace, and of you all,
if I perform it not as I Avould. His Grace doth first of all let you
know that he retaineth in thankful memory the love and loyalty
E E 2
420
REIGN OF HENRY VII.
CHAP.
XXV.
A.D. 1488,
Star
Chamber
remodelled.
shown to liiin by you at your last meeting in establishment of his
royalty ; freeing and discharging of his partakers and confiscation
of his traitors and rebels ; more than which could not come from
subjects to their Sovereign in one action. This he taketh so well
at your hands, as he hath made it a resolution to himself to com-
municate with so loving and well approved subjects in all affairs
that are of public nature at home or abroad. Two, therefore,
are the causes of your present assembling ; the one a foreign busi-
ness, the other matter of government at home. The French King
(as no doubt you have heard) maketh at this present hot war upon
the Duke of Brittaine."
He then enters at great length into the disputes between
these two Princes, and the manner in which England was
affected by them ; whereupon the King prayed their advice,
whether he should enter into an auxiliary and defensive war
for the Brittons against France, pretty clearly intimating an
opinion, that this would be the expedient course, but stating
that in all this business the King remitted himself to their
grave and mature advice, whereupon he proposed to rely.
He next comes to the government at home, and states, that
no King ever had greater cause for the two contrary passions
of joy and sorrow than his Grace, — joy in respect of the rare
and visible favours of Almighty God in girding the imperial
sword upon his side, — sorrow for that it hath not pleased God
to suffer him to sheathe it as he greatly desired, otherwise than
for the administration of justice, but that he hath been forced
to draw it so oft to cut off traitors and disloyal subjects.
He then enters into topics of political economy, strongly in-
culcating the doctrine of protection, and above all exhorting
parliament to take order that the country might not be im-
poverished by the exportation of money for foreign manufac-
tures. He concludes by urging liberal supplies —
" The rather for that you know the King is a good husband,
and but a steward in eflPect for the public, and that what comes
from you is but as moisture drawn from the earth, which gathers
into a cloud and falls back upon the earth again."*
On the recommendation of the Chancellor, several im-
portant statutes were passed for suppressing riots, and for
1 Pari. Hist. 451.
CARDINAL MORTON, CHANCELLOR. 421
the orderly government of the kingdom. Lord Bacon and chap.
Lord Coke particularly celebrate that contrived to extend
the jurisdiction of the Star Chamber, which they call "a ^j, j^gg
Court of Criminal Equity," and which, not being governed
by any certain rules, they consider superior to any other
Court to be found in this or any other nation. It was cer-
tainly found a very useful instrument of arbitrary government
during the whole continuance of the Tudor dynasty ; but its
authority being still stretched in opposition to a growing love
of freedom, it mainly led to the unpopularity of the Stuarts,
and their expulsion from the throne.*
Another law of Morton's, of an extraordinary nature. Limitation
respecting real property, was well adapted to the then ofcl^'ms
existing state of affairs ; but we must wonder that it
should have been allowed to continue in force down to our
own times. From the attainders, forfeitures, and acts of
violence which had prevailed during the war of the Roses,
property had changed hands so frequently that the title to it
had become very uncertain, If it were to be traced backwards
according to the common rules of conveyances and pedigree.
A power was now given to a person in possession as owner of
the fee to go through certain ceremonies in the Court of
Common Pleas, and in five years after the time when these
were concluded, his title was good against all the world, f
Morton Introduced several acts showing a great jealousy of
foreigners, and particularly one " for avoiding all Scottishmen
out of England."
But the most important piece of legislation with which he Law pro-
was connected, was the famous statute protecting from the ^^'''''"g ^''ts
' . under King
pains of treason all who act under a de facto King. On de facto.
proofs, which even stagger inquirers in our times, a belief
had become very prevalent among the people, that the Duke
* 3 Hen. 7. c. 1. I wish that there had been preserved to us the debates on
the abolition of the Star Chamber. I make no doubt that its advocates ascribed
to it all the prosperity and greatness of the country, and prophesied from its
abolition the speedy and permanent prevalence of fraud, anarchy, and blood-
shed in England.
f 4 Hen. 7. c. 24. This was repealed by an act which I had the honour to
introduce, establishing twenty years as the uniform period of limitation, which
before had in some cases been five years, and in others might extend to five
hundred.
F. E 3
422 REIGN OF HENRY VII.
CHAP, of York, younger son of Edward IV., still survived, and the
^^^" apprehension that, if he were restored, those who fought for
A.D. 1479.
the present King, whose title was so defective, might be tried
for treason, or be attainted by act of parliament, deterred
many from joining the royal standard. To meet this dif-
ficulty the Chancellor, in the parliament which assembled in
October, 1497, introduced and passed an act*, "that no
person that did assist, in arms or otherwise, the King for the
time being, should afterwards be impeached therefor, or
attainted either by the coui'se of the law or by parliament ;
but if any such attainder did happen to be made, it should be
void and of none effect." *' The spirit of this law," says Lord
Bacon, " was wonderfully pious and noble ; being like, in
matter of war, unto the spirit of David in matter of plague,
who said. If I have sinned, strike me; hut what have these
sheep done? Neither wanted this law parts of prudent and
deep foresight, for it did the better take away occasion for
the people to busy themselves to pry into the King's title ;
for that howsoever it fell^ their safety was already provided
for." Had there been a counter-revolution, the law would
probably have been very little regarded, and future par-
liaments would not have been bound by it. It has never
been pleaded in a court of justice, unless by the regicides
on the restoration of Charles II., who in vain contended that
they came within the equity of it, having acted in obedience
to an ordinance of the existing supreme power of the state.
However, it still remains on the statute book, and we shall
undoubtedly be entitled to the benefit of it if the Duke of
Modena, the lineal heir of the monarchy, should be restored,
notwithstanding our zealous defence of the throne of Queen
Victoria, f
j'Bcneyo- There are no other parliamentary proceedings of any
vo^A. "" interest connected Avith this Chancellor. His great effort
was to extract subsidies from the Commons, and when he
could not do this in a sufficient degree to satisfy the avarice
of his royal master, who was now bent upon accumulating
treasure as if it had been the chief end of government, he
* 1 1 llcn. 7. c. 1. I Hall. Const. Hist. i. 12.
CAEDINAL MORTON, CHANCELLOK. 423
resorted to the most culpable expedients for levying money chap.
upon the subject. Notwithstanding the law of Richard III.
so recently passed, forbidding, in the most express and ^ ^ ^^qq^
emphatic language, any taxation without authority of par-
liament, and more particularly the tax called "a Bene-
volence," — on pretence of a French war, he issued a com-
mission for levying a "Benevolence" on the people according
to their pecuniary ability ; — and that none might escape, he
ingeniously instructed the commissioners to employ a dilemma
in which every one might be comprehended : " If the persons
applied to for the benevolence live frugally, tell them that
their parsimony must necessarily have enriched them ; if their
method of living be hospitable, tell them they must necessarily
be opulent on account of their great expenditure." This Cardinal
device was by some called " Chancellor Morton's fork," and Jfoir" ^
by others his " crutch."
Notwithstanding some discontents, there was perfect in-
ternal tranquillity during the administration of Morton, with
the exception of the rebellion caused by the imposture of
Lambert Simnel, which was wisely terminated by making the
pretended Plantagenet a scullion in the King's kitchen.
In 1494, Morton's dignities were further increased by his
being elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford.
But he became much broken by age and infirmities, and j ji^ death,
after a lingering illness he died on the 13th of September,
1500, leaving behind him, notwithstanding some arbitrary
acts of government, which should be judged of by the standard
of his own age, a high character for probity as well as talents.
His munificence was great, and he was personally untainted
by the vice of avarice which disgraced the Sovereign. Not
only did he liberally expend money in raising early straw-
berries in Holborn, but the great cut or drain from Peter-
borough to Wisbech, now known by the name of Morton's
Leame, was made entirely at his expense while he was Bishop
of Ely.* His literary attainments reflect still greater splendour
upon him, and he is to be considered the author of the first
* He likewise founded four scholarships in St. John's Hospital, which are
now enjoyed by St. John's College, Cambridge.
E E 4
424 llEIGN OF HENRY VII.
CH A P. classical prose composition in our language, if the supposition
be well founded that the English Life of Richard III., usually
attributed to Sir Thomas More, was written by his predecessor
Chancellor Morton.
Sir Thomas More had, when a youth, been brought up in his family as
ractcr of " '^ P^g^, and his introduction to the Utopia has left us a very
•'''"• interesting, though rather flattering, character of his patron.
" I was then much obliged to that reverend prelate, John
Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, Cardinal and Chancellor
of England, a man who was no less venerable for his wisdom
and virtue than for the high reputation he bore. He was of
a middle stature, in advanced years, but not broken by age :
his aspect begot reverence rather than fear. He sometimes
took pleasure to try the mental qualities of those who came
as suitors to him on business, by speaking briskly though de-
corously to them, and thereby discovered their spirit and self-
command; and he was much delighted with a display of
energy, so that it did not grow up to impudence, as bearing
a great resemblance to his own temperament, and best fitting
men for affairs. He spoke both gracefully and mightily ; he
was eminently skilled in the law ; he had a comprehensive
understanding, and a very retentive memory; and the ex-
cellent talents with which nature had furnished him were
improved by study and discipline. The King depended
much on his counsels, and the government seemed to be
chiefly supported by him ; for from his youth he had been
constantly practised in affairs, and having passed through
many changes of fortune, he had, at a heavy cost, acquired a
great stock of wisdom, Avhich, when so purchased, is found
most serviceable."*
S^-PJ^. 14. The day after the death of Cardinal Morton, the King sent
Henrv messengers with a warrant to Knoll in Kent, where he ex-
Bilhopof P'''®.^' ^"^ ^^"'g *^^ G^reat Seal to him at Woodstock, f His
Salisbury, Majesty received it from them there on the 19th of Sep-
K^lper. tcmber, and kept it in his own custody till the 13th of
* Utop. lib. i.
t riie seal is stated to have been found " apud Knoll, infra Hospicium dci
nuper Cardinal.s, in quadam alta camera ibidem vncat. Le Rake chamber, in
quaaam baga de albo corio inclusum."— Rot. CI. 16 Hen 7
HENRY DEANE, LORD KEEPER. 425
Oo/tober following — much puzzled as to how he should dispose CHAP,
of it. He wished to pay the compliment to the church of
having an ecclesiastic for Chancellor, and there was no one
at that time in whom he could place entire confidence as he
had done in Morton, the companion of all his fortunes. He
at last fixed upon Henry Deane, Bishop of Salisbury, as a
safe if not very able man, and to him he delivered the Great
Seal, but with the title of Keeper only.*
I do not find any trace of Deane's origin, or any account Distin-
of him till he was at New College, Oxford. Here he was a fi^etntel
diligent student, and before he left the University he took sity.
the degree of S. T. D.
In 1493, he was made Prior of Llanthony Abbey, in His subse-
Monmouthshlre ; but he resided very little there, liking better ^^^^^ ^^^'
to push his fortune at the court of Henry VII. He con-
tinued to make himself useful to Cardinal Morton, by whose
interest, in September, 1495, he was made Lord Chancellor
of Ireland. I have not been able to find how his appoint-
ment was received in that country, or how he conducted
himself there ; but, more lucky than some of his successors,
he held the ofiice for two years, and only resigned it for a
piece of preferment which brought him back to this island, —
the Bishopric of Bangor. From that see he was translated,
in 1500, to Salisbury. The experience he had had as Chan-
cellor in Ireland, was supposed to be the reason for his new
elevation.
Pie continued to hold the Great Seal of England as keeper Conduct as
during two years, decently discharging the duties of his ^^g ^.^
office, but not rising in favour with the King, nor gaining
much reputation with the public.
During this time no parliament sat. Instead of the good
old custom of the Plantagenets to call these assemblies
yearly, or oftener " if need were," the rule now laid down
was to avoid them, unless for the purpose of obtaining
money. The King was at first occupied with his inglorious
French war, which, although he did once carry an army
across the sea, he used as an instrument of extorting a
* Rot. CI. 16 Hen, 7.
426 REIGN OF HENRY VII.
CHAP, pecuniary supply from the King of France, who was willing to
^^^* buy him off on any terms, to be at liberty to prosecute his
expedition into Italy, and claim the crown of Naples.
Negotiates The Lord Keeper assisted in negotiating the treaty with
bawe^n*^ Scotland, by which, after near two centuries of war, or of
the King of truccs little better than war, a perpetual peace was concluded
the Prin- between the two kingdoms, one of the articles being the
cess War- marriage of Margaret, Henry's eldest daughter, with James,
the Scottish King, which in another age brought about the
union of the whole island under the House of Stuart.
But the court was soon thrown into mourning by the un-
timely death of Prince Arthur, a few months after the cele-
bration of his marriao;e with Catherine of Aragon.
His re- Before the question arose respecting Prince Henry's mar-
A.*D. 1502. riage with his brother's widow, Deane was removed from
his office of Lord Keeper, and he escaped the responsibility
of that inauspicious measure. In January, 1502, he was
advanced to the archiepiscopal see of Canterbury, and feeling
himself oppressed by his new duties, and his health declining,
he resigned the Great Seal on the 27th of July following.*
His death. He died at Lambeth, on the 15th of February, 1503, having
displayed a mediocrity of talent and of character, neither to
be greatly extolled or condemned.
The King seems again to have been at a loss how to dis-
pose of the Great Seal, as it was allowed to remain near a
month in the keeping of Sir William Barons, the Master of
the Rolls, who was a mere official drudge, and was restricted
in the use of it to the sealing of writs, and the despatch of
routine business.
dir^* ^r' ^* ^^^' ^° *^^ ^^^^^ °^ August, it was given to William
Archbishop Warham, the Bishop of London f, well known in English
^\ ARiiAM. history, — who retained it during the rest of this reign and
the early years of the next, — till, his influence being under-
mined by the arts of a greater intriguer, it was clutched from
him by the hand of Wolsey.
* Rot. Cl. 17 Hen. 7. n. 47.
t Tins ceremony took place at Fulham, under a warrant from the King then
at Langley, in the forest of Wychewoode.— Rot. Cl. 17 Hen. 7.
LORD CHANCELLOK WARHAM.
427
CHAPTER XXVI.
LIFE OF ARCHBISHOP WARHAM, LORD CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND.
William Warham was born at Okely, in Hampshire, of a
small gentleman's family in that county. He studied at
Winchester school, and afterwards at New College, Oxford,
of which he was chosen fellow in 1475. Having greatly dis-
tinguished himself in the study of the civil and canon law, he
took the degree of LL.D., and practised as an advocate in
the Court of Arches in Doctors' Commons. Following in
the footsteps of Morton, he attracted the notice and gained
the patronage of this prelate, who recommended him for
employment to Henry VII. He was accordingly sent on a
very delicate mission to the court of Burgundy, to remon-
strate against the countenance there given to Perkin War-
beck, the pretended Duke of York, younger son of Ed-
ward IV. The Duchess of Burgundy, sister of Edward IV.,
had a deep dislike to Henry as a Lancastrian, and having
formerly patronised Lambert Simnel, now professed to receive
Perkin as her nephew, and " the White Rose of England."
Hollinshead gives us an account of a speech supposed to
have been delivered by the ambassador on his arrival at
Bruges, in the presence of the Duchess as well as of the
Duke ; but, from its very uncourtly terms, it must surely
be the invention of the chronicler. " William Warram
made to them an eloquent oration, and in the later end some-
Avhat inveighed against the Ladie Margaret, not sparing to
declare how she now, in her later age, had brought foorth
(within the space of a few y cares together) two detestable
monsters, that is to saie, Lambert and this same Perkin War-
becke; and being conceived of these two great babes, was
not delivered of them in 8 or 9 moneths, as nature requireth,
but in 180 months, for both these, at the best, were fiftenc
CHAP.
XXVI.
Birth and
education.
Practises
in Doctors'
Commons.
*
His em-
bassy to
Duke of
Burgundy.
Speech to
Duke and
Duchess.
428
REIGN OF HENRY VI I.
CHAP.
XXVI.
Made
IMastcr of
Rolls and
Bishop of
Ix>ndon.
A.D. 1502.
Lord
Keeper
and Lord
Chancellor.
His de-
s|)atch of
business in
Chancery.
Opposed
marriage
between
Prince
Henry and
Catherine,
widow of
•\rthur.
yeeres of age yer she would be brought in bed of them, and
shew them openlie ; and when they were newlle crept out of
hir wombe, they were no infants, but lustie yoonglings, and
of age sufficient to bid battel to kings. These tawnts angred
the Ladie Margaret to the hart."*
Warham could not succeed in having the Pretender de-
livered up or dismissed, but gained highly useful inform-
ation respecting his history and designs ; and gave the King
such satisfaction, that on his return he was made Master of
the Rolls and Bishop of London. He continued at the Rolls
nine years, during which time he had a seat at the coun-
cil-board, and he was looked forward to by many as the
successor of Morton in managing the civil affairs of the
kingdom.
When he received the Great Seal he held it at first with
the title only of Lord Keeper ; and it was not till two years
afterwards, when being translated to Canterbury, that he
was invested with the full dignity of Lord Chancellor. His
installation now took place with extraordinary pomp, the
Duke of Buckingham, the first peer of the realm, acting as
steward of his household.
Notwithstanding all the cares of the primacy, he applied
very diligently to the discharge of his judicial duties. His
experience as an advocate must now have been of essential
advantage to him ; and, besides being assisted by the !Masters
in Chancery, he prudently continued the practice of calling in
the assistance of the common-law Judges in all difficult cases.
Thus, without the appointment of any Vice-chancellor or
deputy, he contrived to keep down the arrears of causes in
his Court, and to give general satisfaction.
As a statesman, he gained great credit by protesting
against the proposed marriage between Prince Henry and
the Princess Dowager of Wales, pointing out the objections
to the legality of such a union, and the serious difficulties in
which it might afterwards involve the affairs of the nation ;
but his advice was neglected on account of the cupidity of
Henry, who was not only unwilling to refund that half of the
* Hollinsh. iii. 506.
STATE OF THE LAW. 429
lady's large dowry which he had received, but was impatient CHAP,
to have the remainino; half of it In his coffers.
Lord Chancellor Warham was not connected with any
parliamentary proceedings of much importance during this
reign. Henry, calling parliaments very rarely, when they
did meet, had introduced the custom of opening the session
with a speech of his own, instead of trusting to his Chancellor,
and there was nothing like free discussion in either House
while he was upon the throne.
With the assistance of Warham, and other such dexterous His pane-
men whom Henry had selected for his tools, he contrived, in y^i^d^iey^the
the» latter part of his reign, to render himself nearly absolute. Attomey-
Thus, in his last parliament, the Commons being desired by afterwards
the Chancellor to choose a Speaker, they found themselves hanged.
under the necessity, on his recommendation, ot electing
Dudley, the Attorney General, who was then universally
execrated, and who was afterwards hanged, to the great joy
of the nation. The Chancellor confirmed the election with
much commendation of the new Speaker.
Perkin Warbeck being taken, and the Earl of Warwick,
the last male of the Plantagenet line, being murdered under
the forms of law, there was a gloomy tranquillity at the con-
clusion of this reign, Henry leaving nothing to the Chan-
cellor, or any of his Council, but the discharge of the routine
duties of their office.
After the death of the Queen, the Court was a little ^.n. 1509.
amused by negotiations for a second marriage; but, on the j^^^ 'yjj
22d of April, 1509, the selfish tyrant was carried oif by a
sudden fit of illness, in the fifty-second year of his age, and
the twenty-fourth of his reign ; and his courtiers and subjects
did not affect to disguise their satisfaction at the event.
Although no transfer of the Great Seal immediately fol- Legislation
lowed the demise of the Crown, we must here pause to "\'"^
. . reign.
take a short retrospect of jurisprudence during this reign.
Although it be looked upon as an era in our annals, and
the commencement of modern history, it was not marked by
any important legislative acts, or by any change in the con-
stitution of our tribunals, beyond the remoclelling of the
Star Chamber.*
* ;J Hen. 7. c. 1.
430 REIGN OF HENRY VII.
CHAP. Henry's common-law Judges were men of ability; but
^'^^^^ tlicy rendered themselves most odious by their rigorous en-
J^J]T~~ forcement of obsolete penal laws, for the purpose of swelling
traiioii of the revenue.
justiw. rjy^^ Chancellors exercised, without disturbance, the equity
jurisdic- jurisdiction which had been so much attacked in preceding
tion. reigns ; but we cannot much admire their reasoning in
decidinjj the cases which came before them.
A judgment of Lord Chancellor Morton's may be given as
a specimen. Two persons being appointed executors, one of
them released a debt due to the testator without the assent
of his companion, who filed a bill in Chancery, suggesting,
that on this account the will could not be performed, and
praying relief against the other executor and the debtor, to
whom the release was granted. Objection was made that
there was no ground for interference, as one executor, by the
common law, may release a debt. Archbishop Morton, Lord
Chancellor. — " It is against reason that one executor should
have all the goods, and give a release by himself. I know
very well that every law should be consistent with the law of
God ; and that law forbids that an executor should indulge
any disposition he may have to waste the goods of the tes-
tator; and if he does, and does not make amends, if he is
able, he shall be damned in hell," *
Equity decisions at this time depended upon each Chan-
cellor's peculiar notions of the law of God, and the manner in
which Heaven would visit the defendant for the acts com-
plained of in the Bill ; and though a rule is sometimes laid
down as to where " a subpoena will lie," that is to say, where
there might be relief in Chancery, it was not till long after
that authorities were cited by Chancellors, or that there was
any steady reference by them to " the doctrine of the Court."
In this reign no attention was paid to the improvement of
the laws or the administration of justice, except with a view
to extorting money from the subject and amassing treasure
m the Exchequer, and the Chancellors were much employed
m assisting inferior agents to enforce dormant claims of the
• Y. B. 4 Hen. 7. 4. b.
LORD CHANCELLOR WARHAM. 431
Crown against the owners of estates, and in compelling cor- chap.
porations to accept new charters for the sake of fees.
A brighter prospect was now supposed to open on the Accession
nation. Instead of a monarch jealous, severe, and ava- ^J^^^"^^
ricious, who receded from virtue as he advanced in years, a j^.d, 1509.
young prince of eighteen had succeeded to the throne, who,
even in the eyes of men of sense, gave promising hopes of his
future conduct, and was possessed of qualifications in a high
degree to dazzle and captivate the multitude. He nominally
took upon himself the government without Protector or
Regent, but Warham the Chancellor had the chief sway, till
it gradually waned under the superior ascendancy acquired
by Wolsey over the youthful sovereign.
There is no memorandum of the delivery of the Great Warham
Seal by Henry VIII. to Warham, but there can be no doubt Chancellor,
that he continued Chancellor from his appointment in the
preceding reign until his resignation in the year 1515. He
is said to have been now placed at the head of the Council, as
the least unpopular of the ministers of the late King, by the
advice of Margaret Countess of Richmond, who still sur-
vived, and being much celebrated for prudence and virtue^
had great influence over her royal grandson.
The Chancellor in his capacity of Archbishop of Can-
terbury, placed the crown on Henry's head, and there being
then no Prince of the blood, was the first subject in rank at
the ceremony, uniting in himself the highest ecclesiastical
and civil offices in the realm.
A great question immediately arose which divided the Still op-
Council, and the Chancellor, adhering to his original opinion, ^?^^^ ,,
stood alone against all the other members : this was the marriage
completion of the Kino-'s marriao;c with Catherine of Arairon, ^T'*''- ^'^"
the widow of his brother. Prince Arthur. The virtues of
the Princess and the advantages of the match were uni-
versally admitted ; but Warham, as a churchman, still
doubted its validity, and, as a statesman, foresaw the mo-
mentous consequences of its being afterwards questioned,
and therefore he now strongly remonstrated against it, though
if broken off a large dowry was to be returned, and the Kino-
of Spain, from being a firm and valuable ally, might be con-
432 REIGN OF HENRY VI J I.
CHAP, verted into a bitter and formidable enemy. Had the Chan-
^^^'' ccllor's ojwnion prevailed, England might have remained a
Roman Catholic country ; but the Countess of Richmond
took part with the majority ; Henry, not much inclined to
this arrangement of convenience, thought he was bound to
fulfil the promise given in his father's lifetime, and the
marriage took place which produced our boasted Reform-
ation.
Improperly Things went on very smoothly with the Chancellor for
joins 111 gQing years. Not much to his credit, he concurred in the
prosecution J '
of Kmpson punishment of Empson and Dudley, whose obnoxious pro-
fp", * ceedings he had countenanced in the former reign, and for
which indeed he was himself responsible, as being at the
head of the administration of justice ; but he did not choose
to oppose the strong cry for their execution, and he saw
them suffer for actual offences to which he was privy, on
a pretended charge of treason of which he must have known
that they were innocent.
A.I). 1 510. Parliament assembling on the 21st of January, 1510, and
ment. '^ t^e King being on the throne, the Chancellor by his command
Chancel- Opened the session according to ancient fashion with a speech
io'twT*'''' ^'■^"^ *^^^ text, — "Deum timete, Regem honorificate." *
Houses. After various commentaries upon fear and honour, he said it
behoved Kings to govern wisely, and explained the duties of
the different officers trusted with the affairs of the public.
The Judges rightly and duly administering justice, he said,
were the eyes of the Commonwealth ; the learned expositors
of the laws he styled tlie tongues of it. Others were the
messengers of the government, as the sheriffs and magistrates
of cities and counties; the former of which who did not
execute their offices rightly, he compared to Noah's raven.
Others were the pillars of the government, as juries of twelve
men are. "Lastly," says the reporter, "cum magno audi-
entium plausu, he went upon the state of the whole kingdom,
and urged that it was the real interest of each separate body,
spiritual, temporal, and commonalty, to unite in supporting
tiie Crown ; that justice which is the queen of virtues may be
* 1 Pari. Hist. 575.
* LORD CHANCELLOR WARHAM. 433
auspicious in the nation; that both bishop and peer may CHAP,
join in reforming the errors of past times ; in utterly abo-
lishing all iniquitous laws; in moderating the rough and ^^ j^jg^
severe ones ; in enacting good and useful statutes, and when
made to see that they should be faithfully, honestly, and
inviolably observed ; — which if this parliament will perform,
then he affirmed that there was no one could doubt but that
God should be feared, the King honoured, and for the future
the Commonwealth served with good councillors every way
useful to the King and kingdom." *
The great applause of the audience arose from the belief
that the Chancellor, in his conclusion, alluded to the harsh
laws and the harsh administration of them which had charac- *
terised the late reign. In a few days he carried through
the House of Lords the act for the attainder of Empson and
Dudley, and it passed nemine contradicente.
Lord Chancellor Warham again opened the parliament His advice
which met on the 4th of February, 1512, with a speech in ^'^ ^*'^''if'j^
the King's presence from this text, — "Justitia et pax os-
culatae sunt," in which, rather whimsically for an Arch-
bishop, he explained how war was to be carried on suc-
cessfully : " He added further, what was absolutely necessary
in those that took the field and hoped for victory, first, that
they should walk in the ways of the Lord, and in him alone
place their dependence ; — that every man should keep the
post he was ordered to, — and that each individual should be
content with pay and should avoid plunder." On a subsequent
day the Lord Chancellor went down to the Commons and
made them another speech, explaining the treacherous pro-
ceedings of the King of France, and pressing for a supply, f
The last parliament in which Warham presided, was that Warham's
which met on the 5th of February, 1514, when he took for tf,^the two^
his text, — " Nunc Keges intelligite, erudimini qui judicatis Houses,
terram." Having dwelt at great length on the duties of a
King, " he added what qualities belonged also to good coun-
cillors, viz. that they should give such counsel as was hea-
venly, holy, honourable to the King and useful to the
*1 Pari. Hist. 476. f Ibid. 479.
VOL. I. F F
434
REIGN OF HENIIY VIII.
CHAP.
XXVI.
A.D. 1514.
iMakes a
speech in
House of
Commons.
Abuse of
tlie Scotch.
Dispute as
to the rank
of the Earl
of Surrey
in the
House of
Ixirds,
March,
1515.
Commonwealth ; that they should be speakers of truth and
not flatterers ; firm and not wavering, and neither covetous
nor ambitious." *
A Speaker being chosen and approved, — a few days after-
wards the Lord Chancellor, attended by the Archbishop of
York, the Bishops of Winchester and Durham, the Earl of
Surrey, Lord Treasurer, with other Peers, went down to the
House of Commons, and made another speech to induce them
to grant a liberal supply. These visits appear to have been
well taken by the Commons, instead of being treated as a
breach of privilege, and they rescue the memory of Wolsey
from the imputation of having done a violent and unpre-
cedented act when, being Chancellor, he paid a visit to the
Commons and remonstrated with them on their tardiness in
voting money for the King's use, — which has been considered
by some almost as great an outrage as that committed by
Charles, when he burst into the House to arrest the five
members in their places. On the present occasion Lord
Chancellor Warham, to take advantage of national antipathy,
and to stimulate the liberality of the Commons, told them
" that the Scotch had lately at several times done great
injuries to the King's subjects, both by land and sea, and
were daily meditating more ; by which attempts His Majesty,
being sufficiently provoked, had determined to declare war
against them." Therefore he exhorted the Commons " dili-
gently to consider these things, and the King's necessary
expenses in the defence of the kingdom." f
Soon after, he had a matter of great delicacy to decide in
the Lords. Thomas Earl of Surrey, the eldest son of the
Duke of Norfolk, being called to the Upper House in his
father's lifetime, claimed there the precedence over all Earls,
to which he was entitled out of parliament, a claim which was
most resolutely resisted. Garter King at Arms and the other
heralds were called in; but they declared that, "though well
skilled in the genealogy of Peers, — as concerning superiority
of scats in parliament they could not determine." Whereupon,
the question was referred to the Lord Chancellor, who, after
1 P-irl. Hist. 478.
t Ibid. 481.
LORD CHANCELLOR WARHAM. 435
time taken to consider and to negotiate between the parties, CHAP.
. XXVI
declared and decreed, " that the Earl of Surrey, with much '
humility and discretion, had agreed to content himself with ^ „_ 1515
liis place in parliament according to his creation, and not
dignity ; provided always, that his place of honour and dig-
nity out of parUament should be reserved to him, and that,
if hereafter any ancient records should be found in the Tower
of London, or elsewhere, proving the said pre- eminent place
in parliament to belong to the said Earl, then the said seat
should be restored unto him, notwithstanding this present de-
cree against him." * We need not wonder that great interest
was taken in this controversy, and that no small discretion
was required to bring it to a peaceable termination, when we
remember that the claimant was warmly supported by his
father, who Avas lately returned from Flodden Field, where,
by his superior generalship, the King of Scotland and all the
prime nobility of that kingdom had bit the dust, and the
Scottish nation had sustained the most fatal defeat recorded
in their annals.
This was the last memorable act of Warham, as Chancellor. Warh
He had for some time been carrying on an unequal contest
which he could support no longer. Wolsey had completely Wolsey
established himself in the favour of the King, was already
prime minister with unlimited power, and, having obtained a
cardinal's hat, with the appointment of legate a latere irovo.
the Pope, even in ecclesiastical matters affected supremacy.
Nothing in England was wanting to his ambition, except
the possession of the Great Seal. Warham had conducted
himself so unexceptionably, that there was great difficulty
in forcibly depriving him of it, and Wolsey's policy therefore
was by a series of affronts and disgusts to induce him to re-
sign it. When they were together in public, he assumed
greater state and splendour ; he irregularly paraded the cross
of York, in the province of Canterbury ; he interfered with
the patronage and the jurisdiction of the Great Seal ; and
he caused the retainers and officers of the Chancellor to be
insulted.
nder-
mined by
* 1 Pari. Hist. 482.
F F 2
436
REIGN OF HENKY VIII.
CHAP.
XXVI.
AD. 1515.
Driven to
resign.
His cha-
racter as a
judge.
His occu-
patiors in
retirement.
Still in-
sulted by
Wolsey.
AD. 1518.
Complains
to the
King.
Warliam, conscious that it would be vain to appeal to the
King, who was weary of his services, on the 22d of December,
1515, resigned the Great Seal into his Majesty's hands, and
the same day it was bestowed on the haughty Cardinal, who
now possessed greater power than has ever belonged to any
subject in England.
Warham left behind him in Westminster Hall a high re-
putation for strictly watching over the administration of jus-
tice. It was said of him that " in his own Court no Chancellor
ever discovered greater impartiality or deeper penetration of
judgment, and that none of his predecessors who were eccle-
siastics had equalled him in a knowledge of law and equity."*
He now wholly retired from politics, employing himself in
the duties of his diocese and in literary pursuits, which he
soon found more agreeable than judicial drudgery, or the
anxieties of office. He not only resumed with ardour the
studies in which he had once gained distinction, and which
he had long been obliged to suspend, but he became famous
as a patron of learning and the learned. So much was he
now respected and admired, that he excited the envy of
Wolsey, who, though himself in the possession of supreme
power, still tried to vex and to humble him by extended
usurpation on his metropolitan jurisdiction and increased in-
solence when they necessarily met. Wolsey, with legatine
authority, acted as if he had actually worn the triple crown,
and as if the Pope were vested with absolute authority to
dispose of all ecclesiastical preferment in England, and to
tyrannise both over the clergy and the laity. Warham, meek
as he was, found himself compelled to make complaint to the
King, and to inform him of the discontents of the people.
Henry displayed a gracious manner, professed his ignorance of
the whole matter, and said, " The master of the house often
knows least what is passing in it. But do you, father, go to
Wolsey, and tell him if any thing be amiss that he amend it."
The royal command was obeyed, and an admonition so ad-
ministered (as might have been expected), only served to
augment Wolsey 's enmity to Warham.
Stowe, 504.
LORD CHANCELLOR WARHAM. 437
For years the Ex-chancellor was obliged quietly to sub- chap.
mit to the ill-usage he experienced ; but at last, as the
consequences of a measure which he himself had so strenuously ^ j, 1527.
opposed, he had the satisfaction of seeing his rival disgraced ^^11 of
Wol'*GV
and ruined. The controversy arose respecting the validity of
the King's marriage with Catherine of Aragon. Along with
all the English prelates, except Fisher, Bishop of Rochester,
Warham concurred in the opinion that the Pope's licence to
permit a man to marry his brother's widow was ultra vires ^
and that the marriage, being un canonical, Henry was entitled
to a divorce.
When Wolsey's duplicity and finesse at last terminated in Quaere,
his downfall, it is said that the office of Chancellor was again Warha^'
offered to Warham ; but that he declined it on account of his was again
age and infirmities.* I doubt this offer ; for Henry had now Great
testified a great inclination to break with Rome, and Warham ^^^ ?
openly declaring himself a champion of the papal see, had
latterly shown himself adverse to the divorce, unless with the
full consent of his Holiness.
He continued to live at a distance from the Court, and to Counte-
associate with those who were for supporting the papal Holy Maid
supremacy. Shortly before his death he even weakly conn- of K.ent.
tenanced the imposture or delusion of the Holy Maid of Kent.
The vicar of the parish where she lived went to Warham, and
having given him an account of Elizabeth's pretended revela-
tions, wrought so far on the aged and superstitious Prelate,
as to receive orders from him to watch her in her trances, and
carefully to note down all her future sayings. The regard
paid her by a person of such high rank, who was supposed to
be very discerning from having so long held the office of
Lord Chancellor, rendered her more than ever an object of
attention, and persuaded the multitude that her ravings were
the inspirations of Heaven, — till the fraud was exposed in the
Star Chamber, and she and her chief associates were hanged
at Tyburn. No attempt was made to include Warham in the
prosecution.
In 1532, he died at St. Stephen's, near Canterbury; and, His death.
* Erasmus, Ep. J 151.
F r 3
138 KEIGN OP HENRY VIII.
CHAP, according to his own desire, without funeral pomp was buried
^^^^" in a small chapel which he had erected in the cathedral for
his tomb.
Conduct on When on his death- bed, he asked his steward what money
death-bed. j^^ |^^^ -^^ ^j^^ world, and was answered, " Thirty pounds : " he
exclaimed, " Satis viatici in coclum." His effects were found
hardly sufficient to pay his debts and the small expense of
his funeral.
His friend- Ilis great glory was his connection with Erasmus. He
^«p »''"i> jj.i(j early formed a friendship with this distinguished scholar
Lirasnius. •' ^ o _ _
■ — had constantly corresponded with him — had induced him
to visit England — had given him church preferment here, —
and had made him munificent presents.
Character Erasmus sliowcd his gratitude by dedicating to his patron
by Erl's-"'" ^^^^ Edition of the works of St. Jerom, in terms the most
mus. flattering ; and by celebrating his praises in letters addressed
to literati on the Continent of Europe. I offer the translation
of one of these written shortly after the Archbishop's death,
as tlie best account of his character and his manners : —
" I have the most tender recollection of a man worthy to be held
in perpetual honour, William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury,
and Primate of all England. He was a theologian in reality as well
as by title, and profoundly versed both in the civil and canon law.
He early gained reputation by his skilful conduct of foreign
embassies intrusted to him ; and, on account of his consummate
prudence, he was much beloved and esteemed by King Henry VH.
Thus he rose to be Archbishop of Canterbury, the highest eccle-
siastical dignity in the island. Bearing this burden, itself very
weighty, one heavier still was imposed upon him. He was forced
to accept the office of Chancellor, which among the English is at-
tended with regal splendour and power. As often as he goes into
public, a crown and sceptre are carried before him.* He is the
eye, the mouth-piece, and the right hand of the Sovereign ; and
the supreme Judge of the whole British empire. For many years,
Warham executed the duties of this office so admirably, that you
would have supposed lie was born with a genius for it, and that he
devoted to it the whole of his time and thoughts. But all the
while he was so constantly watchful and attentive with respect to
♦ I presume the i)urse and the mace. Erasmus may have seen Wolsey with
his crosses, pillars, and poll axes.
LORD CHANCELLOR WARHAM. 439
religion, and all that concerned his ecclesiastical functions, that CHAP.
you would have supposed he had no secular cares. He found -^^^i-
leisure for the strict performance of his private devotions — to
celebrate mass almost daily — to hear prayers read several times a
day — to decide causes in his Court — to receive foreign ministers
— to attend cabinets — to adjust all disputes which arose in the
church — to give dinners to his friends, whom he often entertained
in parties of two hundred — and, along with all this, for reading
all the interesting publications which appeared. He proved him-
self sufficient for such a multiplicity of avocations, by wasting no
portion of his time or his spirits in field sports, or in gaming, or in
idle conversation, or in the pleasures of the table, or in any pro-
fligate pursuit. His only relaxation was pleasant reading, or dis-
coursing with a man of learning. Although he had bishops, dukes,
and earls at his table, his dinners never lasted above an hour. He
appeared in splendid robes becoming his station ; but his tastes
were exceedingly simple. He rarely suffered wine to touch his
lips ; and when he was turned of seventy, his usual beverage was
small beer, which he drank very sparingly. But while he himself
abstained from almost everything at table, yet so cheerful was his
countenance, and so festive his talk, that he enlivened and charmed
all who were present. He was the same agreeable and rational
companion at all hours. He made it a rule to abstain entirely
from supper ; yet, if his friends (of whom I had the happiness to
be one) were assembled at that meal, he would sit down along
with them and promote their conviviality, but would hardly touch
any food himself. The hour generally devoted to supper he was
accustomed to fill up with prayers or reading, or with telling witty
stories, of which he had great store, or freely exchanging jests
with his friends, — but ever without ill-nature or any breach of
decorum. He shunned indecency and slander as one would a ser-
pent. So this illustrious man made the day, the shortness of
which many allege as a pretext for their idleness, long enough for
all the various public and private duties he had to perform."*
* " Hie mihi succurrit vir omni memoria scculorum dignus Guilhelmus
Waramus, Arch. Cant, totius Angliae primas : non ille quidem titulo, sed re
theologus ; erat cnim juris utriusque doctor. I^cgationibus aliquot feliciter
ubeundis inclaruit, et Henrico Septimo, summaE prudentia' principi, gratus
carusque factus est. His gradibus evectus est ad Cantuarensis ccclesiaj fasti-
gium, cujus in ea insula prima est dignitas. Iluic oneri, per se gravissimo,
additum est aliud graviiis. Coactus est suscipere Cancellarii munus, quod
quidem apud Anglos plane regium est; atque huic uni honoris gratia, quoties
in publicum procedit, regia corona sceptro regio imposito gestatur. Nam liic
est velut oculus, os, ac dextra regis, supremusfjue totius regni Britannic! judex.
Hanc provinciam annis compluribus tanta dexteritate gessit ut diceres ilium ei
K F 4
440
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXVI.
Letter of
Warham
to Eras-
ID us.
Warham was much flattered by the compliments which in
his lifetime he knew that Erasmus had paid him, and thus
expresses his acknowledgments : —
" Since through you I am to enjoy lasting fame, a boon denied
to many great kings and commanders who have utterly vanished
from the memory of mankind, unless that their names may be
found in some dry catalogue, — I know not what in this mortal
life I can offer you in return for the immortality you have con-
ferred. I am overwhelmed when I think of the flattering mention
you have made of me in conversation, in letters, and in the works
you have given to the world. You would set me down for the
most ungrateful of men if I did not show a deep sense of your
kindness, however unworthy I may be of the praises you have
showered upon me." *
negotio natum, nulla alia teneri cura. Sed idem In his quae spectabant ad
religionem et ecclesiasticas functiones, tarn erat vigilans et attentus, ut diceres
euin nulla externa cura distringi. Sufficiebat illi tempus ad religiose persol-
vendum solenne precum pensum, ad sacrificandum fere quotidie, ad audienduin
pra;terea duo aut tria sacra, ad cognoscendas causas, ad excipiendas legationes,
ad consulendum regi si quid in aula gravius extitisset, ad visendas ecclesias,
sicubi natum esset aliquid quod moderatorem postularet, ad excipiendos con-
vivas saepe ducentos ; denique lectioni suum dabatur otium. Ad tam varias
curas uni sufficiebat et animus et tempus, cujus nuUam portionem dabat ve-
natui, nullam aleas, nuUam inanibus fabulis, nullam luxui aut voluptatibus.
Pro his omnibus oblectamentis erat illi vel amoena quapiam lectio vel cum
erudito viro colloquium. Quanquam interdum episcopos duces et comites
haberet convivas, semper tamen prandium intra spatium horae finiebatur. In
splendido apparatu, quem ilia dignitas postulat, dictu incredibile quam ipse
nihil deliciarum attigerit. Raro gustabat vinum, plerumque jam turn septua •
genarius bibebat pertenuem cerevisiam quam illi hiriam vocant, eamque ipsam
perparce. Porro, quum quam minimum ciborum sumeret, tamen comitate
vultus ac sermonum festivitate omne convivium exhilarabat. Vidisses eandem
pransi et impransi sobrletatem. A coenis in totum abstinebat ; aut si contigis-
sent familiares amici, quorum de numero nos eramus, accumbebat quidem, sed
ita, ut pene nihil attingeret ciborum : si tales non dabantur, quod temporis
ccenae dandum erat, id vel precibus, vel lectioni impendebat, atque ut ipse lepo-
ribus scatebat mire gratis, sed citra morsum atque incptiam, ita liberioribus
jocis amicorum delectabatur : a scurrilitate et obtrectatione tam abhorrebat
(juam qnisquam ah angue. Sic ille vir eximius sibi faciebat dies abunde longos,
quorum brevitatem multi causantur." Erasmus likewise delivers an elaborate
panegyric on Warham in his commentary on 1 Thess. ii, 7., and several of his
other letters, but without descending to such interesting particulars of his
private life as are here disclosed.
• " Quum non illaudati nominis aeternitatem per te sim consecutus, qua multi
praeelari reges et iniperatores carent, et a memoria hominum penitus exciderunt,
nisi quod tantiim vix nominum eorum catalogus, et id jejune quidem fiat, non
video quod satis sit in hac mortali vita quod pro immortalitate reddam. Cogito
enim quanta mihi tribucris ubique, vel praesens per colloquia, vel absens per
hteras, aut communiter per volumina : qua; quidem sunt majora, quam susti-
nere valeam. Judicabis ergo Cantuariinsem ingratissimum nisi tui sit habi-
turus rationem constantissimam, licet meritis inaequalem et inferiorem." — a. d.
1516. ^
LORD CHANCELLOR WARHAM. 441
Although Warham does not occupy the great space in the CHAP,
eye of posterity which he had fondly anticipated, he must be
regarded with respect as a man who had passed through the General
highest offices with o-eneral applause, — and who, if he did not estimate of
character of
by any extraordinary talents influence the events of his age Warham.
and improve the institutions of his country, could not be
accused of any public delinquency, or (the prosecution of
Empson and Dudley excepted) of ever having treated any
individual with injustice.
442
LIFE OF
CHAPTER XXVII.
LIFE OF CARDINAL WOLSEY FROM HIS BIRTH TILL HIS APPOINT-
MENT AS LORD CHANCELLOR.
CHAP. We now come to the life of the man who enjoyed more
XXVII. power than any of his predecessors or successors who have
held the office of Chancellor in England.
Woiseythe Thomas Wolsey, dcstincd to be Archbishop of York,
son of a Legate a latere, Lord Chancellor, and for many years master
butcher. ^^ ^^^ j^.^^ ^^^ kingdom, was born at Ipswich, in Suffolk,
in the year 1471, and though " fashioned to much honour,"
was " from an humble stock," being the son of a butcher in
that town.*
Troofs. * Some of his admirers have, without reason, questioned the particular voca-
tion of l>is father ; for that he was the son of a low tradesman in a country town
is admitted. It cannot detract from his merit that his father was a butcher, and
the fact stands on strong evidence. In liis own lifetime he was called " the
butcher's dog ;" and Shakspeare, who must have conversed with persons who
well recollected the Cardinal, puts these words into the mouth of Buck-
ingham ; —
" This butcher's cur is venom-mouth'd, and I
Have not the power to muzzle him."
His origin from the "boucher's stall" is distinctly averred in the contemporary
satire of" Mayster Skelton, poete laureate :" —
" He regardeth Lordes
No more than pot siiordes.
He ruleth al at will
Without reason or skyll,
Howbeit they be prymordyall :
Of ills wretched originall,
And his base progeny,
And his gresy genealogy.
He came out of the sanke roiall
l^hat was cast ovt of a boucher's stall."
Luther, in his Colloquies, calls him " a butcher's son." Polydore Virgil speaks
of his father as " a butcher ;" and Fuller, in his Church History, observes,
that, " to humble the Cardinal's pride, some person or other had set up in a
window belonging to his college, at Oxford, a painted mastiff dog gnawing the
spade bone of a shoulder of mutton, to remind him cf his extraction." Godwyn
says, " Patre lanio pauperculo prognatus est." If his father had been of any
other trade, the fact might have been easily established ; but Cavendish, his
gentleman usher and biographer, who must have heard the assertion hundreds
LORD CHANCELLOR CARDINAL WOLSEY.
443
From his cradle he is said to have given signs of those
lively parts which led to his buoyant career, but we possess
no particulars of his early domestic life to throw light on the
formation of his character ; and, till he was sent to the
University, nothing has reached us respecting his studies, ex-
cept a statement that the indications of genius he displayed
induced some of his townsmen to assist his father in main-
taining him at Oxford. He was entered of Magdalen College
when still of tender years, and he made such proficiency that,
when only fifteen, he took his Bachelor's degree with great
distinction, gaining the honourable soubriquet of " the boy
Bachelor." In the very zenitli of his fortune he used to
boast with laudable vanity of this appellation, as the best
proof of his early devotion to literature.
At an early age he was elected a fellow of Magdalen,
and there being a school connected with the college, accord-
ing to the usage then prevailing, he was appointed head
master. He dedicated himself with much diligence and
success to the duties of this humble office. While so occu-
pied, he formed an acquaintance with Sir T. More, then an
undergraduate, and with Erasmus, who had taken up his
residence at Oxford.
The probability at this time was, that he would spend the
rest of his days in the University, and that his ambition (which
could not have aspired higher) might be crowned with the
headship of his college. But it so happened that he had for
pupils three sons of the Marquess of Dorset, and during a
Christmas vacation he accompanied them to the country seat
of their father. Wolsey was now in his twenty -ninth year, of
great acquirements, both solid and ornamental, — remarkably
handsome in his person, insinuating in his manners, and
CHAP.
XXVII.
Sent to the
University.
Wolsey
" the boy
Bachelor."
Fellow of
Magdalen,
and school-
master.
Tutor to
sons of
Marquess
of Dorset.
of times, is contented with saying that " he was an honest poor man's son," and
tlie only supposed contradiction is the father's will, showing that he had houses
a-id property to dispose of, wliicli he might as well have acquired by slaughter-
ing cattle, as by any other occupation. — The will shows him to have been a very
pious Christian. After leaving his soul to " Almighty God, our Lady Sent Mary,
and to all the company of Hevyn," he says, " itm, 1 wyll that if Thomas my son
be a prest wtin a ycr next after my decesse, yan I wylle tl)at he syng for me and
my frcnds be the space of a yer, and he for to haue for his salary x marc." The
will bears date September, 1486, and was proved in the month of October fol-
lowing. The testator signs himself Robert Wulei/, and by this name the son was
known, till he changed it euphoiiia: causa.
444 J^IFE OF
CTIAP. amusing in his conversation. The Marquess was so much
^^^^'' struck with him, that he at once proifered him his friend-
^T"! ship, and as a token of his regard presented him to the
country rcctory of Lymington, in Somersetshire, which then happened
parson. ^^ ^^|| yj^^j^j^^ • ^Yolscy accordingly took orders, and was
instituted as parson of this parish on the 10th of October,
>.n. 1500. 1500. He immediately renounced his school and other col-
lege appointments, — the more readily on account of a charge
brought against him, that he had misapplied the college funds.
While bursar, he had erected the tower of Magdalen College
chapel, known by the name of " Wolsey 's tower," still ad-
mired for the chaste simplicity and elegance of its archi-
tecture, and he was accused of having clandestinely diverted
a portion of the revenue, over Avhich his office of bursar gave
him control, to the expense of this edifice, — a heinous offence
in the eyes of the fellows, while lamenting their diminished
dividend. He certainly seems to have been betrayed into
considerable irregularity in this affair from his passion for
building, which adhered to him through life ; but there is no
reason to suspect that he personally derived any pecuniary
advantage from it.
Wolsey : Suddenly emerging from the cloisters of Magdalen, in
stocks for which hc had been hitherto immured, — when he took posses-
drunken- sion of his living, he seems for a time to have indulsred in
ness and i •■• j. i • i • ■, ,,. -^ .
rioting at a levitics not becommg his sacred callmg. By his dissolute
f^'r- manners, or perhaps by his superior popularity, he incurred
the displeasure of Sir Amyas Paulet, a neighbouring justice
of the peace, who lay by for an opportunity to show his
resentment. This was soon afforded him. Wolsey, being of
" a free and sociable temper," went with some of his neigh-
bours to a fair in an adjoining town, where they all got very
drunk, and created a riot. Sir Amyas, who was present,
selected " his Reverence " as the most guilty, and convicting
him " on the view," ordered him to be set in the stocks, and
actually saw the sentence carried into immediate execution.
* It lias been denied that there is any place of this name in Somersetshire,
ana the locality has been changed in a very arbitrary manner to Hampshire; but
I have ascertained that there is a very small parish called Lymington, near
Hchester, ,n Somersetshire, _ with the stocks still standing near the church.
LORD CHANCELLOR CARDINAL WOLSEY. 445
" Who," says Cavendish, in relating this adventure, " would CHAP,
. XXVII
have thouaht then that ever he should have attained to be
Chancellor of England ! These be wonderful works of God
and fortune." *
Wolsey afterwards had his revenge of Sir Amyas. " For His re-
when the schoolmaster mounted the dignity to be Chancellor ^^i"en°Lord
of England, he was not oblivious of the old displeasure mi- Ciiancellor.
nistered unto him by Master Pawlet, but sent for him, and
after many sharp and heinous words, enjoined him to attend
upon the Council until he were by them dismissed, and not
to depart without licence upon an urgent pain and for-
feiture." t According to this writer, — for having so affronted
the country parson, " Sir Amyas was in reality detained a
prisoner in his lodging, in the Gate House of the Middle
Temple, next to Fleet Street, for the space of five or six
years, although he attempted to appease the Chancellor's
displeasure by re-edifying the house, and garnishing the out-
side thereof sumptuously with hats and arms, badges and
cognizances of the Cardinal, with other devices in glorious
sort." This anecdote, which rests on undoubted testimony,
is not very honourable to Wolsey, who, even if he had been
wrongfully put in the stocks, ought not, when Chancellor, to
have perverted the law to revenge the wrongs of the country
parson. The discipline he then underwent seems to have
had a salutary effect upon him ; for although he did not by
any means reform so far as to become faultless in his manners,
we do not find him afterwards guilty of any public breach of
decorum.
This mischance happened when Wolsey had been about Wolsey
two years resident at Lyminojton, and he soon after left the '^^y*^^ ^'^
•^ JO' parish.
country, — as some assert from the scandal it had caused, — a.d. 1502.
but I believe from the necessity he felt of finding a new patron,
the Marquess of Dorset, to whom he looked for promotion,
having suddenly died. We may suppose that, conscious of
his powers, he was glad to leave this rural retreat where they
could so little be appreciated. Storer, who published his
biographical poem of Wolsey in 1599, describes his feelings
on this occasion with some felicity :
* Cavendish, (59. f Ibid. 68.
446
LIFE OF
CHAP.
XXVII.
A.D. 1503.
Chaplain
to Arcli-
btsliop of
Canter-
bury.
To the
Governor
of Calais.
Chaplain
to Henry
VII
His success
at Court.
'« This silver tongue melhoiight was never made
With rhetoric's skill to teach each common swain ;
These deep conceits were never taught to wade
In shallow brooks ; nor this aspiring vein
Fit to converse among the shepherd train.
" Just cause I saw my titles to advance,
Virtue my gentry, priesthood my descent,
Saints my allies, the cross my cognizance,
Angels the guard that watch'd about my tent.
Wisdom that usher'd me where'er I went."
He was soon received as chaplain in the family of Deane,
Archbishop of Canterbury, — a proof that his fame had not
sustained any permanent blemish, and he was gaining the
goodwill of those around him when he was again thrown upon
the world by the death of the primate.
However, he was almost immediately after engaged as
domestic chaplain by Sir John Nanfant, " a very grave and
ancient knight," a special favourite of Henry VII. Sir John
held the important office of Treasurer of Calais, and Wolsey
now behaved himself so discreetly, that he obtained the spe-
cial favour of his new master, and all the charge of the office
was committed to him. He resided for a considerable time
at Calais, and must have materially improved his knowledge
of mankind by the variety of company with whom he here
mixed. But he panted still for a larger sphere of action, and,
through the interest of his employer, he was at last gratified
with the appointment of chaplain to the King, and he was
transferred to the Court. " He cast anchor in the port of
promotion," says his biographer, or rather, he '■' got his foot in
the stirrup, resolved to outstrip every competitor in the race."
He had now occasion to be in the presence of the King daily,
— celebrating mass before him in his private closet ; and he
afterwards gave attendance upon the courtiers who he thought
bore most rule in the Council and were highest in favour.
These were Fox, Bishop of Winchester, Secretary and Lord
Privy Seal, and Sir Thomas Lovel, Master of the King's
wards and Constable of the Tower. They soon perceived
his merit, and were disposed to avail themselves of his ser-
vices. He is said now to have displayed that " natural dig-
nity of manner or aspect which no art can imitate, and which
no rule or method of practice will ever be able to form."*
* Fiddes' Life of Wolsey, p. 1 1,
LORD CHANCELLOR CARDINAL WOLSEY.
447
He was eminently favoured by nature in dignity of person, Ci.iAP.
and winning expression of countenance. According to Caven-
dish, he was celebrated for " a special gift of natural eloquence,
with a filed tongue to pronounce the same, so that he was
able to persuade and allure all men to his purpose ; " or, in
the words of Shakspeare, he was " exceeding wise, fair
spoken, and persuading." He had, besides, a quick and cor-
rect perception of character and of the secret springs of
action, and a singular power of shaping his conduct and con-
versation according to circumstances. The consequence was,
that, placed among men of education and refinement, he
seemed to exercise an extraordinary influence over them,
amounting almost to fascination, — and this influence was not
the less powerful and enduring, that before superiors it was
unostentatious, and seemed to follow where it led the way.
Fitting himself to the humours of all, we need not doubt,
that, with the cold-blooded, calculating, avaricious founder of
the Tudor dynasty, he tried to make himself remarkable for
the laborious assiduity, regularity, steadiness, and thriftiness
of his habits.
However, he did not contrive to make any progress in the
personal intimacy of Henry, till he was recommended to him
by Fox and Lovel to conduct a delicate negotiation, in which
the King took a very lively interest, and which he was desi-
rous to see brought to a speedy conclusion.
Henry was a widower, with one surviving son and two Wolsey's
daughters, and being only fifty years of age, he wished to enter ®'"'^^^^y ^'^
into another matrimonial alliance, in the hope of strengthen- peror.
ing the succession in his dynasty ; and regardless of the
question as to the right to the throne, which if his son by
Elizabeth, the daughter of Edward IV., should die without
issue, might arise between a son by a second marriage, and
his eldest daughter of the first marriage, who would have been
" the white rose of England." The object of his suit was
Margaret, Duchess dowager of Savoy, only daughter of the
Emperor Maximilian. They having been sounded, were not
unfavourable to the alliance, and it was necessary to employ
a person of great address to adjust with the Emperor in per-
son some delicate matters connected with the marriage.
448 LIFE OF
CHAP. Wofeey being pointed out by Fox and Lovel, the King, who
^^^^^* as yet had scarcely ever personally conversed with him, " and
being a Prince of excellent judgment, commanded them to
bring his chaplain whom they so much commended before his
Grace's presence. At whose repair thither, to prove the wit
of his chaplain, the King fell in communication with him, in
matters of weight and gravity, and perceiving his art to be
very fine, thought him sufficient to be put in trust with this
embassy."* While the preparations Avere going forward,
** he had a due occasion to repair from time to time to the
King's presence, who perceived him more and more to be a
very wise man and of good intendment."!
Extraor- Wolsey, having at last got his despatches from the wary
idTt'^^oniis wionarch, performed the journey with a celerity which even
journey. astonishcs US, accustomcd to steam-packets and railways, and
which in that slow-travelling age must have appeared almost
equal to the boasted exploit of Ariel. | The Court was then
at Richmond, and there taking leave of the King after
dinner, he arrived in London on a Sunday afternoon about
four o'clock. The Gravesend barge was ready to sail with a
prosperous tide and wind, and by her he arrived at Gravesend
in little more than three hours. There he tarried only till
post-horses were provided, and travelling all night he came
to Dover next morning, just as the passage-boat for Calais
was about to sail. He stepped on board, and in less than
three hours he landed at Calais. Here he immediately got
post-horses, and galloping off he arrived that night at Bruges,
where the imperial Court lay. Maximilian, « whose affection
for Henry VII. was such that he rejoiced when he had
occasion to show him pleasure," received the ambassador
forthwith, and the next day he was despatched with all the
King's requests fully accomplished. He was conducted back
to Calais with such a number of horsemen as the Emperor
had appointed, and arrived at that city at day-break, as the
gates were opened. The passage-boat for England was
about to sail, and before ten o'clock on Wednesday forenoon
he was at Dover. He had ordered post-horses to be in
* Cavendish, 10. | Il,id, jg.
+ 1 II put a girdle round the earth in forty minutes."— Shaksp.
LORD CHANCELLOR CARDINAL WOLSEY. 449
readiness for him, and that night he reached Richmond. He CHAP.
XXVIL
now took some repose, but rising early next morning he knelt '
before the King going from his bed-chamber to his closet
to hear mass. The King saw him with some surprise and
disj)leasure, and checked him for not having set out on his
journey. " Sir," quoth he, " if it may stand with your High-
ness's pleasure, I have already been with the Emperor, and
despatched your aifairs, I trust, to your Grace's contentation."
Thereupon he delivered to the King the Emperor's letters.
The King demanded of him whether he encountered not his
pursuivant whom he had sent after him yesterday, sup-
posing him to be scarcely out of London, with letters con-
cerning an important matter neglected in his commission and
instructions which he courted much to be sped. " Yes,
forsooth. Sire," quoth he, " I encountered him yesterday by
the way, and having no information by your Grace's letters
of your pleasure therein, had notwithstanding been so bold
upon mine own discretion (perceiving that matter to be very
necessary) to despatch the same. And for as much as I
exceeded your Grace's commission, I most humbly require
your gracious remission and pardon." The King rejoicing,
replied, — " We do not only pardon you thereof, but also
give you our princely thanks, both for the proceeding
therein, and also for your good and speedy exploit," — com-
manding him for that time to take his rest, and to repair
again to him after dinner, for the farther relation of his em-
bassy. At the appointed time he reported his embassy to the
King and Council with such a graceful deportment, and so
eloquent language, that he received the utmost applause, — all
declaring him to be a person of so great capacity and diligence
that he deserved to be farther employed.*
* Cavendish declares that he had all these circumstances, as above related,
from Wolsey's own mouth, after his fall. — Life, p. 78, Storer's metrical Life of
Wolsey has the following stanza on this expedition : —
" The Argonautic vessel never past
With swifter course along the Colchian main.
Than my small bark %vith small and speedy blast
Convey 'd me forth and reconvey'd again ;
Thrice had Arcturus driven his roUess wain,
And Heaven's bright lamp the day had thrice reviv'd,
From first departure till I last arriv'd."
VOL. I. G G
450 I^IFE OF
CHAP. The deanery of Lincoln, reckoned one of the most valuable
XXVII. preferments in the church, was immediately bestowed upon
n wnrdod ^^™ ' — ^^ ^^ marked as a rising favourite, — and, had the
with the King's life been prolonged, there can be no doubt that, accom-
L^ncdn.*' modating himself to his inclinations, Wolsey would have been
promoted under him to the highest offices both civil and eccle-
siastical.
April, But Henry, meditating his second marriage, was attacked
l>MUh of ^y ^ disease which carried him to the tomb, and Wolsey had
Henry to conccrt fresh plans for his own advancement under a new
monarch, only eighteen years of age, gay and frolicsome,
fond of amusement and averse to business, though not un-
initiated in the learning of the schools. The royal chaplain,
while resident at Court, must have seen the Prince from time
to time, but hitherto had made no acquaintance with him, —
cautious in showing any accordance with the tastes of the
son, lest he should give umbrage to the father.
Wolsey in- It luckily happened that the young Marquess of Dorset
the new ° ^^^ ^^^^ ^ ^^^V intimate friend of Prince Henry, and by his
King. former pupil he was introduced to the new King. This
introduction is usually attributed to Bishop Fox, who, jealous
of his rival, the Earl of Surrey, the late King's High Trea-
surer, is supposed to have intended Wolsey as an instrument
to keep up the interest of his own party at Court ; but in
reality all the old ministers had penetrated the Dean of
Lincoln's character, and become jealous of his influence.
Influence Wolsey at once conformed to the tastes of the youthful
WolLy ^ Sovereign, and won his heart. He jested, he rallied, he
over Henry sang, he dauccd, he caroused with the King and his gay
companions, and in a very short time, by his extraordinary
address, he not only supplanted Surrey in the royal favour,
but also Fox his patron. He was sworn a Privy Councillor,
and appointed King's almoner, an office which kept him in
constant attendance on the person of the Monarch in his
hours of relaxation, and thereby enabled him to acquire over
the mind of Henry an ascendancy which was imputed to the
practice of the magical art. It is said, however, that although
Wolsey, for the purposes of ambition, countenanced irre-
gularities at Court unsuitable to the presence of a priest, he
LORD CHANCELLOR CARDINAL WOLSEY. 451
was careful, when any proper opportunity offered, to give CHAP.
good advice to the King, as well in respect to his personal as
his political conduct, and highly tending on both accounts to 1509—
his advantage and improvement. He would instil into his 1515.
mind a lesson on the art of government over a game at
primero, and after a roistering party with him at night, he
would hold with him in the morning a disputation on a
question out of Thomas Aquinas,
As yet without any higher appointment about the Court Wolsey
than that of Almoner, he soon made himself Prime Minister, t^e KUif.
and exercised supreme power in the state. " The King was
young and lusty, disposed to all mirth and pleasui'e, and to
follow his desire and appetite, nothing minding to travail in
the busy affairs of the realm ; the which the Almoner per-
ceiving very well, took upon him therefore to disburden the
King of so weighty a charge and troublesome business,
putting the King in comfort that he shall not need to spare
any time of his pleasure for any business that necessarily
happens in the Council as long as he being there, and, having
the King's authority and commandment, doubted not to see
all things sufficiently furnished and perfected, wherewith the
King was wonderfully pleased. And whereas the other
ancient councillors would, according to the office of good
councillors, persuade the King to have some time an inter-
course into the Council, there to hear what was done in
weighty matters, the which pleased the King nothing at all,
for he loved nothing worse than to be constrained to do any
thing contrary to his royal will and pleasure, and that knew
the Almoner very well, having a secret intelligence of the
King's natural inclination, and so fast as the other councillors
advised the King to leave his pleasures and to attend to the
affairs of his realm, so busily did the Almoner persuade him
to the contrary, which delighted him much, and caused him
to have the greater affection and love for the Almoner." *
Wolsey pushed his advantages; and not contented with
secret influence, was determined to chase from office those to
whom the public had looked with respect as the ministers of
• Cavendish, 82.
G G 2
452
LIFE OF
CHAP.
XXVII.
1509—
1515.
Wolsey
Prime
Minister.
the Crown, and openly to engross all power in his own person.
He observed to the King, that while he intrusted his affairs
to his father's councillors, he had the advantage of employing
men of wisdom and experience, but men who owed not their
promotion to his own personal favour, and who scarcely
thought themselves accountable to him for the exercise of their
authority ; — that by the factions, and cabals, and jealousies
which prevailed among them, they more obstructed the ad-
vancement of his aflFairs than they promoted it, by the know-
ledge which age and practice had conferred upon them ; — that
while he thought proper to pass his time in those pleasures to
which his age and royal fortune invited him, and in those
studies which would in time enable him to sway the sceptre
with absolute authority, his best system of government would
be, to intrust his authority into the hands of some one person
who was the creature of his will, and who could entertain no
view but that of promoting his service ; — and that if the min-
ister had also the same relish for pleasure with himself, and
the same taste for literature, he could more easily, at intervals,
account to him for his own conduct, and introduce his master
gradually into the knowledge of public business, and thus,
without tedious restraint or application, initiate him in the
science of government.*
Henry said, he highly approved of this plan of administra-
tion, and that he knew no one so capable of executing it as
the person who proposed it. The two rival ministers of
Henry VII., the Duke of Norfolk and Bishop Fox, — who had
been continued in office by the advice of Margaret, Countess
of Richmond, the young King's grandmother, — were now
treated with neglect and disrespect, and retired from Court.
" Thus," says Cavendish, « the Almoner ruled all them that
before ruled him ; such things did his policy and wit bring
to pass. Who was now in high favour but Master Almoner?
"Who had all the suit but Master Almoner ? And who ruled
all under the King but Master Almoner? Thus he proceeded
still in favour. At last, in came presents, gifts, and rewards,
so plentifully, that he lacked nothing that might either please
his fantasy or enrich his coffers."
Lord Herbert, Pol. Virg.
LORD CHANCELLOR CARDINAL WOLSEY. 453
The first earnest of Henry's bounty to his favourite was chap.
. XXVII
the grant, on the attainder of Empson, of a magnificent man- ^
sion, with gardens, in Fleet Street, which had belonged to 1512—
that minister. He was soon after made Canon of Windsor, i5i5.
Registrar and Chancellor of the Order of the Garter, and Re- prefer-
porter of the proceedings in the Star Chamber, and various ™^"*^-
rectories, prebends, and deaneries were conferred upon him, —
having obtained an unlimited dispensation from the Pope to
hold pluralities in the church. On the resignation of the
Duke of Norfolk, in 1512, he was made Lord Treasurer, —
and, with the exception of Warham, the Lord Chancellor, who
still carried on an unequal struggle against his ascendancy,
all who filled the offices of state were his creatures and
dependents.
The Life of Wolsey henceforth becomes the History of
England and of the European states ; but I propose to confine
myself to those events and circumstances which may be con-
sidered to belong to his personal narrative.*
In the year 1513, Hemy going to war with France, Wolsey
Wolsey was specially appointed by him to direct the supplies *^'""""i*-
j L J I I J irr sary-gene-
and provisions for the use of the army, — or " Commissary ral to the
General," — a situation which gave him an opportunity of p^^cg"
amassing great wealth, and which, though seemingly incon-
sistent with his clerical functions, he justified himself for
accepting, on the ground that the Pope approved of the
expedition against Louis XII. then at enmity with the See
of Rome.
He accompanied the King to the Continent, witnessed the Appointed
battle of " the Spurs," and assisted at the siege of Tournay. 5''^°'' ""^
>■ ' a J rournay
When this city surrendered, it was found that the Bishop had
* " The variety and splendour of the lives of such men render it often diffi-
cult to distinguish the portion of time which ought to be admitted into history,
from that which should be reserved for biography. Generally speaking, these
two parts are so distinct and unlike, that they cannot be confounded without
much injury to both ; either when the biographer hides the portrait of the indi-
vidual by a crowded and confined picture of events, or when the historian allows
unconnected narratives of the lives of men to break the thread of history. Per-
haps nothing more can be universally laid down than that the biographer never
ought to introduce public events, except as far as they are absolutely necessary
to the illustration of character, and that the historian should rarely digress into
biographical particulars, except as far as they contribute to the clearness of his
narrative of political occurrences." — Sir James Mackintosh.
o G 3
454 LIFE OF
CHAP, lately died, and that a new bishop had been elected by the
^''^^''' chapter, but had not yet been installed. Henry claimed by
iTisZ ^^o^^ of conquest the disposal of the office, appointed Wolsey
1515. to it, and put him in immediate possession of the temporalities.
This step was directly at variance with the canons of the
church, and at another time would have been resented by the
supreme Pontiff as a sacrilegious usurpation. Wolsey became
Bishop de facto, but his title to the see was afterwards ques-
tioned, and was made the subject of long and intricate nego-
tiations.
Wolsey On his return to England he was legitimately placed in
BUho of ^^^ episcopal order, by being elected and consecrated Bishop
Lincoln. of Lincoln. He is reproached for having been guilty of
great rapacity in seizing the goods which had belonged to
his predecessor. Bishop Smith ; and his gentleman usher is
obliged to admit that he had frequently seen with shame
some of the stolen furniture of the late Bishop in the house
of his master.*
Archbishop A few months after, Bambridge, Archbishop of York,
dying, Wolsey was elevated to this archiepiscopal see. He
was farther allowed to unite with York — first the see of
Durham, and next that of Winchester. He farmed besides,
on very advantageous terms, the Bishoprics of Bath, Wor-
cester, and Hereford, filled by foreigners who gladly com-
pounded for the indulgence of residing abroad by yielding up
to him a large share of their English incomes. The rich
Abbey of St. Alban's, and many other church preferments, he
held in commendam.
There was only one individual in the kingdom on whom
he now looked with envy, Warham, who, as Archbishop of
Canterbury and Lord Chancellor, had precedence of him both
ecclesiastically and civilly ; but though he could not aim at
the primacy during the life of his rival, he resolved that he
himself should be the first subject under the King in rank as
well as in power.
Sli ungate ^""^ *^"^'"^ ^^" ^*y^^^ *^^ " Incendiary of Christendom,"
a later*. being dead, he Avas succeeded by the celebrated Leo X., who
• Cavendish, 88.
LORD CHANCELLOR CARDINAL WOLSEY. 455
closely resembled Wolsey in the love of pleasure and love of CHAP.
. •• .• XXVII
literature, and was desirous of cultivating the friendship of
England against the ambition of France. One of his first ^ j,. 1515.
acts was to confer a Cardinal's hat on the favourite of Henry,
with a Bull creating him Legate a latere over the whole
kingdom of England, and enabling him to call convocations,
and to exercise supreme ecclesiastical authority. The Pope's
messenger, conveying these emblems of spiritual precedence
and authority, was met on Blackheath by " a great assembly
of prelates, and lusty gallant gentlemen, and from them con-
ducted through London with great triumph." The new Car-
dinal and Legate was confirmed in his dignity in Westminster
Abbey by a numerous band of Bishops and Abbots, in rich
mitres, copes, and other costly ornaments, " which," says
Cavendish, " was done in so solemn a wise as I have not
seen the like, unless it had been at the coronation of a mighty
prince or king." *
He was now armed with effectual means of annoying and Measures
mortifying Warham. As Cardinal he took place of him f, ^ rd ^"^*
and as Legate he was entitled to interfere with his juris- Chancellor
diction within the province of Canterbury. " Wherefore ^f^^™-
remembering as well the taunts and checks before sustained
of Canterbury which he intended to redress, and having
respect to the advancement of worldly honour, he found the
means with the King that he was made Chancellor, and
Canterbury thereof dismissed." X
The transfer of the Great Seal as we have seen in the life Wolsev,
of Lord Chancellor Warham, took place on the 22d of De- Chancellor.
cember, 1515. § The affair was conducted with exterior
* Cavendish, 91.
■j" This point was settled by the Pope in the case of Cardinal Kempe, Arch-
bishop of York, and authors are mistaken who represent the precedence now
assumed by Wolsey an usurpation dictated by his arrogance.
J Cavendish, 93.
§ The reader may be amused with a translation of the Latin entry in the
Close Roll upon the occasion. » Be it remembered that on Sunday, the 22d
of December, in the seventh year of the reign of Henry VIII., about the hour
of one in the afternoon, in a certain high and small room in the King's palace
at Westminster, near the Parliament Chamber, the Most reverend Father in
Christ, William Archbishop of Canterbury, then Chancellor of England, the
King's Great Seal in the custody of the said Chancellor then being inclosed in
a certain bag of white leather, and five times sealed with the signet of the said
Archbishop, into the hands of our said lord the King surrendered and delivered
G G 4
466 LIFE OF
CHAP, decency, as if there had been a voluntary resignation on the
XXVII. ^^^ gjjg ^^^ ^ reluctant acceptance on the other.
Q^,^j.p A contemporary letter of Sir Thomas More might lead to
Whether the belief that Warham was really eager to retire, and Wolsey
restgi'ieT afraid of farther promotion. Writing to Ammonius, he says,
voluntarily, « xhc Archbishop of Canterbury hath at length resigned the
was reluc- officc of Chancellor, which burthen as you know he had strenu-
tent to take Q^giy endeavoured to lay down for some years ; and the long
Seal? wished-for retreat being now obtained, he enjoys a most plea-
sant recess in his studies, with the agreeable reflection of
having acquitted himself honourably in that high station.
The Cardinal of York, by the King's orders, succeeds him."
Ammonius, writing to Erasmus, says, in the same strain,
" Your Archbishop, with the King's good leave, has laid
down his post, which that of York, after much importunity,
has accepted of, and behaves most beautifully." Nay, War-
ham himself, in a letter to the same correspondent, says, he
desired to give up this magistracy " quem Eboracensis Epis-
copus impendio rogatus suscepit.^''
But the testimony of Cavendish, and the internal evidence
on the other side, greatly preponderate. Warham, although
like other Chancellors resolved to cling to office as long as pos-
sible, may from time to time have expressed a wish to be rid
up in the presence of the most reverend Father in Christ, Thomas, by divine
compassion' Cardinal Priest of the Holy Roman Church, by the title ' Sancti
Ariaci in Termis,' Archbishop of York, Primate of England, and Legate of the
Apostolic See, of Charles Duke of Suffolk, and of William 'ITirogmorton, pro-
thonotary of the Chancery of our Lord the King. And our said Lord the
King, the said seal in the said bag so inclosed, so surrendered and delivered up
by the said Archbishop, then and there caused to be opened and taken out, and
being opened and taken out, saw and examined the same. And our said Lord
the King then immediately, in the presence of those before mentioned, caused
the said seal to be again inclosed in the said bag, and the said seal inclosed in
the said bag, sealed with the signet of the said most reverend Cardinal, delivered
to the said most reverend Cardinal, to be by him kept and used by the said
most reverend Cardinal, whom he then and there constituted his Chancellor,
with all diets, fees, profits, rewards, robes, commodities, and advantages to the
office of Chancellor of England of old due, belonging or appertaining, and the
said most reverend Cardinal, the said seal in the presence of the persons before
mentioned, then and there received from the aforesaid most invincible King."—
Rot. CI. 7 Hen. 8. m. L On the 24th of December following there is an entry
OB the Close Roll of the new Chancellor being sworn in by the King at his
palace at Eltbara. The tenor of the oath is set out in English.
Miseracione divina.
LORD CHANCELLOR CARDINAL WOLSEY. 457
of it, and when the crisis actually came, the parties themselves CHAP.
and their friends deemed it best to avoid, as much as pos- '
sible, the appearance of compulsion on the retiring Chan-
cellor, or of any intriguing by his successor; but there can
be no doubt that Wolsey, from the time of his obtaining the
rank of Cardinal with the legatine authority, had taken
every opportunity to insult Warham, with a view of driving
him from Court, and that the Great Seal had long been an
object of ambition to him, on account of the profit and power
it would bring him, — and perhaps likewise from the oppor-
tunity it would afford him to add to his reputation for
learning, ability, and eloquence.
The parade which he immediately made of the trappings of
the office of Chancellor, and the manner in which he devoted
himself to the discharge of its duties, showed that he had
clutched it as eagerly, and that he enjoyed it as intensely, as
any preferment ever bestowed upon him.*
* Cavendish, 93.
458
KEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
LIFE OF CARDINAL WOLSEY FROM HIS APPOINTMENT AS LORD
CHANCELLOR TILL HIS FALL.
CHAP.
XXVIII.
A.v. 1515.
Homage
paid to
Wolsey by
foreign
powers.
By the
University
of Oxford.
"WoLSET was now in the zenith of his greatness. At this
period, the Crown was absohite in England, and he alone
wielded all its power. He was in consequence courted with
the greatest obsequiousness by Francis I. and Charles V., the
rival monarchs, who were contending for superiority on the
continent of Europe, and who felt that the result of the
struggle depended to a considerable degree on his friendship.
They not only flattered him by letters and embassies, but
settled large pensions upon him, which there was no law or
etiquette then prevailing to prevent him from accepting. The
Doge of Venice, likewise, sent him a large pecuniary grati-
fication, with letters containing the most fulsome adulation.*
*' In all things the Chancellor was honoured like the King's
person, and sat always at his right hand. In all places where
the King's arms were put up, the Chancellor's appeared along-
side of them, so that in every honour the Sovereign and his
minister were equal."! The money coined with the Cardinal's
hat upon it was now current without objection, though made
the ground of one of the charges against him on his fall. The
University of Oxford is supposed to have exceeded all the
rest of the nation in servility towards him, and to have almost
committed treason, by styling him in their addresses, " Your
Majesty; "I but this appellation had not then been exclu-
• As a specimen: " Incredibilis vestrEe reverendissimae Dominationis virtus
et sapientia." Again, using the third person : « Ut nihil tam arduum difficile-
que foret (si mode id honestum esset et conducibile) quod non ipsa sua boni-
tate ultro vellet; sapientissime ac providentissime disponeret ; auctoritate quam
meritissime in regno isto supremum tenet, optime possit conficere."
t Bellay, the French ambassador, an eye-\¥itness.
\ " Consultissima tua Majestas ; reverendissima Majestas ; inaudita Majestatis
tua; benignitas; vestra ilia sublimis et longe reverendissima Majestas."
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOR. 459
sively appropriated to kings, and it had been applied by the CHAP,
same University to Lord Chancellor Warham.*
Perhaps the strongest proof of his ascendancy is to be found Letters ^^
in the private confidential letters written to him by the King's i"™ from
sisters. Margaret, Queen of Scotland, by the battle of Flod- sisters.
den left a widow, with an infant son, and every way destitute,
thus concludes a letter asking his interference in her favour,
" for next to the King's Grace, my next trust is in you, and you
may do me most good of any." Mary, Queen of Louis XIL,
thus addresses him, " for the payne ye take remembring to
write to me soo often I thanke you for it w^ al my hert."
She wrote him another letter pressing him to use his influence
with the King to permit Lady Guildeford to live with her in
France, as one of her ladies of honour. On the death of her
husband, she communicates the intelligence to Wolsey, saying,
" My Lord, my trust is in you for to remember me to the
King my brother, for now I have none other to put my trust
in but the Kyng my brother, and you. And so I pray you,
my Lord, to show hys Grace, saying, that the Kyng, my
housebande, ys departed to God, of whos sole God pardon.
And wher as you avyse me that I shoulde make no promas,
my Lord, I trust the Kyng my brother and you wole not
reckon in me soche chyldhode." In spite of the pledge here
given against her well-known inclination for her lover. Sir
Charles Brandon, afterwards Duke of Suffolk, she married
him in a few weeks, but as he was a person exciting no poli-
tical jealousy, Wolsey pardoned them, and they were kindly
received in England.
The homage universally paid to the Chancellor had such
an effect upon him, that he gradually in his own letters as-
sumed an equality with the King, which was afterwards made
a subject of his impeachment.f
* "Et diu felicissime vivat, tua Majestas." — Fiddes, 178.
j- Thus, in his correspondence with Pace, the secretary, and others, he says,
"His Highness and /give you hearty thanks." " Neither the King's High-
ness nor I will advise them." "Much it is to the King's and my comfort."
" The King's Highness and I abide daily knowledge." " Arrived here the
Archbishop of Capua, whom the King's Highness and /like." "The King's
Highness and I be always of the same mind that the Emperor is." " The
King's Highness and I gave my own lodgings to him." — MS. Letters in
British Museum.
460 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP. The fame of his influence was so great that he had many
XXVIII. solicitations from other countries for his patronage. Thus,
~ ' the Earl of Argyle wrote him a very humble letter, asking
him from his interest with the Pope, that Dougall Campbell, the Earl's
Arg)i" °*^ brother, might be appointed Abbot of Cowper : " I beseich ye
to forther y® promotionne of my saed brother in the best
manner as your Grace thinks expedient ; and my lord, geif
that there be any service or labore that I canne do your
Graice in this realme, truly thar shalbe nane in it yat sail
accompleis y® same w* bettir hart nor mynd nor I sail." *
This Dougall Campbell was appointed Abbot of Cowper ac-
cordingly, although before entering into religion he had been
married, and had a surviving son.
His spien- Wolscy's manner of living now eclipsed the splendour of
of living. the King's court. His household consisted of eight hundred
persons, comprehending one Earl (the Earl of Derby), nine
barons, and many knights and squires of great figure and
worship. He had a high-chamberlain, a vice-chamberlain, a
treasurer, a controller, and other officers corresponding to those
of royalty, bearing white staves. He had in his hall-kitchen
two master cooks, with many assistants, and in his private
kitchen, a master cook, who went daily in damask, satin, or
velvet, with a chain of gold about his neck. We should never
finish if we were to enumerate all the yeomen, grooms, pages,
and purveyors that he had in his larder, scalding house,
scullery, buttery, pantry, ewery, cellar, chaundery, wafery,
wardrobe, laundry, bakehouse, wood-yard, garner, garden,
stable, and almoserie, with the yeoman of his barge, yeoman
of his chariot, his master of the horse, saddler, farrier, and
muleteer. " Also he had two secretaries, and two clerks of his
signet, and four councillors learned in the laws of the realm." -f
Now that he was Chancellor, he was constantly attended by
all the officers of the Court, and by four footmen appa-
relled in rich ermine coats,— and whensoever he took any
journey, by a herald at arms, a serjeant at arms, a physician,
an apothecary, four minstrels, a keeper of his tents, and an
armourer. Three great tables were daily laid in his hall for
• MSS. Cott. Lib. j Cavendish, 97.
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOR.
461
this numerous retinue. Many of the nobility placed their CHAP.
. XXVIII.
children in his family, and for the purpose of winning his '_
favour, allowed them to act as his servants, although they
had a separate table, called "the mess of lords," and had
numerous menials to attend them.
" When it pleased the King's majesty, for his recreation, to Wolsey's
repair unto the Cardinal's house, such pleasures were then devised .u"^^^*^ °
for the King's comfort and consolation as might be invented or by
man's wit imagined. The banquets were set forth with masks
and mummeries, in so gorgeous a sort and costly manner, that it was
a heaven to behold. There wanted no dames or damsels meet or
apt to dance with the maskers, or to garnish the place for the time
with other goodly disports. There was there all kind of music
and harmony set forth, with excellent voices, both of men and
children."*
We have likewise very picturesque descriptions of his
march to the Court at Greenwich on Sundays, — riding through
Thames Street on his mule, with his crosses, his pillars, his
* Cavendish, who goes on to give an account of the King's coming with
maskers like shepherds, from which Shakspeare has taken the 4th scene of the
1st act of Hen. VIII. In one particular the dramatist differs from the bio-
grapher. (The twelve maskers, habited like shepherds, being ushered in as
foreigners who could not speak English.)
" Wolsey. Pray tell them thus much from me :
There should be one amongst them, by his person,
More worthy this place than myself, to whom
If I but knew him, with my love and duty
I would surrender it.
" Chamberlain. Such a one they all confess
There is indeed, which they woTild have your Grace
Find out, and he will take it.
" Wolsey. Let me see then ; here I'll make
My royal choice.
" King Henry {unmasking'). You have found him. Cardinal."
But Cavendish relates, " My Lord Chancellor said to my Lord Cardinal,
« Sir, they confess that among them there is such a noble personage, whom if
your Grace can appoint him from the others, he is contented to disclose himself
and to accept your place most worthily.' With that the Cardinal, taking a
good advisement among them, at the last quoth he, • Me seemeth the gentleman
with the black beard should be even he.' And with that he arose out of his
chair and offered the same to the gentleman in the black beard, with his cap in
his hand. This turned out to be Sir Edward Neville, a comely knight of a
goodly personage, that much resembled the King's person in that mask. The
King, perceiving the Cardinal so deceived in his estimation and choice, could
not forbear laughing, but plucked down his visor, and Master Neville's also,
and dashed out with such a pleasant countenance and cheer, that all noble
estates there assembled, seeing the King to be there amongst them, rejoiced
very much." — Cavendish, 112.
462
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXVIII.
His pro-
cession to
the Court
of Chan-
cery.
hat, and the Great Seal, till he came to Billingsgate, where
he took his barge, — and of the gorgeous celebration of mass
in his chapel, where he was attended by Bishops and Abbots.
Such was his haughtiness, that he made Dukes and Earls to
serve him with wine, and to hold the bason and lavatories.
But for our purpose, the most interesting pageant he ex-
hibited was his procession from York House to the Court of
Chancery in Westminster Hall, which is minutely described
to us by an eye-witness. Having risen by day-break, and
heard mass, he returned to his private chamber ; and his public
rooms being now filled with noblemen and gentlemen attend-
ing his levee, —
" He issued out unto them appareled all in red, in the habit of a
cardinal, which was either of fine scarlet, or else of crimson satin,
taffety damask, or caffa, the best that he could get for money ; and
upon his head a round pillion, with a noble of black velvet set to
the same in the inner side ; he had also a tippet of fine sables
about his neck ; holding in his hand a very fine orange, whereof
the meat or substance within was taken out, and filled up again
with the part of a sponge, wherein was vinegar and other confections
against the pestilent airs, the which he most commonly smelt unto
passing among the press, or else when he was pestered with many
suitors. There was also borne before him — first, the Great Seal
of England, and then his Cardinal's hat, by a nobleman or some
worthy gentleman, right solemnly, bare-headed. And as soon as
he was entered into his chamber of presence, where there was at-
tending his coming to wait upon him to Westminster Hall, as well
noblemen and other worthy gentlemen, as noblemen and gentlemen
of his own family ; thus passing forth with two great crosses of
silver borne before him ; with also two great pillars of silver, and
his pursuivant at arms with a great mace of silver gilt. Then his
gentlemen ushers * cried, and said, ' On my Lords and Masters, on
before ; make way for my Lord's Grace.' Thus passed he down
from his chamber to the Hall ; and when he came to the Hall
door, there was attendant for him his mule, trapped altogether in
crimson velvet and gilt stirrups. When he was mounted, with his
cross-bearers and pillar-bearers, also upon great horses trapped
with fine scarlet. Then marched he forward, with his train and fur-
niture in manner as I have declared, having about him four foot-
men with gilt poll-axes in their hands ; and thus he went until he
Cavendish being one of them.
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOR. 463
came to Westminster Hall door. And there alighted, and went CHAP.
after this manner up through the Hall into the Chancery ; how- XXviiL
beit, he would most commonly stay awhile at a bar made for him a
little beneath the Chancery on the right hand, and there commune
some time with the Judges, and some time with other persons.
And that done he would repair into the Chancery, sitting there
till eleven of the clock, hearing suitors, and determining of divers
matters. And from thence he would divers times go into the Star
Chamber, as occasion did serve ; where he spared neither high nor
low, but judged every one according to their merits and deserts."
His crosses, pillars, and poll-axes are likewise celebrated
by Cavendish in the metrical autobiography which he im-
putes to Wolsey : —
** My crossis twayne of silver long and greate
That dayly before me were carried hyghe,
Upon great horses openly in the streett,
And massie pillers gloryouse to the eye,
With poll-axes gylt that no man durst come nyghe
My presence, I was so princely to behold
Ryding on my mule trapped in silver and golde." *
* We have likewise a metrical description of the Cardinal's equipage from
William Roy, styled by Bale, " vir aetatis suae non ineruditus," in a satire pub-
lished about 1530, in the form of a dialogue between two priests' servants, with
the motto
" Rede me and be nott wrothe
For I saye no thynge but trothe."
" Wixt. Doth he use then on mules to ryde?
" J^ff- Yes ; and that with so shamfull pryde
Tliat to tell it is not possible.
More like a God celestiall
Than any creature mortall
With worldly pomp incredible.
'* Before hym rideth two prestes stronge,
And they beare two crosses right longe,
Gapynge in every man's face :
After theym folowe two laymen secular
And each of theym holdynge a pillar
In their hondes, steade of a mace.
" Then foUoweth my Lord on his mule
Trapped with gold under her cule
In every poynt most curiously ;
On cache syde a pollaxe is borne
Which in none wother use are worne
Pretendynge some hid mystery.
" Then hath he servauntes fyve or six score.
Some behynde and some before,
A marvelous great company :
Of which are lords and gentlemen.
With many gromes and yemen.
And also knaves amonge.
464
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXVIII.
Jests
against
htm.
His con-
duct as a
Judge.
This pageantry, although regarded with great reverence
by dependent courtiers, called forth many gibes from the
vulgar ; and it was a common saying, that " the two crosses
showed that the Cardinal had twice as many sins to repent
of as any other prelate." The pulpit likewise occasionally
resounded with invectives against him. Doctor Barnes,
afterwards burnt for heresy, having showed his independent
spirit by inveighing against the pomp and luxury of the
Cardinal, was summoned before him, and received this admo-
nition : " What, Master Doctor ! had you not a sufficient
scope in the Scriptures to teach the people but yon ; but
that my golden shoes, my poll-axes, my pillars, my golden
cushions, and my crosses did so far offend you, that you must
make us ridiculum caput amongst the people ? We were
joUily that day laughed to scorn. Verily, it was a sermon
more fitter to be preached on a stage than in a pulpit."
Barnes answered, that he had spoken nothing but the truth
out of the Scriptures, according to his conscience, and was
for that time discharged. With the exception of his prose-
cution of Buckingham, Wolsey showed no inclination to blood
or cruelty.
We must now consider him in the capacity of a Judge.
Unfortunately none of his decisions have come down to
us ; but it seems to be generally allowed that his elevation
to the judgment-seat, by proving the extent of his capacity,
seemed to exalt his personal character ; — that no Chancellor
ever discovered greater impartiality ; — that he showed much
discrimination and shrewdness in discussing the principles of
law and equity, — and that a strict administration of justice
took place during his enjoyment of this high office.*
" Thus dayly he proceedeth forthe,
And men must take it at worthe
Whether he do right or wronge.
A great carle he is, and a fatt,
Wearynge on his hed a red hatt
Procured with angel's subsidy."
Supp. to Harl. Misc. 1812.
„ ,* ^^^ '* extravagantly praised by Sir Thomas More, writing to Erasmus.
" Ita se gerit ut spem quoque omnium, quanquam pro reliquis ejus virtutibus
maximam, longe tamen exsuperet ; et, quod est difficillimum, post optimum
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOK. 465
We are rather at a loss to iraao-ine how, with all his tact, CHAP.
• • • • XXVIII
he was able to get through the business without committing
serious errors, and exposing himself to ridicule from his
ignorance of legal distinctions. The fashion of a Chancellor
having a Keeper of the Seal, or Vice-chancellor, to act for
him had passed away, — and Wolsey, although he had probably-
paid some attention to the civil and canon law while resident
at Oxford, had never, like Morton and many other eccle-
siastical Chancellors, practised in the Arches, or been a clerk
or master in Chancery, or assisted a prior Chancellor. The
coming event of his Chancellorship had long cast its shadow
before, and he probably had, by a course of study, in some
degree prepared himself for his office ; and he no doubt
had the address to avail himself of the assistance of the four
lawyers who formed a part of his establishment, as well as of
the clerks and other officers of the court. " In examining
cases," says Fiddes, " which came before the Cardinal as
Chancellor, he would take associates with him learned in the
laws, and ask their opinions ; but in such matters as came
before him, and were not very intricate, but might be de-
termined in a rational way of arguing from the common
principles of equity, he would often give sentence according
to the light of his own* understanding."
However he may have managed it, such reputation did he
gain as a judge, that some have ascribed to him the establish-
ment of the equitable jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery ;
and, from the confidence reposed in him, the number of bills
and petitions increased so much that he was obliged to refer
some of them to the Master of the Kolls, and to have a com-
mission of common-law Judges to assist him.
Bishop Godwyn, who is severe on many parts of Wolsey's
conduct, gives him unqualified praise for improvements he
introduced in the administration of justice, and the purity he
displayed as a Judge.*
praedecessorem valde probatur et placeat." And Ammonius, writing of the
office of Chancellor, coming to Wolsey, says, " Quern Magistratuin Eboracensis
pulcherime gerit."
* " Multa ordinavit in rebus civilibus popularibus grata, ac nobis in hunc
usque diem usurpata. Quibus virum se ostendit sapientissimum necnon Rei-
publicse amantem. Certe qui illis temporibus vixerunt asserere non dubitarunt,
VOL. I. H H
466 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP. Wolsey presided as Chancellor in a session of parliament
' in the end of 1516; but no account is preserved of any of
>.D. 1516. its proceedings in which he was concerned, except of a very
A pariia- anomalous one, — a bill for a subsidy brought into the
„ .... House of Lords, and being passed there, ordered to be
originates Carried to the Commons by the Lord Chancellor. He, no
u» Lords, doubt, appeared in the Lower House with his crosses, his
pillars, and his poll-axes, and delivered an eloquent discourse
on the duty of supplying the wants of the King. But the
bill is supposed to have been thrown out by the Commons ;
and this may be the reason why no other parliament was called
for seven years, and that very arbitrary methods of raising
money were resorted to.
In 1518 Wolsey received an addition to his legatine juris-
diction, which gave him the plenary power of the Pope in
England, and which he grievously abused by setting up a new
Court for the proof of wills, and for the trial of all spiritual
offences in the province of Canterbury, and by presenting to
all ecclesiastical benefices which became vacant, — in deroga-
tion of the rights of chapters and patrons. When Archbishop
Warham wrote him a respectful letter on the subject, signed
" your loving brother," Wolsey complained of his presump-
tion, in thus challenging an equality with the Lord Cardinal
Legate. This distinction he valued more than the Great
Seal itself, as we may judge from his observation to Cavendish
on his fall : " My authority and dignity legatine is gone,
wherein consisted all my honour." Warham was himself
unmoved by the insolence of his rival, and having remonstrated
in vain, only observed, « Know ye not that this man is drunk
with too much prosperity ?" But the Judge of his Legatine
Court, whom, for a private purpose, he had appointed with a
knowledge that he had been guilty of perjury, — having been
convicted of some gross malversation, the King himself ex-
pressed such displeasure to the Cardinal as made him ever
after more cautious in exerting his authority.
These follies would have left no lasting stain on the memory
cum hoc regno nunquam felicius actum, quam cum florente Wolseo, cujus con-
silus pacem opulentam et securam qua fruebatur, et jttstitiam eguo Jure civibus
ommbus admmistratam, tribuebatur."— God. Ann. 14.
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOR. 467
of Wolsey, but he was now instrumental in the violent death chap,
of a rival through the forms of law. The Duke of Bucking-
ham, representing the ancient family of Stafford, and heredi- Wolsey
tary High Constable of England, stood the first in rank and causes
consequence among the nobility. He viewed with envy and d^]^^ ^f
jealousy the elevation of the butcher's son, who was at no Bucking-
pains to gain his good will, and on several occasions they had a.d. 152L
passed affronts on each other. Buckingham's character was
marked by levity and indiscretion, as well as by ambition and
arrogance. Being descended through a female from the Duke
of Gloucester, youngest son of Edward III., he pretended
that he had a right to the Crown if the King should die
without issue, — passing over the claims of the King's sisters,
the dowagers of Scotland and France, and their descendants.
Wolsey worked upon Henry's hatred of all collaterally
connected with the blood royal, which he showed during the
whole course of his reign, and caused Buckingham to be
arrested and brought to trial for high treason. The evidence
against him consisted almost entirely of idle and vaunting
language held with servants who, if they spoke true, betrayed
his confidence, — and of certain dealings with soothsayers,
who had foretold that he should be King. The apologists of
Wolsey have insisted that the sentence against Buckingham
was just, because it was unanimously pronounced by a Court
consisting of a Duke, a Marquis, seven Earls, and twelve
Barons, — forgetting that in that age, and for long after, no
one charged by the Crown for high treason was ever acquitted,
and that trial before a jury, and still more before the Lord
High Steward and a selection of Peers, was an emjity form.
Buckingham, who was a great object of affection with the
vulgar, was considered a victim to the resentment of the
Cardinal. After the Duke of Norfolk, with hypocritical
tears, had condemned him to suffer the death of a traitor, he
was ordered to be carried by water from Westminster Hall
to the Tower ; but owing to the state of the tide at London
Bridge, he was landed at the Temple Stairs, and conducted
through the city. On this occasion, as well as at his exe-
cution, the curses were loud and deep upon the "venom-
mouthed cur " who was alleged to be the cause of his death.
H H 2
468 KEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP. But in those days sliffht account was made of the heads of
men *, and legal murders were so usual that they were not
long remembered against those who perpetrated them. The
Cardinal's power was rather greater than before, by thus inti-
midating the great families from whom so much disquietude
had formerly been experienced, and his popularity soon
revived.
Aims at The excitement of a new object of ambition extinguished
dom, ** ^^y feeling of remorse which might have disturbed his own
May, 1520, bosom. He now aimed at the triple crown. The Emperor
Charles V., when visiting England, suggested to him his
fitness to be the successor of St. Peter, and promised him
his interest on a vacancy, — with the less scruple as Leo X.,
the reigning Pope, was in the flower of his age.
June, 1520. Francis I. tried to do away the effects of this Intrigue by
contriving the famous interview with Henry in " the field of
the cloth of gold,"
" When those suns of glory, those two lights of men,
Met in the vale of Ardres."
But Wolsey was invited to visit Charles at Bruges, and went
thither in the character of ambassador from England. Ca-
vendish is eloquent in describing the splendour of his train
and the sumptuousness of his reception : —
" His gentlemen being in number very many, clothed in heavy
coats of crimson velvet of the most purest colour that might be in-
vented, with chains of gold about their necks, and all his yeomen
and other mean officers were in coats of fine scarlet guarded with
black velvet a hand broad. Also the Emperor's officers every
night went through the town from house to house, where as any
Englishmen lay or resorted, and there served their liveries for all
night, which was done after this manner : — first, the Emperor's
officers brought into the house a cast of fine manchet bread, two
great silver pots, with wine and a pound of fine sugar, white lights
and yellow ; a bowl or goblet of silver, to drink in, and every
• I may mention, as an instance of the levity with which cutting off heads
was talked of, — the manner in which Henry raised the supplies when there was
some reluctance to grant them. He sent for Mr. Montague, an opposition
leader m the Commons, and said to him, " Ho, man ! will they not suffer my
bill to pass?" and laying his hand on the head of Montague, who was then on
his knees before him, •' Get my bill passed by to-morrow, or else to-morrow this
head of yours shall be off." This bill was passed, or some trumped-up charge
of treason might have cost him his life, and made a nine-days' wonder.
CARDINAL WOL8ET, CHANCELLOR. 469
night a staff-torch. Thus the Emperor entertained the Cardinal CHAP,
and all his train for the time of his embassy there ; and that done
he returned home again into England with great triumph."
Charles on this occasion again encouraged Wolsey to aspire ad. 1522.
to the tiara, and the sincerity of his promise of support was ^isap^^ ^*
soon unexpectedly put to the test by the sudden demise of pointed of
his Holiness. Wolsey was immediately in the field with dom.
high hopes of success, as the Imperial party was decidedly
the strongest in the conclave. Charles wrote a friendly letter
to Wolsey, inclosing the copy of one he had written to his
ambassador at Rome, enjoining him to urge the Cardinals to
elect Wolsey to the papal chair. There were twenty votes
for Wolsey, and twenty -six would have been sufficient to
carry the election in his favour ; but there can be no doubt
that he was trifled with, and, to save appearances, the Conclave
having sat an unusual length of time, the Emperor's own
tutor was raised to the Popedom, under the title of AdrianVI.
Charles, dreading the loss of the English alliance from
Wolsey's disappointment, immediately after made him another
visit in this country, augmented his pension, and renewed the
promise of aiding his pretensions on the next vacancy, an event
which, from Adrian's age and infirmities, could not be far dis-
tant. Wolsey suppressed his resentment, adhered to the Im-
perial party, and devoted himself to measures for strengthening
his interest with the College of Cardinals at Rome.
Adrian died in about a year and a half after his elevation. June, 1523.
Wolsey again entered the lists with his characteristic zeal. appoTnted'
Henry, at his request, wrote in the most urgent terms to the
Emperor, reminding him of his repeated promises, and calling
upon him now to fulfil them, as he valued his friendship ; —
and the English ambassadors and agents at Rome were in-
structed to spare among the members of the conclave neither
bribes nor promises.* But Wolsey was again deceived, and
* Wolsey's letter on this occasion to Lord Bath, ambassador at Rome, very
undisguisediy exhorts him to exert himself to the utmost among the Cardinals,
" not sparing any reasonable offers, which is a thing that amongst so many
needy persons is more regarded than por-casu the qualities of the person ; ye be
wise, and ye wot what I mean. The King thinketh that all the Imperials shall
clearly be with you, if faith be in the Emperor. The young men, which for
the most part being needy, will give good ears to fair offers, which shall be
undoubtedly performed. The King willeth you neither to spare his authority
H u 3
education.
470 KEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP. Cardinal Giulio de Medici, with the concurrence of the iin-
XXVIII. pgj.jj^| party, was elected Pope, under the title of Clement VII.
^ . ,503. He secretly resolved to be revenged of the perfidy of
Charles, by for ever forsaking his alliance ; but, meanwhile,
he concealed his disgust ; and, after congratulating the new
Pope on his promotion, applied for a continuation of the
legatine powers which the last two Popes had conferred upon
him. Clement, knowing the importance of gaining his friend-
ship, granted him the commission for life ; and Wolsey was
thus reinvested with the whole Papal authority in England.
His love of He now showed, in a striking manner, that devoted love of
learning and ardour for good education which distinguished
him through life, and by which his memory has been redeemed
from the failings and vices he exhibited. Though ashamed
of his low origin if girded by the ancient nobility, — he looked
back with satisfaction on that part of his career when he was
master of Magdalen school at Oxford, and tutor to the sons
of the Marquess of Dorset ; and he was at all times willing
to render available the experience he then acquired. He
superintended, with assiduous care, the training of the Earl
of Richmond, his godson (natural son . of the King) ; and in
his own handwriting drew up, with the utmost minuteness, a
plan for the household and for the tuition of the boy when
entering his sixth year.
The domestic education of the Princess Mary was likewise
under the care of the Prime Minister ; and in the height of
his power and ambition, after deciding a great cause in Chan-
cery, or dictating a treaty which was to change the face of
affairs in Europe, he stooped to determine Avhether or not the
Princess should have "spice plates and a ship of silver for the
almes dish; " and whether «a trumpet and rebeks were a fitting
toye for her pastime hours at the solempne fest of Christmas."
He framed the regulations for St. Paul's School, founded by
or his good mone yor substance,"— Fidd. Coll. 87. The letter is still preserved
m which Wolsey informs the King of his disappointment, which he ascribes
entirely to intimidation. After stating the threats of violence held out to the
Lardii.als, he says, " Albeit they were in manner principally bent upon me, vet
lor eschewing the said danger and murmur, by inspiration of the Holy Goste,
without farther difficulty, the xixth day of the last month, in the morning,
elected and choose Cardinal de Medicis, who immediately was published Pope,
and hath taken the name of Clement VII."— Fidd. Col 82
CAEDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOR. 471
Dean Collet; and he caused a new Latin Grammar to be CHAP.
XXVIII
composed, to which he himself wrote an introduction. He '
revised and remodelled the statutes of his own and several other
colleges at Oxford ; and he likewise introduced very salutary-
reforms at Cambridge, under a power conferred upon him by
the senate of that University. Having suppressed a number
of smaller monasteries, instead of appropriating their revenues
to himself, or bestowing them on some rapacious com*tier, he
employed them in endowing splendid establishments, which
he hoped would spread the blessings of knowledge, with his
own fame, through distant generations.
" Ever witness for him
Those twins of learning that he rais'd in you,
Ipswich and Oxford, one of which fell with him,
The other so famous.
So excellent in art, and still so rising,
That Christendom shall ever speak his virtue."
After an interval of seven years a parliament was called, A new
as the irregular modes of filling the Exchequer, which had AprU™^" *
been resorted to, had proved ineffectual. On the fi^rst day of 1^23.
the session, on the King's right side, at his feet, sat the Car^
dinal of York ; and at the rail behind stood Tunstal, Bishop
of London, who made an eloquent oration to the parliament
on the office of a King. Wolsey, it seems, had thought it
more for his dignity to depute the task of delivering the
speech to another ; but he took the lead in all the subsequent
proceedings.*
At the same time he called a convocation of the clergy, Convoca-
at which, by virtue of his legatine power, he presided, and *'""*
from which he readily obtained the required grant of one
half their revenues spiritual, to be paid in five years.
The Commons, however, were by no means so complaisant.
From them was demanded a subsidy of 800,000/., which they
declared to be more than the whole current coin of the
realm.
Now we have the first instance of a complaint of the pub- Pubiica-
llcation of debates in parliament. This, I presume, was debat*es in
merely by verbal narration ; but certain smart sayings of the House of
opponents of the grant, and certain gibes levelled at the
* 1 Pari, Hist. 484.
H H 4
472 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP. Chancellor, had been orenerally circulated; and reaching his
■ ears, had given him high displeasure. He made formal com-
A.D. 1523. plaint to the Lords; and insisted, that for any member to
repeat out of the House what had passed in the House, was
a breach of privilege and a misdemeanour — " whereas, at this
parliament, nothing was so soon done, or spoken therein, but
that it Avas immediately blown abroad in every alehouse."
Not contented with this, he resolved to pay a visit of remon-
strance to the Commons, — and in such style that they should
be completely overawed by the splendour of his appearance.
He calculated, likewise, on the complaisance of the Speaker,
whom he had been instrumental in placing in the chair ; but
the Speaker was Sir Thomas More, the most courageous as
well as the mildest man then in England.
Wolsey's As the Chancellor was approaching the house with his im-
visit to the . , , 1 ^ • 1 .1
House of naense retmue, a debate arose " whether it was better with a
Commons, fg^y Qf }jjg Lords (as the most opinion of the House was), or
Sir Thomas ^^^^^ ''"^ whole train, royally to receive him?" "'Masters,'
More, the quoth Sir Thomas More, ' forasmuch as my Lord Cardinal
lately, ye wot well, laid to our charge the lightness of our
tongues for things uttered out of this House, it shall not in
my mind be amiss to receive him with all his pomp, with his
maces, his pillars, his crosses, his poll -axes, his hat, and
Great Seal too, to the intent that if he find the like fault
with us hereafter, we may be the bolder from ourselves to lay
the blame on those whom his Grace bringeth here with him.'
Whereunto the House wholly agreeing, he was received ac-
cordingly. When after he had, by a solemn oration, by many
reasons, proved how necessary it was the demand then moved
to be granted, and farther showed that less would not serve to
maintain the Prince's purpose ; he seeing the company sitting
still silent, and thereunto nothing answering, and, contrary to
his expectation, showing in themselves towards his request
no to wardness of inclination, said to them, — ' Masters, you
have many wise and learned men amongst you, and sith I am
from the King's own person sent hitherto unto you, to the
preservation of yourselves and of all the realm, I think it
meet you give me some reasonable answer.' Whereat every
man holding his peace, he then began to speak to one Master
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOR. 473
Marney, afterwards Lord Marney. * How say you,' quoth CHAP,
lie, ' Master Marney ? ' who making him no answer neither,
he severally asked the question of divers others, accounted ^^ ^^ ^523.
the wisest of the company, to whom, when none of them all
would give so much as one word, being agreed before, as
custom was, to give answer by their Speaker ; — ' Masters,'
quoth the Cardinal, ' unless it be the manner of your House,
as of likelihood it is, by the mouth of your Speaker, whom
you have chosen for trusty and wise (as indeed he is), in such
cases to utter your minds, here is, without doubt, a marvel-
lously obstinate silence ; ' and thereupon he required answer of
Mr. Speaker, who first reverently, on his knees, excusing the
silence of the House, abashed at the presence of so noble a
personage, able to amaze the wisest and best learned in a
realm, and then by many probable arguments proving that
for them to make answer was neither expedient nor agreeable
with the ancient liberty of the House ; in conclusion for him-
self, showed, that though they had all with their voices
trusted him, yet except every one of them could put into his
own head their several wits, he alone in so weighty a matter
was unmeet to make his Grace answer. Whereupon the
Cardinal, displeased with Sir Thomas More, that had not in
this parliament in all things satisfied his desire, suddenly
arose and departed."*
The conduct of More on this occasion is supposed to
have set the example followed by Lenthall on the visit by
Charles I. to arrest the five members in the House, and to
have established the rule, that the House can only communi-
cate with others by the mouth of the Speaker, who can only
speak and act by order of the House.
On the Cardinal's departure a debate arose, which was
adjourned, and " lasted fifteen or sixteen days. The result
was, that a subsidy was voted of half the amount required,
to be paid by instalments. Wolsey and the King were so
angry, that, contrary to usage, they compelled the people to
pay up the whole subsidy at once ; and, resolving henceforth
to rule entirely by prerogative, no other parliament was
• 1 Pari. Hist. 487.
474 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, called for seven years. When the session was closed Wolsey,
XXVIII. j^ j^g gallery at York Place, said to More, "I wish to
jndigna. God you had been at Kome, Mr. More, when I made you
tion of Speaker." " Your Grace not offended, so would I too, my
" ^^* Lord," replied Sir Thomas, " for then should I have seen the
place I long have desired to visit."
A.D. 1525. Two years after Wolsey made a deliberate attempt to levy
Wolsey ^ general tax of a sixth part of every man's substance without
levy a tax the authority of parliament. This demand he announced in
ruthoHtyof P^^'son to the Mayor and chief citizens of London. They
parliament, attempted to remonstrate, but were warned to beware, " lest
it might fortune to cost some their heads." The rich and
poor agreed in cursing the Cardinal as the subverter of their
laws and liberties ; and said, " if men shall give their goods
by a commission, then it would be worse than the taxes of
France, and England would be bond, and not free." Happily
the commissioners met with forcible resistance in several
counties ; and such a menacing spirit was generally displayed,
that the proud spirit of Wolsey quailed under it, and he was
obliged not only to pardon all concerned in these tumults,
but, on some frivolous pretext, to recede altogether from the
illegal exaction. This was a great crisis in our constitution ;
for if Wolsey could have procured the submission of the
nation to the yoke he attempted to impose, there would have
been an end of parliaments for all ordinary purposes, although,
like the States-General of France, they might still have been
convoked to ratify certain acts of state originating with the
executive government. But the courage and love of freedom
natural to the English Commons, speaking in the hoarse
voice of tumult, and resorting to the last right of insurrection,
preserved us in so great a peril. *
A.n. 1527. Various attempts were made to open the eyes of the King
Gray's Inn ^^ the miscouduct of the minister, — and even the stage was
WoIm"^^ resorted to for this purpose. There being a grand enter-
tainment given to the King and his Court by the Society of
Gray's Inn, Serjeant Roo, a great lawyer of that time, more
eager to show his wit than to be made a Judge, composed for
» Hall. Const. Hist. 29.
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOE. 475
the occasion a masque, which, notwithstandlnoj his assevera- CHAP.
. • XXVIII
tions to the contrary, must have been intended as a satire
on the Lord Chancellor. Of this HoUinshead, who affects j^j, J527.
to believe that it was not " miching mallecho," and that it did
not " mean mischief," gives us the following account : —
" The effect of the play was, that ' Lord Gouvernance' was ruled
by ' Dissipation' and ' Negligence,' by whose misgouvernance and
evill order ' Lady Public Weale' was put from ' Gouvernance.'
Which caused ' Rumor Populi,' ' Inward Grudge,' and ' Disdaine
of Wanton Sovereigntie,' to rise with great multitude, to expell
'Negligence' 85 'Dissipation,' and to restore 'Publike Welth'
again to hir estate, — which was so doone. This plaie was so set
foorth with rich and costlie apparell, with strange devises of
maskes and morishes, that it was higlie praised of all men, saving
of the Cardinall, which imagined that the plaie had been devised
of him, and in great furie sent for the said Maister Roo, and tooke
from him his coife and sent him to the Fleet ; and after he sent for
the yooung gentlemen that plaied in the plaie, and them highly re-
buked and threatened, and sent one of them, called Thomas Maile
of Kent, to the Fleet, but by means of friends Maister Roo and he
were delivered at last. This plaie sore displeased the Cardinall,
and yet it was never meant to him. But what will you have of a
guilty conscience but to suspect all things to be said of him (as if
all the worlde knew his wickednesse) according to the old verse,
" ' Conscius ipse sibi de se putat omnia dici ? ' " *
Wolsey, now hated by all ranks, began to lose favour even Wolsey's
with the Kino;, and tottered to his fall ; but before we come ^^^^^y *"
. , . r ranee.
to the cause which immediately led to that catastrophe, we
must accompany him in the last scene of his greatness —
negotiating a treaty of alliance with France. The Emperor
having defeated his rival Francis at Pavia, and after the
sack of Rome having made the Pope his prisoner, had be-
come master of all Italy, and aimed at universal dominion.
What weighed still more in English councils than a regard to
the balance of power, was the consideration that with his
consent there was no chance of Wolsey being raised to the
Popedom. For these reasons it was resolved that England
should put herself at the head of a league to check the
* Hollinsh. iii. 711.
476 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, ambition of Charles, and Wolsey was sent on a grand embassy
' to Paris, accompanied by many Bishops, Lords, and Knights,
June, 1527. foT the purpose of establishing it. Cavendish was in his
suite, and has left us a very amusing account of his ad-
ventures : —
His jour- « Then marched he forward out of his own house at "Westmin-
°*^' ster, passing through all London over London Bridge, having be-
fore him of gentlemen a great number, three in rank, in black vel-
vet livery coats, and the most part of them with great chains of
gold about their necks. And all his yeomen, with noblemen's and
gentlemen's servants following him in French tawny livery coats ;
having embroidered upon the backs and breasts of the said coats
the letters T. C. under the Cardinal's hat. His sumpter mules,
which were twenty in number and more, with his carts and other
carriages of his train, were passed on before, conducted and
guarded with a great number of bows and spears. He rode like a
Cardinal, very sumptuously, on a mule trapped with crimson vel-
vet upon velvet, and his stirrups of copper and gilt, and his spare
mule following him with like apparel. And before him he had his
two great crosses of silver, two great pillars of silver, the Great
Seal of England, his Cardinal's hat, and a gentleman that carried
his valaunce, which was made altogether of fine scarlet cloth em-
broidered over and over with cloth of gold very richly, having in
it a cloak of fine scarlet." *
He by no means travelled so rapidly now as on his mission
from Henry VII. to Maximilian. He passed the first night
at a gentleman's house near Dartford, the second in the
Bishop's palace at Rochester, the third in the abbey at Fever-
sham, and the fourth in the priory at Canterbury. Here he
stopped some days, during which there was a grand jubilee —
with a fair in honour of St. Thomas. A solemn office was
celebrated in the cathedral for the deliverance of the Pope
from captivity, during which it is said that Wolsey, conscious
of the instability of his own grandeur, and anticipating his
fall, wept tenderly.
His reccp- Hcncc Cavendish was sent forward with letters to Calais,
Cdal ^"^ ^ftcr two days the Cardinal arrived in the haven, " where
he was received in procession by all the most worshipfullest
* Cavendish, 150.
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOR. 477
persons of the town in most solemn wise. And in the CHAP.
XXVIII
Lantern Gate was set for him a form with carpets and *
cushions, whereat he kneeled and made his prayers before his ^^ j^g?.
entry any further in the town ; and there he was censed with
two great censers of silver, and sprinkled with holy water." *
After an account of his receiving the Captain of Boulogne,
with a number of gallant Frenchmen who dined with him, we
have a long speech which he addressed to the noblemen and
gentlemen of his train, instructing them respecting the royal
honours to be paid to himself, and how they were to conduct
themselves to the French whom they were to visit. " For
my part I must, by virtue of my commission of Lieutenant-
ship, assume and take upon me in all honours and degrees, to
have all such service and reverence as to His Highness's
presence is meet and due, and nothing thereof to be neglected
or omitted by me that to his royal estate is appui'tenant.
Now as to the point of the Frenchmen's nature ye shall un-
derstand that their disposition is such, that they will be at
their first meeting as familiar with you as they had been ac-
quainted with you long before, and commence with you in
the French tongue as though you understood every word
they spoke : therefore, in like manner, be ye as familiar with
them again as they be with you. If they speak to you in
the French tongue, speak to them in the English tongue ; for
if you understand not them, they shall no more understand
you." Then, addressing a Welshman, " Rice," quoth he,
" speak thine Welsh to him, and I am well assured that thy
Welsh shall be more diffuse to him than his French shall be
to thee." He concludes with good advice to them all, to
practise gentleness and humanity for the honour of their
prince and country.f
He left the Great Seal at Calais with Dr. Taylor, the Meeting of
Master of the Rolls, until his return, as he could not regu- with^King
larly take it beyond the dominions of England, although he ^"^ Court
thought himself at liberty to use it in this place. We have
a very curious description of his departure from Calais with
a train above three quarters of a mile long, and of his march
* Cavendish, 152. f Ibid. 155.
478
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
xxviir.
A.D. 1527.
His cou-
TA-re and
skill n^ a
diplomatist.
to Boulogne, Montreuil, and Abbeville, where there were
divers pageants for joy of his coming, and he was hailed as
" Le Cardinal Pacifique." In his journey he released prison-
ers, distributed his blessing, and proclaimed Indulgences.
The French Court came to Amiens to receive him. " In
came Madame Regent, the King's mother, riding in a very
rich chariot ; and In the same with her was her daughter, the
Queen of Navarre, furnished with a hundred ladles and gentle-
women, or more, following, riding upon white palfreys, over
and besides divers other ladies and gentlewomen, that rode,
some In rich chariots, and some in horse litters. Then follows
the King, with his Bourgonyan guard, his French guard,
and * the third guard pour le corps, which was of tall Scots,
much more comeller persons than all the rest.' " * Wolsey
required that Francis should meet him as a sovereign, on
equal terms ; and, both alighting at the same time, embraced
in the midway, between their respective retinues. Francis
having placed Wolsey on his right, each English gentleman
was marshalled with a Frenchman of equal rank, and the
procession extending nearly two miles in length, proceeded to
Amiens. After a few days stay there, the conferences were
removed to Compiegne.f
Much artifice and chicanery were displayed by the French
negotiators, although they were exceedingly desirous to con-
ciliate England. Wolsey became indignant ; and one evening,
while Francis himself was present, he lost all patience ; and,
starting from his seat, said to his brother Chancellor of
France, " Sir, it becomes you not to trifle with the friendship
• Cavendish, 163.
f Cavendish describes very minutely the banquets, balls, masses, and boar
hunts which took place ; but he is most amusing in relating his own visit to
the Chastel de Crequi, where the Countess received him most gently, having a
train of twelve gentlewomen. " And when she with her train came all out, she
said to me, 'Forasmuch; quoth she, 'as ye he an Englishman, whose custom is in
your country to kiss all ladies and gentlewomen without offence, and although it he
not so here in this realm, yet will I he so hold to kiss you, and so shall all my
maidens.' By means whereof I kissed my lady and all her women." Erasmus
celebrates the same custom as then prevalent in England. " Est praterea mos
nunquam satis laudatus ; sive quo venias omnium osculis exciperis ; sive dis-
cedas ahquo osculis dimitteris; redis? redduntur suavia : venitur adte? pro-
pmantur siiayia : disceditur abs te? dividuntur basia : occurritur alicubi ?
basiatur afTatim : denique quocunque te moveas, suaviorum plena" sunt omnia."
— Lrasmi Epist. p. 315. ed. 1G42.
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOR. 479
between our Sovereigns; and if your master follows your CHAP.
. . . XXVIII.
practices, he shall not fail shortly to feel what it is to war '
against England." Upon that he left the room; and it was ^^ j,. 1527.
only at the earnest entreaty of the Queen-mother that he
renewed the discussion. By this bold conduct the object of Treaty
1 . . . . „ ., TIT 11 concluded.
nis mission was soon satisfactorily accomphshed, and he re-
turned to England.
The French alliance not being much relished, — on the first Relation in
day of next term he called an assembly in the Star Chamber j^^^ ^f his "
of noblemen, judges, and justices of the peace of every shire, embassy,
and there made them a long oration ; " declaring to them the
cause of his embassy to France, and assuring them that he
had concluded such an amity and friendship, as never had
been heard of in our time before. All which things shall be
perfected at the coming of the great embassy out of France.
This peace thus concluded, there shall be such an amity
between gentlemen of each realm, and intercourse of mer-
chants with merchandise, that it shall seem to all men the
territories to be but one monarchy. Gentlemen may travel
from one country to another for their recreation and pastime ;
and merchants being arrived in each country, shall be assured
to travel about their aiFairs in peace and tranquillity, so that
this realm shall joy and prosper for ever."
The expected embassy sent to ratify the treaty according Arrival of
to the prevailing forms of diplomacy at length arrived, " in ^^^^^
number above fourscore persons, of the most noblest and October,
worthiest gentlemen in all the Court of France, who were
right honourably received from place to place after their
arrival, and so conveyed through London into the Bishop's
palace in Paul's Churchyard, where they were lodged." *
The Lord Mayor and City of London suppHed them with
" wine, lugar, wax, capons, wild fowl, beefs, muttons, and
other necessaries, in great abundance." They were royally
entertained by the King at Greenwich, where they invested
him with the insignia of the Order of St. Michael ; and he
declared Francis a Knight of the Order of the Garter. A Ratifica-
solemn mass was sung at St. Paul's, where my Lord Cardinal ^^°" °*^
•^ •' treaty at
St. Paul's.
* Cavendish, 190.
480
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
xxviir.
A.D. 1527.
Splendid
entertain-
ment by
Wolsey to
French at
Hampton
Court.
associated with twenty-four mitres of Bishops and Abbots,
attending upon him by virtue of his legatine authority ; " and
the Grand Master of France, the chief Ambassador, kneeled
by the King's Majesty, between whom my Lord divided the
sacrament, as a firm oath and assurance of this perpetual
peace." The mass being finished, the Cardinal read the treaty
openly, both in French and English, before the King and the
assembly, both French and English. The King then sub-
scribed it with his own hand, and the Grand Master for the
French King. Last of all, it was sealed with seals of fine
gold, and interchanged. The King and the ambassadors rode
home with Wolsey to his house at Westminster, and dined
with him.
But to give them a just notion of the magnificence of
England, it was arranged that, before their departure, he
should make them a supper at Hampton Court. Two hundred
and eighty beds, with furniture of the costliest silks and
velvets, with as many ewers and basons of silver, were pre-
pared for the guests. The halls were illuminated with innu-
merable sconces and branches of plate. 7 he most celebrated
cooks, belonging to the King and the nobility, joined with the
Cardinal's in preparing the entertainment. Supper was an-
nounced by the sound of trumpets, and served with triumphal
music. But the master was not yet come. He had been
detained in the Court of Chancery hearing a long cause, and
concluded that he should best exalt his country in the eyes of
foreigners, by showing them that the due administration of
justice was with him the highest consideration.
The dessert, consisting of a representation of St. Paul's
Cathedral, in confectionery, with castles and tournaments,
and other emblems of ecclesiastical pomp and pageants of
chivalry, was on the tables, when he suddenly entered, " booted
and spurred." Having cordially and gracefully welcomed the
guests, he called for a golden bowl, filled with hypocras : the
French ambassadors were, at the same time, served with
another, and they reciprocally drank to the health of their
respective Sovereigns. He then retired to dress; and re-
turnmg speedily to the company, exerted those convivial
talents which had first contributed to his attainment of this
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOR. 481
excessive grandeur. " Then went cups merrily about, that chap.
• XXVITF
many of the Frenchmen were fain to be led to their beds.
They were all delighted with their reception, and doubted ^ j, ^^27.
which most to admire, — the mansion, the feast, or the
master." *
Next morning, after mass and an early dinner, they departed
to hunt at Windsor ; and, it being in the midst of the term,
Wolsey returned to Westminster.
^' Thus passed the Cardinal his life and time, from day to Woisey's
day, and year to year, in such great wealth, joy, and triumph ^efore^his
and glory." " But," adds the gentleman usher, " Fortune, disgrace.
of whose favour no man is longer assured than she is dis-
posed, began to wax somewhat wroth with his prosperous
state, and thought she would devise a mean to abate his high
port ; wherefore, she procured Venus, the insatiate goddess,
to be her instrument, and, to work her purpose, she brought
the King in love with a gentlewoman, who, after perceiving
his good will towards her, and how diligent he was to please
her, and to grant all her requests, wrought the Cardinal much
displeasure." f
" When love could teach a monarch to be wise,
And Gospel-light first dawn'd from Boleyn's eyes."
Henry's passion for Anne Boleyn certainly produced the Origin of
fall of Wolsey. But there is a general mistake as to the ^^^'i^sy'^
. . ... disgrace.
part which he took in this affair, it being supposed by many
that he disapproved of the King's divorce from Catherine ;
that he intrigued for the purpose of delaying and preventing
it ; that he opposed, to the last, the elevation of Anne Boleyn Anne
to the throne, because she was favourable to the Reformation ; ^"'^y"-
and that he fell a sacrifice to his love for the ancient Church.
In truth, it will be found that he favoured the divorce ; that
he promoted it as far as the forms would permit which he
was bound to observe ; that though, for a time, from motives
merely political and personal, he opposed the King's union
with Anne, he would at the last have willingly consented to
it ; and that he fell because, from circumstances over which
he had no control, he was unable to gratify the inclination of
his master.
* Cavendish, 198. f I^'i'l- l'^.
VOL. I. II
482 KEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP. Before Wolsey's departure on his embassy to France, the
XXVIII. j^jjjg jjj^jj imparted to him his scruples which he professed to
M«v 1527. entertain respecting the validity of his marriage with Cathe-
Wolsey at rine — scruples which had been greatly quickened by the
suades*" progress of her maid of honour in his affections. Wolsey was
King's previously acquainted with the King's new passion, and, at
with Anne; ^^is request, had judicially dissolved the pre-contract between
Anne and Lord Percy ; but he had then no notion of her
becoming Queen, and expected that she would only add to
the list of his mistresses, in which the name of her sister
afterwards Mary is said to have stood. To strengthen the French alli-
the divorce, ^^cc, on wliich the Cardinal was bent, he intended that Renee,
sister of Louis XII., should be the Queen ; and a divorce
being proposed by Henry, he immediately offered his aid, and
promised complete success to the project from his influence at
Rome.
On Wolsey's return from his embassy, " the cunning chas-
tity " of Anne Boleyn having made her resist the royal so-
licitations in the hope of reaching a throne, Henry told him
he did not want a French princess, for that Anne Boleyn
should be his wife as soon as the papal dispensation could be
obtained. The Cardinal threw himself upon his knees before
the King, and used every argument to dissuade him from a
step which he represented as calculated to cover him with dis-
grace. But religion did not enter into the consideration, for
although Anne had been represented as a convert to the new
faith, she was no more a Lutheran than Henry himself, who,
to the last, adhered to all the doctrines of the Church of Rome,
with the exception of making himself Pope in England, and
who continued to burn and behead his subjects for doubting
the dogma of transubstantiation.
Henry being inexorable, Wolsey became a convert to the
measure which he could not avert, and laboured, by his sub-
sequent services, to atone for the crime of having dared to
dispute the pleasure of his Sovereign. The particulars of the
conference being disclosed to the young lady and her family,
they became implacable enemies of Wolsey ; and, although
they dissembled their resentment, and at times treated him
with apparent courtesy, they always suspected that he was
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOB. 483
plotting against them, and they secretly vowed his destruc- CHAP.
tion. In truth, however, there is the best reason to believe,
that from this time he did all in his power that the divorce
might be obtained, and the wished-for union completed.
All opinions agreed that, as Henry's marriage with his Obtains
brother's widow had been celebrated under a dispensation conditional
/ licence
from Pope Julius II., it could not be set aside without the from the
sanction of the papal see. Clement VII. had been liberated p^'
from captivity by Henry's good offices, and was disposed to
oblige him as far as he prudently could from a remaining
dread of the Emperor ; but Charles strenuously supported the
cause of Catherine his aunt, and his Holiness, to use his own
language, was " between the hammer and the forge." Wolsey
wrote a long letter to him, vindicating the character of Anne
Boleyn, and asserting that the suit of Henry proceeded from
sincere and conscientious scruples.
Clement so far complied with Wolsey's application as to a.d. 1528.
grant to Henry a conditional licence to marry again, nicely
adapted to the case of Anne Boleyn *, upon the dissolution of
his first marriage ; — and to examine the validity of that mar-
riage, he granted a joint commission to Wolsey and Cardinal
Campeggio, an Italian ecclesiastic, who was supposed to be Campeggio.
gained over by being appointed Bishop of Salisbury, but who
remained an instrument of chicanery under the control of his
Holiness.
Although the commission was granted in the month of Cardinal
April, 1528, Campeggio did not reach London till the month f^^K.J^gff''
of October following. In the mean time there had been England,
great alarm in England from the sweating sickness. Anne
Boleyn was sent from Court, and had a smart attack of it ;
the King, abandoning for the time his " secret matter," joined
the Queen in her devotional exercises, confessing himself
every day, and receiving the communion every Sunday and
festival. During the time of the pestilence he sent regu-
* " etiamsi talis sit quae prius cum alio contraxerit, dummodo illud
carnali copula non fuerit consummatum ; etiamsi ilia tibi alias stcundo aut
remotiore consanguinitatis aut primo affinitatis gradu etiam ex quocunque licito
seu illicito coitu proveniente invicem conjuncta sit, dummodo relicta fratris tui
non fuerit." The dispensation referred to Anne's precontract with Lord Percy,
and to Henry's liaison with Mary Boleyn, and in fact assumed the power denied
to Julius II.
112
4g4 REIGN OF HENKY VIII.
CHAP, latious to Wolsey for his diet, insisted on receiving daily an
X^^"^' account of his health, and invited him to lodge in a house at
a short distance, so that if either fell ill they might hear from
each other in the space of an hour, and might have the bene-
fit of the same medical attendance. The Cardinal, begin-
ning to " order himself anent God," made his will,— sent it to
Henry, — and assured him, " as truly as if he were speaking
his last words, that never for favour, mede, gyfte, or promysse,
had he done or consented to any thing that myght in the
least poynte redownde to the King's dishonour or dis-
prouffit."
But the sickness passed away ; Anne Boleyn returned to
Court more beautiful and enticing than ever, and Campeggio's
proceedings appeared so dilatory that Wolsey was suspected
to be in league with him to defeat the King's wishes, and he
daily dechned in the royal favour.*
Notwithstanding all the efforts of Wolsey, who now saw
that despatch was essential for his own safety, months were
consumed in preliminary forms after Campeggio's arrival in
England.
A.D. 1529. In the beginning of the following year, when Wolsey had
Near pros- ]^qq^ ^^ ^aily danger of disgrace, he was very near reaching
Wolsey be- the grand object of his ambition, the triple crown. Cle-
Fo^^'^^'^^ ment VII. had a dangerous fit of illness, and for some time
his recovery was despaired of. Historians are agreed that
if he had actually died at this juncture, Wolsey, in all pro-
bability, would have been his successor. Charles had made
himself odious to the great majority of the college of Car-
• It is curious that, even down to this time, Anne's letters to the Cardinal
are full of kindness and gratitude. " All the days of my life I am most bound
of all creatures, next to the King's Grace, to love and serve your Grace, of the
which 1 beseech you never to doubt that ever I shall vary from this thought as
long as any breath is in my body. And as for the coming of the legate I desire
that much, and, if it be God's pleasure, 1 pray him to send this matter shortly
to a good end, and then 1 trust, my Lord, to recompense part of your great
pains. I assure you that, after this matter is brought to pass, you shall find
me, as I am bound in the mean time, to owe you my service : and then look
what thing in the world I can imagine to do you pleasure in, you shall find me
the gladdest woman in the world to do it, and next unto the King's Grace, of
one thing I make you full promise to be assured to have it, and that is my^
hearty love, unfeignedly, during my life." — 1 Burnet, 55. Fiddes, 204, 205.
There can be no doubt that her uncle, the Duke of Norfolk, with her know-
ledge, was then meditating Wolsey's overthrow.
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOK.
485
dinals by his imprisonment of the Pope ; the sack of Rome,
and the licentious conduct of the Imperial troops in Italy, had
rendered his cause generally unpopular; his arms had re-
cently sustained some disasters ; and the Kings of France
and England, who had stood by the supreme Pontiff in all his
misfortunes, were in general favour. Both these Sovereigns,
to serve their own ends, now exerted all their influence to
secure the election of Wolsey in case of a vacancy, and they
calculated on success.
This event would have had a most powerful influence on
the fate of the Western Church, and might have entirely
changed the history of our country. Wolsey, a nmch abler
and more enlightened man than Clement, would probably
have stopped the Reformation, or given it a new direction ;
and he certainly would have kept England true to the Papal
see by granting Henry his divorce, and conferring new
honours upon him as Defender of the Faith. But Clement
arose, as it were by miracle, from the grave, Wolsey was dis-
graced, and England became protestant.*
It was not till the month of May, 1529, that the Legates
opened their court in the hall of the Blackfriars' Convent in
London, where the parliament in those days usually as-
sembled. The King sat at the upper end in a chair of state,
on an elevated platform. The Queen was seated at some
distance a little lower. Wolsey and Campeggio were placed
in front of the King, three steps beneath him, the one on his
* Wolsey received the first news of Clement's illness by a letter from Peter
Vannes, his watchful and zealous agent at Rome. " Dum de Pontificis valetu-
dine bene speraremus, ecce ex secretissimo certissimoque loco nobis nunciatur
illius morbum ita ingravescere ad delirium usque et vomitum, ut desperanda sit
illius salus. Scripsimus ad comitem S'ti. Pauli ut apud C'tianissimum efficiat,
quod Gallici Cardinales quam primum ad confinia advolent, ut creationi novi
Pontificis, quam vereor plus nimio mature instare, queant interesse, nam nisi
factionis nostra creetur Pontifex, act» sunt Gallorum actiones." — Fid. Col.
211. Wolsey thereupon instantly wrote a despatch to Gardyner, the King's
minister at Rome, in which, after showing that he himself is the fittest person
to be Pope for the good of Christendom, " absit verbum jactantia;," he implores
him to exert his utmost efforts, " ut ista res ad eff'ectum perduci possit, nullis
parcendo sumptibus, pollicitationibus sive laboribus, ita ut horum videris in-
genia et affectiones sive ad privata sive ad publica ita accommodes actiones
tuas. Non deest tibi et coUegis tuis amplissima potestas, nullis terminis
aut conditionibus limitata sive restricta, et quicquid feceris scito omnia apud
hunc regem et me esse grata et rata." This was written with his own hand. '' Tuae
salutis et amplitudinis cupidissimus T. Car'lis Ebor propria manu." — Fidd.
Coll. 211.
II 3
CHAP.
XXVIII.
A.D. 1529.
Hearing of
the divorce
suit before
Wolsey
and Cam-
peggio.
486 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, right, the other on his left ; and at the same table sat the
XXVIII. j^j-chbishop of Canterbury, and all the Bishops. At the bar
^ ^ J 529. appeared as counsel for the King, Dr. Sampson, afterwards
Bishop of Chichester, and Dr. Bell, afterwards Bishop of Wor-
cester ; — for the Queen, Dr. Fisher, Bishop of Kochester,
who was afterwards beheaded on Tower Hill, and Dr.
Standish, a grey friar. Bishop of St. Asaph, — all very dis-
tinguished civilians and canonists.
The Court being constituted, and the Pope's commission
read, the apparitor, by Wolsey's order, called the parties. To
the summons, " King Henry of England, come into Court,"
the King answered, " Here, my Lords." The Queen pro-
tested against the competency of her judges, as holding bene-
fices in the realm of the gift of her adversary, but they
overruled her plea. She then knelt before the King, made
a pathetic appeal to him for justice, and withdrew. She was
pronounced contumacious, and the suit proceeded ; — but very
slowly, Wolsey urging despatch, and Campeggio resorting
to every artifice for delay.
King's an- Henry's impatience and suspicions increasing, he one day
dela** ^^^ ^* *^® rising of the Court ordered the Cardinal to attend him
at the palace of Bridewell adjoining, and there showered on
the head of the devoted minister the most vehement abuse
for his supposed misconduct in not bringing the proceeding
to a speedy close. The Bishop of Carlisle, who entered the
Chancellor's barge with him at Blackfriars to escort him to
York Place, seeing him, contrary to custom, silent and
moody, observed, " it was a very hot day." " Yes," replied
AV^olsey, " and if you had been as much chafed as I have
been within this hour, you would indeed say it was very
hot." On his arrival at home he was so much exhausted and
heart-broken, that he went " incontinent to his naked bed ; "
but he was soon compelled, by a royal message brought by
Anne Boleyn's father, to return to Bridewell, and to try to
induce the Queen voluntarily to retire into a convent. The
interview which then took place between them shows strik-
ingly the spirit as well as the dignity of Catherine. He
wished to confer with her in private. " My Lord," quoth she,
" if you have any thing to say, speak it openly before all
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOE. 487
these folks." He then beffan to speak to her In Latin, CHAP.
v Y VTTT
" Nay, good, my Lord," quoth she, " although I understand
Latin, speak to me in English, I beseech you." She listened ^ ^ ^^^g.
to him, but rejected his proposal ; and he had the additional
mortification this unlucky day to relate to the King the
hopelessness of any voluntary separation from Catherine, who
ever pleaded her love for her daughter Mary, the heir pre-
sumptive to the Crown.
At last the proofs in the suit were completed, and at a Divorce
meeting of the Court held on the 23d of July, the King at- before the
tending in a neighbouring room, from which he could see and Pope,
hear the proceedings, his counsel in lofty terms required that
sentence should be pronounced. But Campeggio replied that
judgment must be deferred till the whole of the proceedings
had been laid before the sovereign Pontiff; that he attended
there to do justice, and that no consideration should divert him
from his duty. Thereupon the Duke of Suffolk, coming from
the King and by his commandment, in a loud and angry tone,
spoke these words : "It was never merry in England whilst
we had Cardinals among us." Although Wolsey privately
regretted the delay, his spirit would not brook this insult to
his order. Rising with apparent coolness, he said, " Sir, of
all men living, you have least reason to dispraise Cardinals ;
for if I a poor Cardinal had not been, you would not at this
present have had a head upon your shoulders wherewith to
make such a brag in disrepute of us who have meant you no
harm, and have given you no cause of offence." *
The King now made a progress in the midland counties The King
with Anne, who was using all her arts, under the guidance ^'^'^^^ ^ .
' o > b progress in
of her uncle, her father, and other courtiers, to bring about thecountry.
Wolsey's disgrace. There was much apprehension of his
influence over the King if they should meet, and the policy
adopted was to keep them apart as much as possible.
The Court was fixed for some weeks at Grafton in North- The Court
amptonshire. Wolsey stationed himself at the Moore, a
country house a few miles distant ; but he was never invited
at Grafton.
* I presume he referred to the Duke's marriage with the King's sister,
which, without the Cardinal's good offices, might have been suddenly dissolved
by the decapitation of the bridegroom.
I I 4
488
EEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXVIII.
A.D. 1529.
Wolsey
neglected.
His last
interview
with
Henry.
to Court. On matters of state his opinion was seldom
asked, and then only by a special messenger. His ruin was
seen to be at hand ; wagers were laid that the King would
never again speak to him, and his opponents openly threat-
ened " to humble the pride of all churchmen, and to ease
them of that load of wealth which encumbered the successors
of the apostles." *
Wolsey rested his hopes on the result of a personal interview
with the King, and, after many disappointments, he at last
obtained permission to accompany Campeggio, when that
prelate was to take leave on setting off for Rome. The Italian
was received by the officers of the Court with the attention
due to his rank ; the falling minister found, to his extreme
mortification, that though an apartment had been ordered for
his companion, none was provided for himself. He was, in
some degree, relieved from his embarrassment by the delicate
attention of Sir Henry Norris, a young knight (afterwards
executed as one of the lovers of Anne Boleyn), who begged
him to accept of his chamber, — affecting to ascribe the pre-
meditated affront put upon Wolsey to the limited arrange-
ment of the King's present residence. The Chancellor was,
however, admitted into the presence hall, and the sun of his
fortune cast a parting ray upon him before it set for ever.
" Having knelt before the King standing under the cloth
of state, then he took my Lord up by both arms and caused
him to stand up, and with as amiable a cheer as ever he did
called him aside, and led him by the hand to a great window,
where he talked with him, and caused him to be covered.
Then to behold the countenance of those that had made their
wagers to the contrary it would have made you smile ; and
thus were they all deceived." After some conversation the
King said to him, " My Lord, go to your dinner, and all my
Lords here will keep you company." f
• "Lafantaisie de ces seigneurs est que, luy mort ou mine, ils deferrent
incontinent icy I'estat de I'eglise et prendront tous leur biens. lis le orient en
p^eine tabic. '— Letter of M. de BeUay, Bishop of Bayonne. Singer's edition of
Cavendish, vol. u. 275. i^ j y &
t Cavendisl>, who was an eye-witness of this scene, adds, that in a long
and earnest communication between them, he heard the King say, "How can
TK • ■ . .r* l^'^ y""*^ *"^° hand?" but that Wolsey satisfied the King,
inis is probably the foundation for the second scene of the third act of Shak-
CARDINAL WOLSEY, CHANCELLOR. 489
"The King dined that same day with Mrs. Anne Bo- chap.
leyn in her chamber, who kept there an estate more like a
Queen than a simple maid." The alarmed courtiers now ^ ^ ^539.
strove through her to break oiF all further intercourse between Dialogue
Henry and their victim. Prompted by them she said during Henry and
dinner : — "Is it not a marvellous thing to consider what debt ^""^ *■«-
and danger the Cardinal hath brought you in with all your Wolsey.
subjects ? " " How so, sweetheart ? " quoth the King. She
mentioned the illegal taxation, which the King attempted to
justify. " IS ay. Sir," quoth she, " besides all that, what
things hath he wrought within this realm to your great
slander and dishonour ? There is never a nobleman within
this realm that if he had done but half as much but he were
well worthy to lose his head." " Why I then perceive,"
quoth the King, " ye are not the Cardinal's friend." " For-
sooth, Sir," then quoth she, " I have no cause, nor any other
that loveth your Grace, no more hath your Grace if ye con-
sider well his doings."* He had received the promise of
another audience next day, but that same night a solemn en-
gagement was extorted from the King by Anne that he never
again would admit the Cardinal Into his presence. f
Wolsey had a lodging provided for him that night by his
own servants at Euston. When he returned in the morning
he found that the King had rode out with the Lady Anne to
hunt in Hartwell Park, where she had made provision for the
King's dinner, lest he should return before the Cardinal was
gone. They never met more.
When the Chancellor found that he was finally cast off by
his master, who was now under the entire management of
other favourites, and that he must soon bid adieu to all his
greatness, — for a time he lost all fortitude ; — "he wept like
a woman and wailed like a child." On his return to London, Wolsey
returns to
speare's Henry VIII., turning upon a paper disclosing secrets, which the Car- -'-'°"'^*^""
dinal is supposed by mistake to have sent to the King.
* Cavendish relates thirs curious dialogue from the report made to him at the
time by those who waited on the King at dinner.
f This fact is not mentioned by Cavendish, but is proved by a letter from
the P'rench ambassador, who was then at Grafton. " Mademoiselle de Bouleu
a faict promettre a son amy q'ii ne I'escoutera jamais parler.". — Letters of
Bishop of Bayonne, 375,
490
REIGN OP HENRY VIII.
CHAP
XXVIII.
A.n. 1529.
His last
appearance
in the
Court of
Chancery.
Refuses to
deliver up
Great Seal
without
proper
warrant
from King.
Deprived
of his office
and all his
))ossessions,
Oct. 17.
1529.
liowcver, his spirits rallied, and he resolved with decency to
meet the impending blow.
On the first day of Michaelmas term, which then began in
the middle of October, he headed the usual grand procession
to "Westminster Hall, riding on his mule, — attended by his
crosses, his pillars, and his poll-axes, and an immense retinue
to defend the Great Seal and the Cardinal's hat. It was
remarked that in the procession, and while sitting in the
Court of Chancery, his manner was dignified and collected,
although he, and all who beheld him, knew that he had
touched the highest point of all his greatness, and from the
full meridian of his glory he hastened to his setting. This
was his last appearance in public as Chancellor.
That same evening he received a private intimation that
the King had openly announced his immediate disgrace. The
next day he remained at home, hourly expecting the mes-
senger of fate, but it passed on without any occurrence to
terminate his suspense. The following day, however, came
the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk from the King, " declaring
to him how the King's pleasure was that he should surrender
and deliver up the Great Seal into their hands." He de-
manded of them "what commission they had to give him
any such commandment?" They answered, "they were the
King's commissioners in that behalf, having orders by his
mouth so to do." He denied that this was suflScient without
further manifestation of the King's pleasure, and high words
passed between them.
The Dukes were obliged to take their departure without
accomplishing their object. But the next morning they
brought from Windsor letters from the King, under the
Privy Seal, demanding the surrender of the Great Seal;
whereupon, expressing great reverence for the King's autho-
rity so exercised, he dehvered it up to them inclosed in a
box, of which he gave them the key. They at the same time
signified to him his Majesty's pleasure that he should sur-
render up York Place and all his possessions, and retire to
his country-house at Esher.*
Cavendish, 247.
CAEDINAL WOLSET. 491
CHAPTER XXIX.
LIFE OF CARDINAL WOLSET FROM HIS FALL TILL HIS DEATH.
The utter destruction of Wolsey had been determined upon CHAP,
immediately after his departure from Grafton; and, some '_
days before the Great Seal was taken from him, Hales, the oct. 1529.
Attorney-General, had filed an information against him, P^emumre
charging him with having, as legate, transgressed the act of tions filed
Richard II., commonly called " the statute of praemunire," in ^^1"^*
receiving bulls from Rome, and acting upon them, without
the King's consent, whereby he was out of the King's protec-
tion, his lands and goods were forfeited, and he might be
imprisoned at the King's pleasure. Nothing could be more
iniquitous than this proceeding, for Henry himself had
joined in soliciting the legatine grant to him, and rejoiced
in the greatness which the exercise of it conferred upon him.
But Wolsey knew the stern and irritable temper of his pro-
secutor. To have maintained his innocence would have ex-
cluded all hope of forgiveness; and there was, moreover,
" a night crow," to use his own expression, " which pos-
sessed the royal ear, and misrepresented the most harmless of
his actions." He therefore pleaded guilty to the informa- Pleads
tion, and threw himself upon the royal clemency. He caused
inventories to be made of his plate, furniture, and valuables,
showing the immense riches which he had accumulated.
These he formally made over to the King, with York Place, —
which thenceforth, under the name of Whitehall, became the
chief town residence of the Kings of England, and so con-
tinued till it was burnt down, in the reign of William and
Mary. Some time before he had voluntarily made a gift of
Hampton Court to the King, in the vain hope of recovcrino-
his favour.
When he entered his barge to proceed to Esher, he found Proceeds to
Esher,
492
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXIX.
A.o. 1529.
At Putney,
met by a
messenger
from the
King.
Lord
Chancel-
lor's "fool."
the river Thames covered with above a thousand boats, full
of men and women of the city of London, who expected to
witness the spectacle of his being carried to the Tower, and
there landing at the Traitor's Gate. It is confessed that he
was now greatly hated by people of all degrees, and that
there was a general disappointment when the head of his
barffe was turned towards Lambeth, and when he was seen
rowed up the river to Putney.
Here he landed and mounted his mule, — when a horseman
was seen descending the hill, who turned out to be Sir Harry
Norris, with a message to him from the King, " willing him
in any wise to be of good cheer, for he was as much in his
Highness's favour as ever he had been, and so should con-
tinue to be." And, in token of the King's kindness, he de-
livered him a ring of gold with a rich stone, being the privy
token between the King and him when any important secret
communication took place between them. Wolsey was so
transported with joy at this gleam of returning good fortune,
that he instantly dismounted, knelt in the mud, and returned
thanks to God his Maker, and to the King his sovereign Lord
and Master, who had sent him such comfort. He added,
" Gentle Norris, if I were lord of a realm, the one half
thereof were an insufficient recompence for your pains and
good comfortable news. But, good, good Master Norris,
consider with me that I have nothing left me but my
clothes on my back. Therefore I desire you to take this
small reward at my hands." He then gave him a gold chain,
with a cross of gold enclosing a piece of the veritable wood of
the true cross, which he continually wore round his neck,
next his skin.
When Norris was gone a little Avay he called him back,
saying, " I am sorry that I have no condign token to send to
the King ; but if you would present the King with this poor
fool, I trust his Highness would accept him well ; for surely,
for a nobleman's pleasure, he is worth a thousand pounds."
This fool, whose name was " Patch;' was so much attached
to his master, that it required six tall yeomen to force him to
accompany Norris to Windsor, although he knew that he
was to be transferred from disgrace and want to royalty and
CARDINAL WOLSEY.
493
splendour. It Is a pleasure to be told that the King received
him most gladly.*
Wolsey, on his arrival at Esher, found the house without
beds, sheets, tablecloths, cups, or dishes, — which he was
obliged to borrow in the neighbourhood; but here he re-
mained, with a numerous train of attendants, till the com-
mencement of the following year.
A letter from Erasmus, written at this time to a cor-
respondent on the Continent, though chargeable with some
inaccuracies, gives a lively representation of the fallen fa-
vourite. " The Cardinal of York has incurred the royal
displeasure to such a degree, that, stript of all his dignities,
and all his wealth, he is confined, not literally in a prison,
but in one of his country houses, attended, or rather guarded,
by about thirty servants. Innumerable charges are brought
forward against him, so that it is thought he can hardly
escape capital punishment. Behold the sport of fortune.
From being a schoolmaster, he is made ruler of a kingdom ;
for he, in truth, reigned more than the King himself: feared
by all, loved by few — I might say, by no human being." f
The King continued, from time to time, to send him con-
soling messages and tokens of affection, though generally by
stealth, and during the night:}: ; but, at the urgent request of
CHAP.
XXIX.
A.D. 1529.
Wolsey's
residence
at Esher.
Letter from
Erasmus.
Returning
kindness of
the King.
* A fool was so necessary to the establishment of a Lord Chancellor, that we
shall find one in the household of Sir Thomas More. It is very doubtful
when Chancellors ceased to have about them any such character.
■f " Cardinalis Eboracensis sic ofFendit animum regium, ut spoliatus bonis
et omni dignitate, teneatur, non in carcere, sed in quodam ipsius pra;dio ; adhi-
bitis triginta duntaxat seu famulis seu custodibus. Proferuntur in ilium que-
rela; innumera?, ut vix existiment effugere posse capitis supplicium. Hie est
fortunae ludus ; ex ludi magistro subveetus est ad regnum ; nam plane regnabat
verius quam ipse rex, metuabatur ab omnibus, amabatur a paucis, ne dicam a
nemine." — Ep. 1151. Erasmus thought himself ill-used by Wolsey, who in
return for a flattering dedication of the Paraphrase on the Epistles of St. Peter,
and in performance of magnificent promises, had only given him a prebend at
Tournay, which produced nothing. On another occasion the disappointed wit
writes, " Cardinalis perbenigne pollicetur ; verum base jetas non moratur lentas
spes." — Ep. 352.
J Cavendish gives a curious account of one of these nocturnal missions, — Sir Nocturnal
John Russell, the chief founder of an illustrious house, being the messenger, visit to
He was sent off from the Court at Greenwich after dark, with orders to be back Wolsey
before day. It was a dreadfully rainy and tempestuous night, and the Cardinal from Sir
and his household were all in bed before he arrived at Esher. After loud John Rus-
knocking at the gate, he was admitted, and saying he came from the King, sell,
was conducted to the bedchamber of the Cardinal, who had risen and put on
his night gown. " When Master Russell was come into his presence, he most
494
REIGN OF HENET VIII.
CHAP.
XXIX.
A.D. 1529.
A parlia-
ment.
his enemies, who were under a perpetual apprehension that
lie might be again taken into favour, and avenge himself
upon them, permission was given to institute a proceeding
against him in the Star Chamber, — and this being attended
with some difficulty, — to prosecute him by parliamentary
impeachment, or by a bill of pains and penalties.
Parliament, after a long interval, met in November in this
year ; and a Committee of the Lords, over which More, the
humbly reverenced him upon his knee, and delivering him a great ring of gold
with a turkis for a token, said, ' Sir, the King commendeth him unto you, and
willeth you to be of good cheer ; who loveth you as well as ever he did, and is
not a little disquieted for your troubles, whose mind is full of your remem-
brance, insomuch as his Grace, before he sat to supper, called me unto him and
commanded me to take this journey secretly to visit you, to your comfort the
best of my power. And sir, if it please your Grace, I have had this night the
sorest journey for so little a way that ever I had to remembrance.' A great
fire was lighted and refreshments prepared, but Master Russell, after being
some time in secret communication with my Lord, took leave, saying that, ' God
willing, he would be at the Court at Greenioich again before day, for he would not
for any thing it were known his being with my Lord that night.' "
Visit to He soon after received a visit from his capital enemy, the Duke of Norfolk,
Wolsey which illustrates strikingly the manners of the times. All his yeomen were
from the drawn up in the hall, and he and his gentlemen went to the gates and there re-
Duke of ceived my Lord of Norfolk bare-headed. " They embraced each other, and the
Norfolk. Duke complimented the Cardinal's attendants on their fidelity to him in his
misfortunes. The Cardinal praised the magnanimity of his guest, who he said
properly had the lion for his cognizance.
" Parcere prostratis scit nobilis ira Leonis.
Tu quoque fac simile, quisquis regnabis in orbem.
" Water being brought into the dining chamber for them to wash before
dinner, the Cardinal asked the Duke to wash with him, but the Duke said, ' it
became him not to presume to wash with him any more now than it did before
in his glory.' ' Yes, forsooth,' quoth my Lord Cardinal, 'for my authority and
dignity legatine is gone, wherein consisted all my high honour.' 'A straw,'
quoth my Lord of Norfolk, ' for your legacy. I never esteemed your honour
the more or higher for that. But I regarded your honour for that you were
Archbishop of York and a Cardinal, whose estate of honour surmounteth any
Duke now being within this realm ; and so will I honour you and bear you
reverence accordingly. Therefore I beseech you content yourself, for I will
not presume to wash with you, and therefore I pray you hold me excused.' So
they washed separately." — Another dispute arose as to whether the Duke should
sit inside or outside the table at dinner. " The Cardinal wished him to sit inside,
but he refused the same with much humbleness. There was then set another
chair for my Lord of Norfolk, over against my Lord Cardinal, on the outside
of the table, the which was by my Lord of Norfolk based something beneath
my Lord Cardinal." — Stowe shows us what store was set upon the nasty com-
pliment of washing together, in his account of a banquet during the visit of
Charles V. to Henry VIII.— "The Emperor, the King, and the Queen did
wash together, the Duke of Buckingham giving the water, the Duke of Suf-
folk holdmg the towel. Next them did wash the Lord Cardinall, the Queen
of Fraunce, and the Queen of Arragon." On this occasion the Cardinal sat on
the Emperor's right hand, between the Queen of England and the Queen of
Arragon. — Stowe's Annals.
CARDINAL WOLSEY. 495
new Chancellor, presided, prepared "articles of impeach- CHAP.
ment," as they were called, against Wolsey. These were
forty-four in number, and were generally of a frivolous de- ^^ j^gg.
scription. His illegal commissions to raise taxes without the Impeach-
authority of parliament, and his other unconstitutional acts, wolsey.
were entirely passed over ; and he was charged with naming
himself with the King, saying, " the King and I ; " and, in
Latin, " Ego et Rex mens ; " * — with receiving, first, all let-
ters from the King's ministers abroad — requiring to be the
first visited by foreign ministers — and desiring that all appli-
cations should be made through him ; — practices hardly to be
avoided, unless the King were his own minister and his own
secretary. Then he is accused of illegally exercising the
legatine authority ; and of interfering, in an arbitrary manner,
with the administration of justice, and drawing into Chan-
cery questions properly cognisable in the Courts of common
law. One of the gravest charges is, that he whispered in
the King's ear when he knew that he laboured under a par-
ticular distemper, then supposed to be communicated by the
breath, f Lord Herbert goes so far as to affirm, that no man
ever fell from so high a station who had so few real crimes
objected to him ; and we are mortified by finding that the
articles were subscribed by the virtuous Sir Thomas More,
as Chancellor, and presented by him to the King.|
Without any proof, they were unanimously agreed to by Agreed to
the House of Lords, where the Ex-chancellor was particularly Lord^ but
odious on account of his haughty bearing to the ancient no- rejected by
bility, and even to his brother prelates ; but when they came mons.
down to the House of Commons, they were rejected on a
• A mode of expression justified by the Latin idiom.
f Shakspeare dwells upon several other articles equally treasonable.
" that, without the knowledge
Either of King or Council, when you went
Ambassador to the Emperor, you made bold
To carry into Flanders the Great Seal. —
That, out of mere ambition, you have caus'd
Your holy hat to be stamp'd on the King's coin.
Then, that you have sent innumerable substance
To furnish Rome, and to prepare the ways
You have for dignities, to the mere undoing
Of all the kingdom." Hen. VI 11. act iii. scene 2.
\ 1 Pari. Hist. 492.
A.D. 1529.
496 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, speech made by Thomas Cromwell, formerly a servant of the
XXIX. Cardinal, who defended his unfortunate patron with such
spirit, generosity, and courage, as acquired him great reputa-
tion, and mainly contributed to his own subsequent extra-
ordinary rise. The King still having returning fits of kind-
ness for his old favourite, royal influence was supposed to have
contributed to this result of the parliamentary proceeding
against Wolsey ; and the French ambassador, unable to fore-
see what might be the final issue of the struggle, advised his
Court to render to the fallen minister such good offices as,
without giving cause of offence to the existing administra-
tion, might be gratefully remembered by Wolsey, if he
should finally triumph over his enemies.
Wolsey de- At home, howcvcr, he was neglected and slighted, even
his former ^Y thosc whom his bounty had raised.* He was unable to
friends. pay or to support his dependents who still adhered to him,
and he begged them to provide themselves a new master till
fortune should prove more auspicious. Tears were copiously
shed on both sides, and most of those he addressed refused
to leave " so kind a master " in his adversity, f A subscrip-
tion among the chaplains and others of most substance, whom
he had promoted, provided a fund from which the most
urgent necessities of the establishment w^ere supplied.
These mortifications preyed so much upon his mind that,
about Christmas, he fell ill and was supposed to be dying.
Henry exclaimed, " God forbid that he should die, I would
* Storer, in his metrical history of Wolsey, in describing his feelings at this
time, uses one of the most pathetic and original images in poetry, — which would
have been worthy of Shakspeare :
" I am the tomb where that affection lies
That was the closet where it living kept ;
Yet wise men say affection never dies.
i No, but it turns ; and when it long hath slept,
Looks heavy like the eye that long hath wept.''
t Cavendish's picture of this scene is very touching. " Afterwards my Lord
commanded me to call all his gentlemen and yeomen up into the great chamber,
commanding all the gentlemen to stand on the right hand, and the yeomen on
the left ; at last my Lord came out in his rochet upon a violet gown, like a
bishop, who went with his chaplains to the upper end of the chamber, where
was a great window. Beholding his goodly number of servants, he could not
speak to them until the tears ran down his cheeks, which being perceived of his
servants, caused fountains of tears to gush out of their sorrowful eyes, in such
sort as would make any heart to relent."— Cavendish, 265.
CARDINAL WOLSEY.
49?
not lose him for twenty thousand pounds;" — sent his own
physicians to attend him; — conveyed to him assurances of
unabated attachment, and even insisted on Anne Boleyn
presenting to him a tablet of gold for a token of reconciliation.
Through the management of Cromwell a settlement of his
affairs was made with the King, whereby he received a
general pardon on making over all his revenues of every de-
scription, except those of the Archbishopric of York, and 1000
marks a year from the Bishopric of Winchester, which he
was to be allowed to retain for his sustentation.*
As a further mark of kindness, the King permitted him,
for a change of air and better accommodation, to remove
from Esher to Richmond, where his health greatly improved,
and he again began to gather some society round him.
His enemies, more alarmed than ever by his vicinity to the
Court at Windsor, prevailed on Henry to issue a peremptory
order that he should thenceforth reside within his archiepisco-
pal see, and he was supplied with a sum of money to bear
the charges of his journey to York.
It is amusing to observe that this journey, which may now
be performed in four hours, was then considei'ed as formi-
dable as if it had been to a distant foreign land. Some of
Wolsey's servants, though much attached to him, " of their
own mind desired him of his favour to tarry still here in the
south, being very loath to abandon their native country,
their parents, wives, and children."!
CHAP.
XXIX.
Settlement
with the
King.
A.D. 1530.
Permitted
to remove
to Rich-
mond.
Ordered to
York.
Journey to
the north.
* A difficulty arose respecting the title to York House, which the King had
taken possession of, and which belonged to the archiepiscopal see from the gift
of a former Archbishop, who had been Lord Chancellor. To sanction this
palpable spoliation, — by the discreditable advice of all the Judges and the new
Chancellor, the form was gone through of a fictitious recovery in the Court of
Common Pleas, and Wolsey was required to execute a recognisance that the
right was in the King. Judge Shelley was sent to Esher to obtain this from Interview
him, but found him very reluctant — on the ground that the property was not his, between
and that he was robbing his successors of it. At last he said, " Master Shelley, Wolsey and
ye shall make report to the King's Highness that 1 am his obedient subject and Judge
faithful chaplain and bondsman, whose royal commandment and request I will Shelley,
in no wise disobey, but most gladly fulfil and accomplish his princely will and
pleasure in all things, and in especial in this matter, inasmuch as ye, the fathers
of the laws, say that I may lawfully do it. Therefore 1 charge your conscience,
and discharge mine. Howbeit, 1 pray you show his Majesty from me that I
most humbly desire his Highness to call to his most gracious remembrance that
there is both heaven and hell." — We may well believe that Master Shelley did
not venture to sound this salutary warning in the royal ear.
t Cavendish, S07.
VOL. I. K K
498 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP. Wolsey, notwithstanding his reduced fortune, had still a
XXIX. ^j^^^j^ ^^ jgQ pgj.gQng^ and twelve carts to carry his baggage.
A.D. 1530.
He made short stages, sleeping at different religious houses,
where he was hospitably entertained. On Maundy Thursday,
being at the abbey of Peterborough, he washed, wiped, and
kissed the feet of fifty-nine beggars, on whom he bestowed
liberal alms. Having paid a visit to Sir William Fitz-
william, a wealthy knight of that country, he spent the
summer and autumn at Southwell, Scroby, and Cawood
Castle, near York, — acquiring immense popularity by his con-
descension, his kindness, his hospitality, and his piety. " He set
an example to all church dignitaries, a right good example
how they might win men's hearts." On Sundays and holidays
he rode to some country church, celebrated mass himself,
ordered one of his chaplains to preach to the people, and dis-
tributed alms to the poor. He spent much of his time in
adjusting differences in families and between neighbours.
His table, plentifully but not extravagantly supplied, was
open to all the gentry of the country, and he gave employ-
ment to hundreds of workmen in repairing the houses and
churches belonging to his see. *
Hisinstal- Wolscy had appointed his installation as Archbishop to
Archbishop ^^^^ P^^cc in York Minster on the 7th of November, and
appointed, preparations were made to perform the ceremony with great
pomp and magnificence. Presents of game and other pro-
visions poured in from all quarters for the entertainment he
was that day to give, and on the morrow he had agreed to
dine with the Lord Mayor of York, when the greatest eflforts
were to be made to do him honour. But before the time
arrived he was a prisoner on a charge of high treason, and he
had sustained a mental shock which soon brought him to his
grave.
cluTTfrL Henry, who had recommended to the northern nobility to
hispopu- be courteous to Wolsey, was not a little startled when he
^"'y- heard of the following which the Cardinal now had, inde-
pendently of the royal favour. The courtiers were still more
astounded, and the « night crow," as he styled Anne Boleyn,
* Cavendish, 32S.
CARDINAL WOLSEY. 499
uttered notes of fear. The divorce suit was still dragging on, CHAP,
and there seemed no chance of brinojino; it to a favourable
conclusion without a rupture with the Court of Rome, which ^ „, , 530^
Wolsey might very seriously have impeded.
On Friday the 4th of November, about noon, when the He is ar-
Cardinal was sitting at dinner in his hall with his oflficers, ^^^^
suddenly entered the Earl of Northumberland, who had been treason,
his page, and whom he had divorced from Anne Boleyn.
Wolsey apologised to him that dinner was nearly over, and
seeing him attended by the old servants of the family, said : —
" Ah, my Lord, I perceive well that ye have observed my
old precepts and instructions which I gave you when you
were abiding with me in your youth, — to cherish your
father's old servants, whereof I see here present with you a
great number. They will live and die with you, and be true
and faithful servants to you, and glad to see you prosper in
honour, the which I beseech God to send you with long life."
The Cardinal then conducted the Earl to a chamber, where,
no one else being present but Cavendish himself, who kept
the door as gentleman-usher, " the Earl, trembling, said with
a very faint soft voice unto my Lord (laying his hand upon
his arm), — Mi/ Lord, I arrest t/ou of high treason.''^ He re-
fused to submit without seeing the warrant, which was
refused ; but he surrendered to Walshe, a privy councillor,
who, he admitted, had authority to arrest him by virtue of his
office.
When he had a moment's time to recover from the stupor His beha-
caused by this blow, he wept bitterly, — more for the sake of ^"'"'^'
others than himself. He particularly lamented the fate of
Cavendish, about to be thrown destitute on the wide world,
" who," quoth he, " hath abandoned his own country, his wife
and children, his house and family, his rest and quietness,
only to serve me." At the next meal he summoned firmness
to appear in the hall ; but " there was not a dry eye among
all the gentlemen sitting at table with him."
The particular charge to be brought against Wolsey has
never been ascertained; the general opinion is, that Henry
had been induced to believe that he was carrying on some
clandestine correspondence of a suspicious nature with the
K K 2
500
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXIX.
A.D. 1530.
He is car-
ried oH'
a prisoner.
His stay at
Sheffield
Park.
His alarm
at propliecy
that he
should die
near King-
ston.
Court of France, and that Augustine, a Venetian in his
service, had given some false information against him,*
The next day after his arrest, he was committed to the
special custody of five of his domestics, and sent off under the
escort of the Earl of Northumberland's train towards London.
But the population of the adjoining country, hearing of his
misfortune, met him by thousands as he journeyed on, calling
out with a loud voice, " God save your Grace, God save
your Grace. The foul evil take all them that have thus
taken you from us! We pray God that a very vengeance
may light upon them."
They afterwards obliged him to travel in the night time
to escape public notice. He expressed deep regret for the
loss of a sealed parcel he had left behind him at Cawood.
This being sent for was found to contain hair shirts, one of
which he now always wore next his skin.
The first night he was lodged in the abbey at Pontefract.
In journeying thither he felt great apprehension lest his
destination should be Pontefract Castle, where so many had
suffered violently ; and he said, " Shall I go to the Castle,
and die like a beast?" On the Thursday he reached Sheffield
Park, where he was eighteen days very kindly entertained by
the Earl of Shrewsbury till orders should be received from
Court for his ulterior destination.
At the end of this time arrived Sir William Kingston,
Keeper of the Tower, with a guard of twenty-four beef- eaters,
to conduct him to London. When the name of this officer
was mentioned to him, — " Master Kingston ! " quoth he,
— " rehearsing his name once or twice ; and with that
clapped his hand on his thigh, and gave a great sigh." He
no doubt then recollected the prophecy by some fortune-
tellers, respecting which Cavendish is silent, but which is
mentioned by Fuller and other writers, that he should have
his end near Kingston, This had induced him always to make
a wide circuit to avoid Kingston-on-Thames when he ap-
proached that town, and the emotion he now displayed is
* A few days before, the silver cross of York standing in the hall, was upset
by the velvet robe of the Venetian, which at the moment Wolsey said was
malum omen.
CAEDINAL WOLSEY. 501
accounted for by his anticipation that he was about to finish chap.
. XXIX
his career on Tower Hill, in the custody of Kingston, " too "
late perceiving himself deceived by the father of lies." * ji,d, 1530.
For some days he was afflicted with a dysentery ; but, as His illness,
soon as he was able to travel he set forward for London,
although so much reduced in strength, that he could hardly
support himself on his mule. When his servants saw him in
such a lamentable plight, they expressed their pity for him
with weeping eyes ; but he took them by the hand as he rode,
and kindly conversed with them. In the evening of the third Arrives at
day, after dark, he arrived with difficulty at the Abbey of Nov.^ae''
Leicester. The Abbot and Monks met him at the gates, with
many torches. As he entered he said, " Father Abbot, I am
come to lay my weary bones among you."
He was immediately carried to his chamber, and put into a Prophesies
bed, from which he never rose. This was on Saturday night, *^^ ^^^^
and on Monday he foretold to his servants, " that by eight of
the clock next morning they should lose their master, as the
time drew near that he must depart out of this world."
Next morning, about seven, when he had confessed to a
priest, Kingston asked him how he did. " Sir," quoth he,
" I tarry but the will and pleasure of God, to render my
simple soul into his divine hands. If I had served God as
diligently as I have done the King, he would not have given
me over in my grey hairs. Howbeit, this is the just reward
that I must receive for my worldly diligence and pains that
I have had to do him service ; only to satisfy his main plea-
sure, not regarding my godly duty. Wherefore, I pray you,
with all my heart, to have me most kindly commended unto
his royal majesty ; beseeching him, in my behalf, to call to
his most gracious remembrance all matters proceeding be-
tween him and me, from the beginning of the world unto this
day, and the progress of the same, and most and chiefly in
the weighty matter yet depending f ; then shall his conscience
declare, whether I have offended him or no. He is a sure
prince, of a royal courage, and hath a princely heart : and
rather than he will either miss, or want any part of his will
• Fuller's Church History, book v. f The divorce.
K K 3
502
EEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXIX.
A.D. 1530.
Nov. 29.
He dies.
His burial.
or appetite, he will put the loss of one half of his realm In
danger. For, I assure you, I have often kneeled before him
in his Privy Chamber, on my knees, the space of an hour or
two, to persuade him from his will and appetite ; but I could
never bring to pass to dissuade him therefrom. Therefore,
Master Kingston, If it chance hereafter you to be one of his
Privy Council, as for your wisdom and other qualities ye are
meet to be, I warn you to be well advised and assured what
matter ye put in his head, for ye shall never put It out again."
After a strong admonition to the King to suppress the Lu-
theran heresy, he thus concluded : " Master Kingston, fare-
well. I can no more, but wish all things to have good success.
My time draweth on fast. I may not tarry with you. And
forget not, I pray you, what I have said and charged you
withal; for, when I am dead, ye shall, peradventure, re-
member my words much better." *
He was then annealed by the Father Abbot ; and, as the
great Abbey Clock struck eighty he expired — " Kingston "
standing by his bedside.
His body was immediately laid in a coffin, dressed In his
pontificals, with mitre, crosses, ring, and pall ; and, lying
there all day open and barefaced, was viewed by the Mayor
of Leicester and the surrounding gentry, that there might be
no suspicion as to the manner of his death. It was then
carried Into the Lady Chapel, and watched, with many
torches, all night ; — whilst the monks sung dirges and other
devout orisons. At six In the morning mass was celebrated
for his soul ; and as they committed the body of the proud
Cardinal to its last abode, the words were chaunted, " Earth
to earth, ashes to ashes, dust to dust ! " No stone was
erected to his memory ; and the spot of his interment is un-
known.
" Here is the end and fall of pride and arrogancy.""f
I shall not attempt to draw any general character of this
eminent man. His good and bad qualities may best be
understood from the details of his actions, and are immor-
talised by the dialogue between Queen Catherine and Griffith,
her secretary, which Is familiar to every reader. $
• Cavendish, 392. f Ibid. 394. % Hen. VIII. act iv. sc. 2.
CARDINAL WOLSET. 503
But the nature of this work requires that I should more chap.
V V T V
dcHberately consider him as a Judge ; for, although he held
the Great Seal uninterruptedly for a period of fourteen years, m^ j.(,„.
and greatly extended its jurisdiction, and permanently in- duct as a
fluenced our juridical institutions, not only historians, but ° '
his own biographers, in describing the politician and the
churchman, almost forget that he ever was Lord Chancellor.
From his conference with Justice Shelley respecting York His no-
Place, we know exactly his notions of the powers and duties *|,''"^. °^ ,
of the Chancellor as an Equity Judge. When pressed by
the legal opinion upon the question, he took the distinction
between law and conscience, and said, " it is proper to have
a respect to conscience before the rigour of the common law,
for laus estfacere quod decet non quod licet. The King ought
of his royal dignity and prerogative to mitigate the rigour
of the law where conscience has the most force ; therefore,
in his royal place of equal justice he hath constituted a Chan-
cellor, an officer to execute justice with clemency, where
conscience is opposed to the rigour of the law. And there-
fore the Court of Chancery hath been heretofore commonly
called the Court of Conscience, because it hath jurisdiction
to command the high ministers of the Common Law to spare
execution and judgment, where conscience hath most effect." *
With such notions he must have been considerably more
arbitrary than a Turkish Kadi, who considers himself bound
by a text of the Koran in point, and we are not to be sur-
prised when we are told that he chose to exercise his equitable
authority over every thing which could be a matter of judicial
inquiry.
In consequence, bills and petitions multiplied to an un- Increase of
precedented degree, and notwithstanding his despatch there bulhlels
was a great arrear of business. To this grievance he applied
a very vigorous remedy, without any application to parliament
to appoint Vice-chancellors ; — for of his own authority he at Establishes
once established four new Courts of Equity by commission ay'li^ry
in the King's name. One of these was held at Whitehall
before his own deputy ; another before the King's almoner,
* Cavendish, p. 283.
K K 4
504 EEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP. Dr. Stoherby, afterwards Bishop of London; a third at the
Treasury Chamber before certain members of the Council;
and a fourth at the Kolls, before Cuthbert Tunstall, Master
of the Rolls, who, in consequence of this appointment, used
to hear causes there in the afternoon.* The Master of the
Rolls has continued ever since to sit separately for hearing
causes in Chancery. The other three Courts fell with their
founder.
Wolsey himself used still to attend pretty regularly in the
Court of Chancery during term, and he maintained his
equitable jurisdiction with a very high hand, deciding without
the assistance of common law judges, and with very little
regard to the maxims of the common law.
His com- If he was sneered at for his ignorance of the doctrines and
th*\° w "^rs P'*^^*^^^ ^^ *he Court, he had his revenge by openly com-
plaining that the lawyers who practised before him were
grossly ignorant of the civil law and the principles of general
jurisprudence ; and he has been described as often inter-
rupting their pleadings, and bitterly animadverting on their
narrow notions and limited arguments. To remedy an evil
which troubled the stream of justice at the fountain-head, he,
with his usual magnificence of conception, projected an in-
stitution to be founded in London, for the systematic study of
all branches of the law. He even furnished an architectural
model for the building, which was considered a master-
piece, and remained long after his death as a curiosity in
the palace at Greenwich. Such an institution is still a
desideratum in England; for, with splendid exceptions, it
must be admitted that English barristers, though very clever
practitioners, are not such able jurists as are to be found
in other countries where law is systematically studied as a
science.
Wolseyfree On Wolscy's fall his administration of justice was strictly
bery and Overhauled ; but no complaint was made against him of
corruption.
* In Reeves's History of the Law, it is said that this is the first instance of
the Master of the Rolls ever hearing causes by himself, he having been before
only the principal of the council of Masters assigned for the Chancellor's assist-
ance ; but there have lately been found in the Tower of London, bills addressed
to the Master of the Rolls as early as the reign of Edward IV. — See 4 Reeves,
369.
CARDINAL WOLSEY. 505
bribery or corruption, and the charges were merely that he chap,
had examined many matters in Chancery after judgment
given at common law ; — that he had unduly granted injunc-
tions;— and that when his injunctions were disregarded by
the Judges, he had sent for those venerable magistrates and
sharply reprimanded them for their obstinacy. He is cele-
brated for the vigour with which he repressed perjury and
chicanery in his Court, and he certainly enjoyed the reputation
of having conducted himself as Chancellor with fidelity and
ability, — although it was not till a later age that the found-
ation was laid of that well-defined system of equity now
established, which is so well adapted to all the wants of a
wealthy and refined society, and, leaving little discretion to
the Judge, disposes satisfactorily of all the varying cases
within the wide scope of its jurisdiction.
I am afraid I cannot properly conclude this sketch of His natural
the Life of Wolsey without mentioning that " of his own <=^'1^^°-
body he was ill, and gave the clergy 111 example." He had a
natural son, named Winter, who was promoted to be Dean
of Wells, and for whom he procured a grant of " arms "
from the Herald's College. The 38th article of his im-
peachment shows that he had for his mistress a lady of the
name of Lark, by whom he had two other children : there
were various amours in which he was suspected of having
indulged, — and his health had suffered from his dissolute life.
But we must not suppose that the scandal arising from such
irregularities was such as would be occasioned by them at the
present day. A very different standard of morality then
prevailed : churchmen debarred from marriage, were often
licensed to keep concubines, and as the Popes themselves
were in this respect by no means infallible, the frailties of a
Cardinal were not considered any insuperable bar either to
secular or spiritual preferment.*
* Many gibes, however, seem to have been current against the licentious
conduct of the Cardinal, as we may judge from Lord Surrey's speech to
him : —
" I'll startle you
Worse than the sacring bell, when the brown wench
Lay kissing in your arms, Lord Cardinal."
Skelton likewise was probably only embodying in rhyme the common talk of the
town when he wrote, —
506
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXIX.
His re-
peutancc.
In judging him we must remember his deep contrition for
his backslidings ; and the memorable lesson which he taught
with his dying breath, that, to ensure true comfort and
happiness, a man must addict himself to the service of God,
instead of being misled by the lures of pleasure and am-
bition.
The subsequent part of Henry's reign is the best panegyric
on Wolsey ; for, during twenty years, he had kept free from
the stain of blood or violence the Sovereign, who now, fol-
lowing the natural bent of his character, cut off the heads of
his wives and his most virtuous ministers, and proved himself
the most arbitrary tyrant that ever disgraced the throne of
England.*
" The goods that he thus gaddered
Wretchedly he hath scattered, —
To make windows, walles, and dores,
And to maintain bauds and whores."
See Fiddes's Life of Wolsey, folio, 1724. Gall's Life of Wolsey, 4to. 1812.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 607
CHAPTER XXX.
LIFE OF SIE THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR OP ENGLAND, FROM
HIS BIRTH TILL THE END OF THE REIGN OF HENRY VH.
The Great Seal having been surrendered, as we have seen, chap.
by Cardinal Wolsey, into the hands of the Dukes of Norfolk XXX.
and Suffolk, they delivered it to Taylor, the Master of the
Rolls, to carry to the King; who, having himself sealed 1529.
certain letters patent with it, enclosed it in a bag under his
own signet and under the seals of the Master of the Rolls
and Stephen Gardyner, afterwards the famous Bishop of
Winchester.*
Considerable difficulty arose about the appointment of a Difficulty
new Chancellor. Some were for restorincr the Great Seal to pf ^ppomt-
" ing a suc-
Ex-chancellor Archbishop Warham ; and Erasmus states that cessor to
he refused itf; but there is reason to think that a positive °^^^'
resolution had been before taken by Henry and his present
advisers, that it should not be again intrusted to any church-
man.:}:
There was an individual designated to the office by the
public voice. To give credit to the new administration, there
was a strong desire to appoint him, for he was celebrated as a
scholar in every part of Europe ; he had long practised with
applause as a lawyer ; being called to Court, he had gained
the highest credit there for his abilities and his manners ; and
he had been employed in several embassies abroad, which he
had conducted with dexterity and success. The difficulty
was that he had only the rank of a simple knight ; and there
had been no instance hitherto of conferring the Great Seal on
a layman who was not of noble birth, or had not previously
gained reputation by high judicial office. In consequence,
* Rot. CI. 21 Hen. 8. m. 19. t Ep. p. 1347.
:f On the 22d October the Bishop of Bayonne writes to his court, " On ne
s^ait encore qui aura le sccau. Je croy bien que les prestres n'y touchcront
plus, et que en ce parliament ils auront de terribles alarmcs."
508 LIFE OF
CHAP, there was a strucforle in favour of the selection of one of the
chiefs of the Common Law Courts at Westminster. But the
Sir Thomas hopc that the pcrson first proposed was the best fitted to
More ap- manage the still pending negotiation for the divorce, came
powerfully in aid of his claims on the score of genius, learn-
ing, and virtue ; and, on the 25th of October, in a Council
held at Greenwich, the King delivered the Great Seal to Sir
Thomas More, and constituted him Lord Chancellor of
England.*
His birth. This extraordinary man, so interesting in his life and in
his death, was born in the year 1480, near the end of the
reign of Edward IV. He was the son of Sir John More, a
Judge of the Court of King's Bench, who lived to see him
Lord Chancellor. The father's descent is not known, but he
was of " an honourable though not distinguished family,"
and he was entitled to bear arms, a privilege which showed
him to be of gentle blood, and of the class which in every
other country except ours is considered noble. The old
Judge was famous for a facetious turn, which he trans-
mitted to his son. There is only one of his sayings handed
down to us, and this, we must hope, was meant rather
as a compliment to the good qualities of his own partner
for life than as a satire on the fair sex. " He would
compare the multitude of women which are to be chosen
for wives unto a bag full of snakes, having among them
a single eel : now, if a man should put his hand into this
bag, he may chance to light on the eel ; but it is a hun-
dred to one he shall be stung by a snake." f The future
Chancellor sprung from that rank of life which is most fa-
vourable to mental cultivation, and which has produced the
greatest number of eminent men in England ; for, while we
have instances of gifted individuals overcoming the disad-
vantages of high birth and affluence as well as of obscurity
and poverty, our Cecils and Walpoles, our Bacons and
Mores, have mostly had good education and breeding under a
father's care, — with habits of frugality, and the necessity for
• Rot. Cl. 21 Hen. 8. m. 19. f Camden's Remains, p. 251.
LORD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MORE. 509
industry, energy, and perseverance to gain distinction in the CHAP.
ij XXX.
world.
The lawyers in those days, both judges and barristers, lived
in the City, and young More first saw the light in Milk Street,
Cheapside, then a fashionable quarter of the metropolis.
He received the early rudiments of his education at St. His educa-
Anthony's school, in Threadneedle Street, a seminary which
gained great and well-deserved repute, having produced Arch-
bishop Pleath, Archbishop Whitgift, and many other eminent
men. In his fifteenth year, according to the custom of which
we have seen various examples, he became a page in the Page to
family of Cardinal Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, and jyjorton
Lord Chancellor under Henry VII. Here, along with sons
of the best families in England, he waited at table, and was
instructed in all learning and exercises. His lively parts
soon attracted the notice of his master, who, though turned
of eighty, and filling such dignified ofiices, still encouraged
amusement, and had the sagacity to discover the extra-
ordinary merit, and to foretell the future celebrity of his
page. " For the Cardinal often would make trial of his
present wit, especially at Christmas merriments, when having
plays for his recreation, this youth would suddenly step up
among the players, and, never studying before upon the
matter, make often a part of his own invention, which was so
witty and so full of jests, that he alone made more sport than
all the players besides ; for which his towardllness, the Car-
dinal much delighted in him, and would often say of him,
unto divers of the nobility who at sundry times dined with
him, ' This child here, waiting at the table, whosoever shall live
to see it, will prove a marvellous rare man.'' " * The youthful
page was not behind in penetration of character, and duly ap-
preciated the qualities of the wary courtier, who, the model for
future Talleyrands, had continued to flourish amid all the vicis-
situdes of the state, and having united the Red and the White
Roses, still enjoyed without abatement the confidence of the
founder of the House of Tudor. The historian of Rich-
ard III., drawing the character of Morton, says (no doubt
• More's Life, 19. Roper, 4.
510 LIFE OF
CHAP, from early recollections), " He was a man of great natural
J_ ' wit, very well learned, honourable in behaviour, lacking in no
wise to win favour y*
A.D. 1496. But, by the kind advice of his patron, who had great care
University, of his bringing up, and was afraid that he might not profit in
sound learning so much as might be desired amid the dis-
tractions of the archiepiscopal palace, he was removed to
the University of Oxford. He lodged at New Hall, but studied
at Canterbury College, afterwards Christ Church. He must
now have led a very different life from what he had enjoyed
at Lambeth ; for, " in his allowance, his father kept him very-
short, suffering him scarcely to have so much money in his own
custody as would pay for the mending of his apparel ; and, for
his expenses, he would expect of him a particular account." f
Though much pinched, and somewhat dissatisfied at the time,
he often spoke of this system with much praise when he
came to riper years; affirming, that he was thereby curbed
from all vice, and withdrawn from gaming and naughty
company. \
Here More remained above two years, devoting himself to
study with the utmost assiduity and enthusiasm. Erasmus,
invited to England by Lord Mountjoy, who had been his
pupil at Paris, was now residing at Oxford, and assisting in
spreading a taste for Greek literature recently introduced
there by Grocyn, Linacre, and Collet, who had studied it in
Italy under Politian and Chalcondylas. More and Erasmus,
resembling each other in their genius, in their taste, in their
acute observation of character and manners, in their lively
sense of the ridiculous, in their constant hilarity, and in their
devotion to classical lore, soon formed a close friendship
which lasted through life without interruption or abatement,
* In his Utopia he praises him more liberally, but still with a touch of satire,
as "of incomparable judgment, a memory more than credible, eloquent in
speech, and, which is more to be wished in clergymen, of singular wisdom and
virtue."
t More's Life of Sir T. More, 18.
i His great grandson, who wrote in the reign of Charles I., more than two
centuries ago, in describing how his ancestor when at College escaped " play
and riot," adds, "wherein most young men in these our lamentable days plunge
themselves too timely, to the utter overthrow as well of learning as all future
virtue."
LORD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MORE. 511
and which was fostered during absence by an epistolary cor- chap.
"Y "V "Y
respondence still extant, affording to us the most striking '__
sketches of the history and customs of the times in which
they lived.
At the University, while More " profited exceedingly in His early
rhetoric, logic, and philosophy," he likewise distinguished p**^*"^-
himself very much by the composition of poems, both Latin
and English. Some of these are to be found in collections of
his works ; and, though inferior to similar efforts in the suc-
ceeding age, they wiU be found interesting, not only as
proofs of his extraordinary precocity, but as the exercises by
which he became the earliest distinguished orator, and the
earliest elegant prose-writer using the English language.*
More had been destined by his father to wear the long a.d. 1498.
robe ; and, having completed his course at Oxford, he was court.
* As a specimen I will give a few extracts from that which is considered the
most successful of his poetical effusions in Latin. It proceeds on the idea, that
become an old man, he sees again a lady whom he had loved when they were
both very young, and who is still charming in his eyes,
" Gratulatur quod earn reperit incolumem quam olim ferme puer amaverat,
" Vivis adhuc, primis 6 me mihi charior annis,
Redderis atque oculis Elizabetha meis :
Quae mala distinuit mihi te fortuna tot annos,
Pene puer vidi, pene reviso senex.
Tempora quae tenera numquam non invida formae
Te rapuere tibi, non rapuere mihi,"
He afterwards refers in touching language to their first interview, and gives a
description of her charms, after the fashion of the Song of Solomon : —
" Jam subit ilia dies quas ludentem obtulit olim
Inter virgineos te mihi prima choros,
Lactea cum flavi decuerunt colla capilli,
Cum gena par nivibus visa, labella rosis.
Cum tua perstringunt oculos duo sydera nostros,
Perque oculos intrant in mea corda meos."
Their flirtation was very marked : —
" Cum sociis risum exhibuit nostrisque tuisque
Tam rudis et simplex et male tectus amor."
Now comes the constancy of his attachment ; —
" Ergo ita disjunctos diversaque fata seciitos
Tot nunc post hyemes reddidit ista dies,
Ista dies qua rara mco mihi laetior aevo,
Contigit accursu sospitis alma tui.
Tu praedata meos olim sine crimine sensus.
Nunc quoque non uUo crimine chara manes."
Let it be remembered that these verses were written in the middle of the
reign of Henry VII., when the war of the Roses had almost extinguished in
England the remembrance of Chaucer, and no other poetical genius had yet
arisen.
512 LIFE OP
CHAP, transferred to London, that he might apply to the study of
^^^" the law. According to the practice then generally followed.
he began at New Inn, " an Inn of Chancery," where was ac-
quired the learning of writs and procedure ; and he after-
wards belonged to Lincoln's Inn, " an Inn of Court," where
were taught the more profound and abstruse branches of the
science. With us a sufficient knowledge of jurisprudence is
supposed to be gained by eating a certain number of dinners
in the hall of one of the Inns of Court, whereby men are
often called to the bar wholly ignorant of their profession ;
and, being pushed on by favour or accident, or native vigour
of mind, they are sometimes placed in high judicial situations,
having no acquaintance with law beyond what they may have
picked up as practitioners at the bar. Then the Inns of
Court and Chancery presented the discipline of a well-con-
stituted University ; and, through Professors, under the name
of " Readers," and exercises, under the name of " Mootings,"
law was systematically taught, and efficient tests of pro-
ficiency were applied, before the degree of barrister was
conferred, entitling the aspirant to practise as an advocate.
His great More SO much distinguished himself, that he was early ap-
fn'law.^"'^^ pointed Reader to Furnival's Inn, an Inn of Chancery, under
the superintendence of Lincoln's Inn ; and there he delivered
lectures, with great applause, for three years.
A.n. 1500. It rather puzzles us to understand the nature of his next
Gives leC"
tures in a appearance in public. " After this, to his great commend-
church. ation, he read for a good space a public lecture of St.
Augustine, De Civitate Dei, in the church of St. Lawrence,
in the Old Jewry ; whereunto there resorted Doctor Grocyn,
an excellent cunning man, and all the chief learned of the
city of London." * We cannot understand a parish church
converted into a lecture- room ; and a young lawyer mounting
the pulpit, and discoursing to a large congregation on things
sacred and secular. It is said, that he did not so much dis-
cuss points of divinity, as moral philosophy and history. He
was run after by the great, the learned, and the fashionable ;
and Collet, his Oxford friend, now Dean of St. Paul's, and
the future founder of St. Paul's School, was wont to say at
* Roper, 16.
LORD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MORE. 513
this time, that "there was but one wit in England, and that CHAP,
was young Thomas More." * xxx.
Though called to the degree of barrister, he had not begun -wishes to
to plead in Court ; and he was now disposed for ever to re- become a
nounce the pomp and vanity of the world, and to bury himself
in a convent. His modern biographers very improperly shrink
from this passage of his life ; for if it were discreditable to him
(which it really is not), still it ought to be known, that we may
justly appreciate his character. He was so transported with the
glory of St. Augustine, and so enraptured with the pleasures
of piety, and so touched with the peace, regularity, and
freedom from care of a monastic life, that he resolved to enter
the order of St. Francis. But before taking the irrevocable
vow of celibacy, shaving his crown, putting on the grey serge
garment fastened by a twisted rope, and walking barefoot in
quest of alms, he prudently made an experiment how strict
monastic discipline would permanently suit him. " He began
to wear a sharp shirt of hair next his skin. He added also to
his austerity a whip every Friday and high fasting days,
thinking that such cheer was the best alms that he could
bestow upon himself. He used also much fasting and watch-
ing, lying often upon the bare ground or upon some bench,
laying a log under his head, allotting himself but four or five
hours in a night at the most for his sleep, imagining, with
the holy saints of Christ's church, that his body was to be
used as an ass, with strokes and hard fare, lest provender
might pride it, and so bring his soul, like a headstrong jade,
to the bottomless pit of hell." f With this view he took a
lodging close by the Carthusian monastery, now the site of
the Charterhouse school, and as a lay brother practised all the
austerities which prevail in this stem order. He found these On trial
after a time not edifying to his piety, and he, a rigid Roman Car'timslan
Catholic, doubted the advantages supposed to l)e conferred discipline,
on religion by the monastic orders, which a certain section of
professing Protestants are now so eager to re-establish. |
* " Augustini libros de civitate Dei publice professus est, adhuc pene ado-
lesccns auditorio frcquenti ; nee puduit nee pcenituit saccrdotes ac senes a
juvene profane sacra discere." — Eras. Ep.
t More, p. 25.
\ Although Sir Thomas More thenceforth renounced most of these austerities,
VOL. I, L L
514
LIFE OF
CHAP.
XXX.
Resolves to
marry.
His court-
ship.
He then wished to become a priest ; and, as such, he might,
according to received notions, have enjoyed, with little re-
straint, all the pleasures of the world ; but he was too con-
scientious to avail himself of licences or dispensations, or to
consider custom an excuse for violating the engagements of
the clerical state if he should enter into It. Finding that
these would not permanently suit him, he resolved to marry,
and, having returned to his profession, to exert all his energies
in It, that he might rise to distinction and be able creditably
to maintain his family. " God had allotted him for another
state, — not to live solitary — but that he might be a pattern
to reverend married men how they should carefully bring up
their children ; how dearly they should love their wives ; how
they should employ their endeavours wholly for the good of
their country, yet excellently perform the virtues of religious
men, as piety, humility, obedience, yea conjugal chastity." *
Owing to the tenderness of his nature, the sweetness of his
disposition, his equal flow of mirthful thoughts, as well as his
habits of regularity and industry, he was singularly well
adapted to domestic life ; and no one ever more exquisitely
enjoyed Its blessings.
From his descendant we have the following curious account
of his courtship. " Sir Thomas having determined, by the
advice and direction of his ghostly father, to be a married
man, there was at that time a pleasant conceited gentleman
of an ancient family in Essex, one Mr, John Colt, of New
Hall, that invited him unto his house, being much delighted
in his company, proffering unto him the choice of any of his
daughters, who were young gentlewomen of very good
carriage, good complexions, and very religiously inclined ;
whose honest and sweet conversation and virtuous education
enticed Sir Thomas not a little ; and although his affection
most served him to the second, for that he thought her the
he appears to have worn a hair shirt next his skin for the rest of his life. A
few days before his execution he gave one which he had been wearing to his
daughter Margaret. She bequeathed it to her cousin, Margaret Clements,
an Augustinian nun, at Louvaine. There it remained till the French revolution,
and it is now carefully preserved as a relic in a convent established at Spilsburg,
near Blandford.
* More, 26. " Maluit maritus esse castas quam sacerdos impurus." — Eras.
Ep.
LOKD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MORE. 515
fairest and best favoured, yet when he thought with himself CHAP,
that it would be a grief and some blemish to the eldest to
have the younger sister preferred before her, he, out of a kind
of compassion, settled his fancy upon the eldest, and soon
after married her with all her friends' good liking." *
Some have said that he selected a rustic girl whom he
might fashion according to his own notions of female pro-
priety f ; but the probability is, that he was exceedingly de-
lighted to exchange the company of the Carthusian brethren
for that of the " Mistress Colts," having been long a stranger
to female society ; — that he preferred the conversation and
manners of Jane, the eldest, although the second was a more
showy beauty ; and that, although he had a good deal to
teach his bride when he brought her to London, she was as
well educated and accomplished as country Squires' daughters
generally were in the beginning of the sixteenth century.
There never was a happier union. He settled her in a Happily
house in Bucklersbury, where they lived in uninterrupted ™°'''"'^ •
harmony and affection.
He now applied himself with unremitted assiduity to the Rapid pro-
business of his profession, being stimulated, and cheered, and profession,
comforted, and rewarded by her smiles. When he was Lord
High Chancellor, he must have looked back with a sigh to
this portion of his career. He rose very rapidly at the bar,
and was particularly famous for his skill in international law.
It seems strange to us that he at the same time accepted ad. 1502.
and retained the office of under-sheriff of the city of London, der-sheriff
This office was then judicial, and of considerable dignity. I °^ London,
conjecture that the under-sheriff, besides his other duties, sat
in the Court of the Lord Mayor and of the Sheriffs, in which
causes of importance were then determined, and the jurisdic-
tion of which, by the process of foreign attachment, was very
extensive. Erasmus, after stating that his Court was held
every Thursday, observes, that no judge of that Court ever
* More, 39.
■f This notion is an improvement on Erasmus, who is silent on the sacrifice
of inclination to compassion. " Virginem duxit admodum puellam, claro genere
natam, rudcm adhuc utpote ruri inter parentes ac sorores semper habitam, quo
magis illi liceret illam ad suos mores fingerc. Hanc et Uteris instruendam
curavit, et omni musices genere doctam reddidit." — Eras. Ep.
I. L 2
516
LIFE OF
CHAP.
XXX.
A.D. 1504,
Returned
to parlia-
ment,
Jan. 16.
Excessive
subsidy de-
manded by-
Henry to
marry his
daughter.
went through more causes ; none decided them more up-
rightly, — often remitting the fees to which he was entitled
from the suitors. His deportment in this capacity endeared
him extremely to his fellow-citizens.*
But he was now to make a figure in a new line. After an
intermission of parliaments for about seven years, one was
called in the beginning of the year 1504, for the purpose of
obtaining a subsidy on the marriage of Margaret, the King's
eldest daughter, with James IV., King of Scots. More was
returned to the House of Commons, "for many had now
taken notice of his suflSciency ; " and he is recorded as the
first member of that assembly who gained celebrity by public
speaking, and who, as a successful leader of opposition,
incurred the enmity of the Court. Henry was entitled, ac-
cording to the strictest feudal law, to a grant on this occa-
sion t ; but he thought it a favourable opportunity for grati-
fying his avarice, and he required a much greater sum than
he intended to bestow upon the Scottish Queen. " When the
consent of the Lower House was demanded to these impo-
sitions, most of the rest either holding their peace or not
daring to gainsay them, though they seemed unwilling. Sir
Thomas, making a grave speech, pronounced such urgent
Proofs that * Eras. Ep. Although Roper, himself a lawyer, distinctly narrates that his
More held father-in-law was under-sheriff, some, from an affected regard for the dignity of
the office of the Chancellor, have tried to deny that he held an office which would now be
under- declined by an eminent solicitor ; but in his epitaph, prepared by himself, we find
sheriff. these words : " In urbe sua pro Shyrevo dixit ; " and an entry has been found in
the records of the common council, "that Thomas More, gent., one of the under-
sheriffs of London, should occupy his office and chamber by a sufficient deputy
during his absence as the King's ambassador in Flanders." Edward Dudley
Attorney General to Henry VII., was one of the under-sheriffs, and Thomas
Marrow, one of the greatest lawyers of his day, filled the office about the same
time. More himself set the highest value on this office ; for he informs Erasmus
that, on his return from Flanders, he declined a handsome pension offered him by
the King, which he could not hold without resigning his under-sheriffship, for
in case of a controversy with the King about the privileges of the city, he might
be deemed by his fellow-citizens to be disabled by dependence on the Crown
from securely and manfully maintaining their rights INIorus Erasmo, 1516.
In the first edition of the Utopia, printed at Louvain by Theodore 3Iartin in
1516, the woik is stated to be " Per clarissimum et eruditissimum Virum
D. Tliomam Morum, Civem et Vice-comitem Londinensem," — from which some
have supposed that he had reached the dignity of High Sheriff; but this de-
signation must have proceeded from ignorance of the different degrees of
thrieoal dignity in England.
t The King, like every feudal lord, could claim an aid to knight his eldest
son, to marry his eldest daughter, or to redeem himself from captivity.
LORD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MORE. 517
arguments why these exactions were not to be granted, that CHAP.
thereupon all the King's demands were crossed, and his
request denied ; so that Mr. Tyler, one of the King's Privy ^^ „ 15Q4
Chamber, went presently from the House, and told his Mo-e's
Majesty that a beardless boy had disappointed him of all his speech
expectations." * " Whereupon the King, conceiving great in- *^^'°f *^^
dignation towards him, could not be satisfied until he had
some way revenged it." f
According to the Tudor practice established in subsequent indigna-
reigns. More ought to have been sent to the Tower for his ^^"^ ^ '^
presumption ; but Henry had always a view to his Ex-
chequer, " and forasmuch as he, nothing having, nothing could
lose, his grace devised a causeless quarrel against his father,
keeping him in the Tower till he had made him pay to him a
hundred pounds fine. Shortly hereupon it fortuned that
Sir Thomas More coming in a suit to Dr. Fox, Bishop of
Winchester, one of the King's Privy Council, the Bishop
called him aside, and pretending great favour towards him,
promised that if he would be ruled by him he would not fail
into the King's favour again to restore him, — meaning, as it
was afterwards conjectured, to cause him thereby to confess
his offences against the King, whereby his Highness might
with the better colour have occasion to revenge his dis-
pleasure against him ; but Avhen he came from the Bishop he
fell into communication with one Maister Whitforde, his
familiar friend, then chaplain to that Bishop, and showed him
what the Bishop had said, praying for his advice. Whitforde
prayed him by the passion of God not to follow the counsel,
for my Lord, to serve the King's turn, will not stick to agree
to his own father's death. So Sir Thomas More returned to
the Bishop no more." | To show that More acted wisely in
not making confessions to the King in the hope of pardon,
it is related that Avhen Dudley was afterwards led to execu-
tion, along with Empson, meeting Sir Thomas More, he said
• More, 4.5. To adfl to the marvel of this brilliant success in the House of
Commons, More's biographers roundly assert tiiat he was then only twenty-one
years of age ; but it appears from the Statute Book and the Parliament Roll,
that this parliament met on the 16th of January, 1.504, so that he was full
twenty-four, and as old as William Pitt when Prime Minister of Great Britain.
t Roper, 7. t Ibid. 8.
L L 3
518
LIFE OF
CEIAP.
XXX.
More re-
solves to
go into
exile.
>.D. 1509.
Death of
Henry
VII.
to him, — " Oh, More, More ! God was your good friend that
you did not ask the King forgiveness, as manie would have
had you do, for if you had done so, perhaps you should have
been in the like case with us now."
Henry VII. continued to regard the young patriot with
an evil eye, and watched for an opportunity of effectually
wreaking his vengeance upon him, insomuch that " he was
determined to have gone over sea, thinking that being in the
King's indignation he could not live in England without
great danger." * In the meanwhile he almost entirely with-
drew from his practice at the bar, and devoted himself to
study, " perfecting himself in most of the liberal sciences, as
music, arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy, and growing to
be a perfect historian." f With a view to his foreign re-
sidence, " he studied the French tongue at home, sometimes
recreating his tired spirits on the viol." J — But while he was
meditating exile, the death of the tyrant preserved him to his
country.
• Roper, 9.
t More, 47.
if Roper, 9.
LORD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MORE. 519
CHAPTER XXXI.
LIFE OF SIB THOMAS MORE FROM THE ACCESSION OF HENRY VHI.
TILL HIS APPOINTMENT AS LORD CHANCELLOR.
More hailed the commencement of the new reign In a Latin chap,
XXXI
poem, which contained lines not only praising the good qua-
lities of the youthful sovereign, but reflecting with great ^p^ii 22.
bitterness on the oppression from which the nation had i509.
escaped ; —
" Meta hffic servitii est, haec libertatis origo,
Tristitiae finis, lEetitiaeque caput.
Nam juvenem secli decus O raemorabile nostri
Ungit et in Regem prseficit ista tuum.
Regem qui cunctis lachrymas detergat ocellis,
Gaudia pro longo substituat gemitu.
Omnia discussis arrident pectora curis,
Ut solet, excussa nube, nitere dies. —
Leges invalidae prius, imo nocere coacta.
Nunc vires gaudent obtinuisse suas.
Non metus occultos insibilat aure susurros
Nemo quod taceat, quodve susurret, habet."
Little did the poet foresee that this was to be the most
tyrannical and bloody reign in the annals of England, and
that he himself was to be doomed to a cruel death by him
whose clemency he celebrates.*
Meanwhile, More resumed his profession, and rose in West- More re-
minster Hall to still greater eminence than he had before ^^™^^ his
° ^ ^ ^ practice at
attained. " There was at that time in none of the Prince's the bar.
Courts of the laws of this realm, any matter of importance in
controversy wherein he was not with the one party of
counsel." t " He now gained, without grief, not so little as
400/. by the year," an income which, considering the relative
* A poem on the union of the red and white roses, entitled " De utraque
Rosa in unum Coalita," written by him soon after, he thus prophetically
concludes (whether through accident or second sight, I know not) :
" At qui tain fcrus est, ut non amet, ille timebit.
Nenipe etium spinas Jlos habet iste suas."
f Roper, 9.
I, L 4
520
KEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXI.
Introduced
to the King
and VVol-
sey.
Counsel for
the Pope
in a great
cause.
Enters the
service of
the King,
profits of the bar and the value of money, probably indicated
as high a station as 10,000/. a year at the present day.
He was ere long introduced to the young King and to
Wolsey, now the prime favourite rising rapidly to greatness.
They were both much pleased with him, and were desirous
that he should give up the law for politics, and accept an
office at Court, — the Cardinal thinking that, from his retired
habits and modest nature, he never could be dangerous as a
rival. More long resisted these solicitations, truly thinking
his situation as an eminent barrister more independent as well
as more profitable.
He was about this time engaged in a cause celebre, of
which a circumstantial account has come down to us. A
ship belonging to the Pope having been seized at Southampton,
as forfeited to the Crown for a breach of the law of nations,
the Pope's Nuncio at the Court of London instituted pro-
ceedings to obtain restitution, and retained More, " at which
time there could none of our law be found so meet to be of
counsel."
The hearing was in the Star Chamber before the Chan-
cellor, the Chief Justices, the Lord Treasurer, and other
officers of state. To plead against the Crown before such a
tribunal was rather an arduous task ; but More displayed
great firmness and zeal, and, availing himself not only of his
own learning, but of the authorities and arguments furnished
to him by his client (himself a great civilian), he made such
an unanswerable speech for his Holiness that the judgment
was in his favour, and restitution was decreed.
The King was present at the trial ; and to his credit be it
spoken, instead of being mortified by the loss of his prize,
and indignant against the counsel who had been pleading
against him, he joined all the hearers in praising More for
" his upright and commendable demeanor therein ; and for no
entreaty would henceforth be induced any longer to forbear
his service." *
In the early part of his reign, Henry VIII. was one of the
most popular Sovereigns that ever filled the throne of Eng-
Roper, 11.
LORD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MORE. 521
land, and deserved to be so ; for, beyond his fine person, his chap.
manly accomplishments, his agreeable manners, and the con-
trast he presented to his predecessor, he showed a disposition
to patronise merit wherever it could be found ; and his Court
was the resort of the learned and the witty, as well as the
high born and chivalrous.
More still retained his office in the city, but was prevailed a.d 1514.
upon to give up his practice at the bar. He was made ^^^"^'^ ^^^
Master of the Requests, knighted, and sworn of the Privy Master of
/^ •! * the Re-
Council.* ^ quests, &c.
He now removed from Bucklersbury, and took up his His house
residence at Chelsea, in what might then be considered a ** Chelsea,
country-house, which he built for himself, and where he
amused himself with an extensive garden and a farm. To
his inexpressible grief, he had lost his first wife after she had
brought him four children ; and he had entered into a second His second
matrimonial union, not of sentiment but convenience, with ^^^'
Mrs. Alice Middleton, a widow lady, " of good years, and of
no good favour or complexion." She was seven years older
than himself, and it is to be feared not always of the sweetest
disposition. " This he did because she might have care of
his children ; and she proved a kind step-mother to them."
Erasmus, who was often an inmate in the family, speaks of
her as a keen and watchful manager, with whom More lived
on terms of as much respect and kindness as if she had been
fair and young. " No husband ever gained so much obedience
from a wife by authority and severity, as More by gentleness
and pleasantry. Though verging on old age, and not of a
yielding temper, he prevailed on her to take lessons on the
lute, the cithara, the viol, the monochord, and the flute, which
she daily practised to him." f
Yet from some of their conjugal dialogues, recorded by
members of the family, we are made to doubt whether the
sweetness of their intercourse was not occasionally flavoured
with a little acid. He would say of her, " that she was penny-
wise and pound-foolish, saving a candle's end and spoiling
a velvet gown." She rated him for not being sufficiently
* Roper, 13. f Erasni. Ep.
522 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, ambitious; and, because he had no mind to set himself for-
ward In the world, saying to him, " Tillie vallie ! Tillie
valUe I Will you sit and make goslings in the ashes : my
mother hath often said unto me, It is better to rule than to be
ruled." — " Now, In truth," answered he, "that is truly said,
good wife ; for I never found you yet willing to be ruled." *
He had soon a very numerous household ; for, his daugh-
ters marrying, they and their husbands and their children all
resided under his roof, and constituted one affectionate family ;
which he governed with such gentleness and discretion that it
was without broils or jealousies.
His do- The course of his domestic life is minutely described by
eye-witnesses. " His custom was daily (besides his private
prayers with his children) to say the seven psalms, the litany,
and the suffrages following ; so was his guise with his wife
and children, and household, nightly, before he went to bed ;
to go to his chapel, and there on his knees ordinarily to say
certain psalms and collects with them."t Says Erasmus,
*' You might imagine yourself in the academy of Plato. But
I should do injustice to his house by comparing It to the
academy of Plato, where numbers and geographical figures,
and sometimes moral virtues, were the subjects of discussion ;
it would be more just to call It a school and exercise of the
Christian religion. All Its Inhabitants, male or female, ap-
* Rop. More. In the metrical inscription which he wrote for his own monu-
ment, there is a laboured commendation of Alice, which in tenderness is out-
weighed by one word applied to Jane, the beloved companion of his youth :
" Chara Thomas jacet hie Joanna uxorcula Mori."
On the other hand the following epigram, which he composed after his second
marriage, shows a bitter feeling towards Alice as a shrew :
" Some man hath good,
But children hath he none ;
Some man hath both,
But he can get none health ;
Some hath ail three,
But up to honor's throne
Can he not creep by no manner of stealth.
To some she sendeth children,
Riches, wealth.
Honour, worship, and reverence, all his life,
Bttt yet she pincheth him
With a shrewd wife.
Be content
With such reward as fortune hath you sent."
f Roper. Sir Thomas More.
LORD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MOKE. 523
plied their leisure to liberal studies and profitable reading, CHAP,
although piety was their first care. No wrangling, no angry '
word was heard in it ; no one was idle ; every one did his
duty with alacrity, and with a temperate cheerfulness."*
But the most charming picture of More as a private man His letter
is carelessly sketched by himself in a hurried Latin letter to Gjigg*^'^
Peter Giles, his friend at Antwerp, lamenting the little time
he could devote to literary composition : —
" For while in pleading, in hearing, in deciding causes, or com-
posing disputes as an arbitrator, in waiting on some men about
business, and on others out of respect, the greatest part of the day
is spent on other men's affairs, the remainder of it must be given
to my family at home ; so that I can reserve no part to myself,
that is, to study. I must gossip with my wife and chat with my
children, and find something to say to my servants f ; for all these
things I reckon a part of my business, unless I were to become a
stranger in my own house ; for with whomsoever either nature or
choice or chance has engaged a man in any relation of life, he must
endeavour to make himself as acceptable to them as he possibly
can. In such occupations as these, days, months, and years slip
away. Indeed all the time which I can gain to myself is that
which I steal from my sleep and my meals, and because that is not
much I have made but a slow progress."}
His time was now more than ever broke in upon by visits
from distinguished foreigners, who were eager to see him from
his great reputation abroad, and whose opinion of him he
still farther exalted by the charms of his manner and con-
versation.
To his great grief he was often obliged to lodge in the intimacy
palace, and his favour with the King and the Court threatened ^'j^V'"^
utterly to interfere with all his domestic enjoyments, and to
ruin his literary projects. " The King's custom was, upon
holydays, wlien he had done his own devotions, to send for
Sir Thomas into his traverse, and there, sometimes in matters
of astronomy, geometry, and divinity, and such other faculties,
* Eras. Ep.
f He curiously adapted his conversation to the different members of his esta-
blishment. " Cum uxore fabulandum est, garriendum cum liberis, coUoqucndum
cum ministris," &c.
t Morus Aegedio.
524
CHAP.
XXXI.
Literary
occupa-
tions.
Embassies.
Residence
at Calais.
KEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
to sit and confer with him ; otherwhiles also, in the clear
night, he would have him walk with him on the leads, there
to discourse with him of the diversity of the courses, motions,
and operations of the stars ; and, because he was of a very
pleasant disposition, it pleased his Majesty and the Queen,
after the council had supped, commonly to call for him to
hear his pleasant jests." There was no remedy but to be
dull. " When Sir Thomas perceived his pleasant con-
ceits so much to delight them that he could scarce once
in a month get leave to go home to his wife and children,
and that he could not be two days absent from the Court
but he must be sent for again, he much misliking this
restraint of his liberty, began therefore to dissemble his
mirth, and so little by little to disuse himself, that he from
thenceforth at such seasons was no more so ordinarily sent
for."*
In spite of all these distractions he not only most cre-
ditably performed all his public duties, but wrote works
which gained the highest degree of celebrity in his own time,
and are now interesting and instructive.
Between the years 1514 and 1523 More was repeatedly
employed on embassies to the Low Countries, chiefly to settle
disputes about trade and to negotiate commercial treaties, an
employment which he seems particularly to have disliked.
On the first occasion he was consoled for a long detention at
Bruges by the company of his colleague, Tunstal, then
Master of the Eolls, and afterwards Bishop of Durham,
whom he celebrates as one not only fraught with all learning,
and sincere in his life and morals, but inferior to no man as
a delightful companion. Subsequently he had no one asso-
ciated with him ; and although he was pleased to meet the
friends of Erasmus, and was struck by the wealth and civiHsa-
tion he saw among the Flemings, he longed much for the re-
pose of his retreat at Chelsea, and for the embraces of his
children.
He was much annoyed by being stationed a long time at
Calais, a place from which negotiations could be conveniently
More.
LORD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MORE. 525
carried on with the Continental states. On this occasion CHAP.
XXXI
Erasmus writes to Peter Giles, their common friend, " More
is still at Calais, of which he is heartily tired. He lives at
great expense, and is engaged in business most odious to him.
Such are the rewards reserved by kings for their favourites."*
Afterwards More himself writes to Erasmus: " I approve
your determination never to be engaged in the busy trifling
of princes ; from which, as you love me, you must wish that
I were extricated. You cannot imagine how painfully I feel
myself plunged in them, for nothing can be more odious to
me than this legation. I am here banished to a petty sea-
port, of which the air and the earth are equally disagreeable
to me. Abhorrent as I am by nature from strife, even when
it is profitable, as at home, you may judge how wearisome it
is here, where it actually causes a loss to me." He must have
been much relieved by the agreeable society of Wolsey, who
crossed the Channel, for a short time, to superintend the
King's nejTotiations and his own.
In 1519 he was reluctantly obliged to resign his favourite a.d. 1519.
office of under-sheriff, the city being tired of giving him officfoHhe
leave of absence when he went upon the King's business ; but sheriff.
in 1521 he was rewarded with the office of Treasurer of the a.d. 1521.
Exchequer, which was of considerable profit as well as
dignity, t
The next step in More's advancement was the chair of the Elected
House of Commons. The great, or rather the only, object jj'oysg ^f
of calling the Parliament which met in April, 1523, being to Commons,
obtain money, some management was thought necessary to
provide against the parsimonious turn always shown by the
representatives of the people; for, though generally willing
to comply with any other demand of the Crown, — when their
pockets were touched, they were stem and resolute, granting
* Eras. Ep.
f This ai)pointment gave great satisfaction to all More's friends. Erasmus
writing to Budmus, says, " Est quod Moro gratuleris, nam Rex ilium nee
ambientem nee flagitantem munere magnifico honestavit, addito salario nequa-
quam penitendo, est enim principi suo a thesauris." He adds, " Nee hoc con-
tentus, equitis aurati dignitatem adjecit." But Iloper, who coidd not be
mistaken, states that he was knighted within a month after he was made Master
of Requests.
626 REIGN OF HENEY VIII.
CHAP, only moderate and temporary supplies.* A good deal de-
XXXI. pended on the Speaker, who not only exercised influence
A.I). 1523.
over the assembly as president, but himself was in the habit
of taking an active part in the discussions. Although the
choice of Speaker was nominally with the Commons them-
selves, in reality it was dictated by the Court ; and on this
occasion Sir Thomas More was selected from his great fame
and popularity, and from his having hitherto co-operated in
the administration of Wolsey, as yet not liable to much ex-
ception, and from the dread of his again acting the part of a
popular leader. The Commons were much gratified by the
recommendation, and joyfully presented their favourite as
their Speaker to the King sitting on his throne in the House
of Lords.
He (lis- More disqualified himself, referring to the story of Phormio
himseir *^® philosopher, "who desired Hannibal to come to his lectures,
which, when he consented to and came, Phormio began to
read De Re Militari — of chivalry ; but as soon as Hannibal
heard this, he called the philosopher an arrogant fool to
presume to teach him who was already master of chivalry and
all the arts of war." " So," says Sir Thomas, " if I should
presume to speak before his Majesty of learning and the well
ordering of the government, or such like matters, the King,
who is so deeply learned, such a master of prudence and
experience, might say to me as Hannibal to Phormio."
Wherefore he humbly besought his Majesty to order the
Commons to choose another Speaker.
To this the Chancellor, by the King's command, replied,
that " His Majesty, by long experience of his service, was
well acquainted with his wit, learning, and discretion, and
that therefore he thought the Commons had chosen the fittest
person of them all to be their Speaker."!
More then delivered a prepared speech, which was published
by his son-in-law, as is supposed from the original MS., and
* To this stinginess of the Commons we must ascribe the liberties of Eng-
land ; for large and permanent grants would have led to the disuse of national
assemblies in this island, as well as on the Continent of Europe. Except the
Customs, no permanent tax was imposed before the middle of the seventeenth
century.
t 1 Pari. Hist. 486.
LORD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MORE. 527
which is curious as an authentic specimen of the state of the CHAP.
English language in the beginning of the 16th century, and
of the taste in oratory which then prevailed : — ^ ^ 2523.
" Sith I perceive, most redoubted Sovereign, that it standeth His oration
not with your pleasure to reform this election, and cause it to be to the King,
changed, but have, by the mouth of the most reverend father in
God, the Legate, your Highness's Chancellor, thereunto given
your most royal assent, and have of your benignity determined far
above that I may bear for this office to repute me meet, rather than
that you should seem to impute unto your Commons that they had
unmeetly chosen, I am ready obediently to conform myself to the
accomplishment of your Highness's pleasure and commandment."
Having begged a favourable construction on all his own
words and actions, he apologises for the rusticity of the
Commons, and prays privilege of speech. He says that great
care had been taken to elect discreet men according to the
exigency of the writs, and thus proceeds : —
" Whereby it is not to be doubted but that there is a very sub-
stantial assembly of right, wise, meet, and politique persons ; yet
most precocious Prince, sith among so many wise men, neither is
every man wise alike, nor among so many alike well witted, every
man well spoken ; and it often happeth that as much folly is
uttered with pointed polished speech, so many boisterous and rude
in language give right substantial counsel ; and sith also in matters
of great importance the mind is often so occupied in the matter
that a man rather studieth what to say than how : by reason
whereof the wisest man and best speaker in a whole country
fortuneth, when his mind is fervent in the matter, somewhat to
speak in such wise as he would afterwards wish to have been ut-
tered otherwise, and yet no worse will had when he spake it, than
he had when he would so gladly change it. Therefore, most
generous Sovereign, considering that in your high court of par-
liament is nothing treated but matter of weight and importance
concerning your realm and your own rSyal estate, it could not fail
to put to silence from the giving of their advice and counsel many
of your discreet Commons, to the great hindrance of your common
affairs, unless every one of your Commons were utterly discharged
of all doubt and fear how any thing that it should happen them to
speak should happen of your Highness to be taken. And in this
point, though your well known and proved benignity putteth every
man in good hope, yet such is the weight of the matter, such is
528 REIGN OF HENKY VIII.
CHAP, the reverend dread that the timorous hearts of your natural sub-
jects conceive towards your Highness our most redoubted King
A.D. 1523.
and undoubted Sovereign, that they cannot in this point find them-
selves satisfied, except your gracious bounty therein declared put
away the scruple of their timorous minds, and put them out of
doubt. It may therefore like your most abundant Grace to give
to all your Commons here assembled, your most gracious license
and pardon freely, without doubt of your dreadful displeasure,
every man to discharge his conscience, and boldly in every thing
incident among us to declare his advice; and whatsoever hap-
peneth any man to say, that it may like your noble Majesty, of
your inestimable goodness, to take all in good part, interpreting
every man's words, how uncunningly however they may be
couched, to proceed yet of good zeal towards the profit of your
realm and honour of your royal person ; and the prosperous estate
and preservation whereof, most excellent Sovereign, is the thing
which we all, your Majesty's humble, loving subjects, according to
the most bounden duty of our natural allegiance, most highly de-
sire and pray for." *
This address has been blamed for servility ; but the epithets
applied to the King are merely in conformity to the esta-
blished usage of the times, and in pleading for the necessity
of liberty of speech More shows considerable boldness, while
he indulges in a few sarcasms on the country squires over
whom he was to preside.
To please him still more, and to ensure his services in the
subsidy. Judge More, his father, in spite of very advanced
age, was named in the Lords one of the " Triers of Petitions
for Gascogny," an office which is still filled up at the com-
mencement of every parliament, and which, although become
a sinecure, was then supposed to confer great dignity.
Hisiauda. "\Ye have seen in the life of Wolseyf the independent
ble cjnduct .. i-i- •. r>i ii ti • o t
as Speaker. Spirit which, in spite 01 these blandishments, in a lew days
after. More displayed ; and the noble stand he made for the
privileges of the House of Commons. A reasonable supply,
constitutionally asked, he was willing to have supported ; but
the extortionate demand which Wolsey thought, by his per-
sonal appearance in the House, surrounded by all his pa-
geantry, violently to enforce, was dexterously resisted, to the
• Roper 13. f Ante, p. 473.
LORD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MORE. 529
disgrace and ridicule of the chief actor in the scene. Well CHAP,
might the wish have been entertained, " that More had been
at Rome when he was made Speaker." * ^ j, j523.
Wolsey who, according to Erasmus, had "rather feared Woisey's
than loved More" after this time, became seriously iealous of ^"^™P* *°
' J J send nim
him as a rival f; and meditating a refined vengeance, attempted to Spain,
to banish him to Spain under the title of ambassador, with
strong professions of admiration for the learning and wisdom
of the proposed diplomatist, and his peculiar fitness for a con-
ciliatory adjustment of the difficult matters which were at
issue between the King and his kinsman the Emperor. The
overture being made to More, he immediately perceived the
artifice of it ; but resisted it on the allegation that the Spanish
climate would be fatal to his constitution, beseeching Henry
" not to send a faithful servant to his grave." It is believed
that the King saw into Woisey's motives, and wished to have
near him a man, whom he destined, at some future period, to
become his chief minister. He kindly answered, therefore,
" It is not our meaning, Mr. More, to do you any hurt ; but
to do you good we should be glad. We shall, therefore,
employ you otherwise. "|
He continued in great favour with the King ; and, in the Made
end of the year 1525, on the death of Sir R. Wingfield, he jf D^uchy"^
was appointed Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, an ofLan-
office illustrated by distinguished lawyers and statesmen down ^ ^ 1*525.
to our own time§, and which More continued to hold till he
received the Great Seal of England.
As he was reluctant to visit the Palace, and seemed not King's
quite happy when he was there, "the King would, on a sud- ^'j^^t
den, come over to his house at Chelsea, and be merry with Chelsea,
him — even dining with him without previous invitation or
notice." On such occasions, from a true sense of hospitality,
* Roper, 20.
+ More has been censured for having, while comparatively obscure, flattered
the great man ; but I think without reason, as he confined his commendation to
Woisey's love of learning and patronage of the learned. Thus :
" Unice doctorum pater ac patrone virorum,
Pieridum pendet cujus ab ore chorus."
X Roper, 21.
§ Be it remembered that I wrote the text in the year 1843, before I held,
and when I little expected ever to hold, this office. — Note to Third Edition,
1848.
VOL. I. MM
530
REIGN OP HENRY Vlll.
CHAP.
XXX I.
More's
early in-
sight into
character
of Henry
VIII.
More, the
mouth-
piece of
the King.
His literary
reputation.
More did his best to entertain his royal guest, and put forth
all his powers of pleasing. Roper particularly celebrates one
of these visits, when the King was so much delighted with
his conversation that, after dinner, he walked with him in the
garden by the space of an hour, holding his arm about his
neck. As soon as his Majesty was gone. Roper congratulated
his father-in-law on the distinguished honour that had been
paid to him ; saying, " how happy must he be with whom the
King was so lovingly familiar, the like of which had never
been seen before except once, when he walked arm in arm
with Cardinal Wolsey." " I thank our Lord," quoth he, " I
find his Grace my very good Lord indeed ; and I believe he
doth as singularly favour me as any subject within this realm.
Howbeit, son Roper, I may tell thee I have no cause to be
proud thereof; for if my head would win him a castle in
France, it should not fail to go."*
This authentic anecdote shows, in a very striking manner,
how More had early penetrated the intense selfishness, levity,
heartlessness, and insensibility to remorse which constituted
the character of the King, while these bad qualities were yet
disguised by a covering of affability, hilarity, and apparent
good humour, and before they had shed the blood of a wife
or a friend. The world could little anticipate that Henry
would actually one day cut off More's head, even without
any such substantial advantage as the winning of a castle.
For the present his Majesty delighted to honour him.
On account of his facetiousness and his learning he was
generally obliged to attend the Court in the royal progresses,
and at Oxford and Cambridge he was always the person ap-
pointed to answer the Latin addresses to the King by the
University orators. Attending Henry to France, he was
employed to make the speech of congratulation when the
English and French monarchs embraced. So, when the Em-
peror landed in England, he welcomed him in the King's
name with such eloquence and grace, as to call forth the ad-
miration of Charles as well as of all his Flemish and Spanish
attendants.
More's European reputation was now at its height. He had
* Roper, 22.
LORD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MORE, 531
published his "Epigrams," his "Utopia," and his "Eefutation CHAP,
of the Lutherans," all of which had been frequently reprinted
in Germany and France. He carried on an epistolary corre-
spondence with all the most celebrated foreign literati, and
he had spread his fame in a way of which we can now have
but an imperfect notion, by academical disputations. Visiting
every university which he approached in his travels, " he
would learnedly dispute among them, to the great admi-
ration of the auditory." On one occasion, when at Bruges,
he gained no small applause by putting down an arrogant
pedant, who published a universal challenge to dispute with
any person " in omni scibili et de quolibet ente." The
Englishman who studied at Lincoln's Inn, proposed the His famous
question — An averia caruccB capta in vetito namio sint irre- l^^^t'^n to
■^ _ _ _ -* ^ a pedant at
plegihilia ? " This Thraso or braggadocio not so much as Bruges,
understanding those terms of our common law, knew not
what to answer to it, and so he was made a laughing-stock to
the whole city for his presumptuous bragging." *
Now began the controversy about the King's divorce, ad. 1525.
which entirely changed the aspect of affairs, both civil and ^■^^^^^
ecclesiastical in England, and had a lasting effect upon the
destinies of the nation. More lies under the suspicion of More con-
some dissimulation or culpable concealment of his sentiments '^e'^''*. ^^'^
i^ _ opinion.
upon this subject. When consulted by Henry respecting the
legality of his marriage with his brother's widow, he said it
was a question only fit for theologians, and referring him to
the writings of St. Augustine and other luminaries of the
Western Church, never would give any explicit opinion from
himself. It is possible that, unconsciously to himself. More
dissembled from prudence or ambition, and that he cherished
a secret hope of farther advancement, which would have been
extinguished by a blunt opposition to the royal inclination ;
but it is likewise possible that he sincerely doubted on a ques-
tion which divided the learned world, and we are not hastily
to draw inferences against him from his subsequent condemn-
ation of the King's union with Anne Boleyn before his mar-
riage with Catherine had been canonically dissolved according
• 3 Black. Com. 148.
M M 2
532
EEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXI.
Preserves
neutrality.
Scene at
the council
table be-
tween
Wolsey
and More.
More, am-
bassador at
Cambrav.
to the rules of the Romish Church, which he most potently
believed to be binding on all Christians.*
While the suit for the divorce was going on at Rome through
negotiations with Clement, and before the Legatine Court
opened its sittings after the arrival of Campeggio, More ap-
pears to have observed a strict neutrality, and he enjoyed the
confidence of both parties. Queen Catherine said, — " The
King had but one sound councillor in his kingdom. Sir Thomas
More ; and as for Cardinal Wolsey, then the greatest subject
in the realm, for his own benefit or end he cared not what
counsel he gave." On the other hand, the Duke of Norfolk,
the uncle of Anne Boleyn, the Earl of Wiltshire, her father,
and Anne herself, who now secretly directed the King's
councils, had great hopes of bringing More into their designs
as an active partisan, and intended that he should be the
successor to Wolsey, whom they doomed to destruction if the
divorce was not speedily pronounced.
The Chancellor of the Duchy was still very submissive to
the Lord High Chancellor ; but we have an account of a
scene at the council-board about this time, which proves that
there was " no love lost between them." The Cardinal showed
Sir Thomas the draught of a treaty with a foreign power,
asking his opinion of it, and pressing him so heartily to say
" whether there were any thing therein to be misliked," that
he believed there was a desire to hear the truth, and pointed
out some great faults committed in it. Whereupon the Car-
dinal, starting up in a rage, exclaimed, — " By the Mass, thou
art the veriest fool of all the Council ; " at which Sir Thomas,
smiling, said, — " God be thanked, the King our Master hath
but one fool in his Council."
Nevertheless, being again associated with Tunstal, now
Bishop of Durham, he was sent Ambassador to Cambray to
treat of a general peace between England, France, and the
* In his gratulatory verses on the King's accession, he had pronounced this
marriage to be most auspicious :
" Conjugio, superi quod decrevere benigni,
Quo tibi, quoque tuis consuluere bene."
He then goes on to compare Catherine to Penelope, Cornelia, and the most
meritorious matrons of antiquity, showing that she excelled them all.
LORD CHANCELLOR SIR THOMAS MORE. 533
extensive states ruled over by Charles V. In this his last CHAP.
"V Y X T
foreign mission he was supposed to have displayed the
highest diplomatic skill, and " he so worthily handled him-
self, that he procured far more benefits unto this realm than
by the King or the Council had been thought possible to be
compassed." * During his stay abroad he became very home-
sick, but wrote thus merrily to Erasmus : — " I do not like
my office of an ambassador ; it doth not suit a married man
thus to leave his family : it is much fitter for you eccle-
siastics, who have no wives and children at home, or who
find them wheresoever you go?"* f
Soon after his return he paid a visit to the King at Wood- a.d. 1529.
• H- 1 b
stock, where he heard of the great misfortune of the principal ^^^ °^ ^
part of his house at Chelsea, and all his outhouses and barns
filled with corn being consumed by a fire, raised by the
negligence of a neighbour's servant. The letter he wrote to
his old wife on this occasion excites our admiration of him
more than all his learned works, his public despatches, or his
speeches in parliament. I must likewise observe, that for
style it is much better and much nearer the English of the
present day than the elaborate compositions which he wrote
for publication. But besides the delightful glance that it
gives of the manners and customs of private life in a remote
age, its great charm will be found in the unaffected piety, in
the gaiety of heart, and in the kindness of disposition which
it evinces :
" Mistress Alyce, — In my most harty will, I recommend me Beautiful
to you. And whereas I am enfourmed by my son Heron of the "^' "*
loss of our barnes, and our neighbours also, w' all the corne that
was therein, albeit (saving God's pleasure) it is gret pitie of so
much good corne lost, yet sith it hath liked hym to send us such a
chance, we must not only be content, but also be glad of his visi-
tation. He sent us all that we have lost : and sith he hath by
such a chance taken it away againe, his pleasure be fulfilled. Let
us never grudge thereat, but take it in good worth, and hartely
thank him, as well for adversitie, as for prosperitie. And par
adventure we have more cause to thank him for our losse, than
• Roper, 36.
t " Qui primum uxores ac liberos aut domi non liabetis aut uhique reperitis."
— Ep. 227.
M H 3
A.D. 1529.
534 REIGN OP HENRY VIII.
CHAP, for our winning. For his wisedom better seeth what is good for
XXXI. ^g ij^j^jj ^g ^Q ourselves. Therefore I pray you be of good cheer e,
and take all the howsold with you to church,' and there thank God
both for that he hath given us, and for that he hath left us, which
if it please hym, he can increase when he will. And if it please
him to leave us yet lesse, at hys pleasure be it. I praye you to
make some good ensearche what my poor neighbours have loste,
and bidde them take no thought therefore, and if I shold not leave
myself a spone, there shall no poore neighbour of mine here no
losse by any chance happened in my house. I pray you be with
my children and household mery in God. And devise somewhat
with your friends, what way wer best to take, for provision to be
made for corne for our household and for sede thys yere coming,
if ye thinke it good that we keepe the ground still in our handes.
And whether ye think it good y* we so shall do or not, yet I think
it were not best sodenlye thus to leave it all up, and to put away
our folk of our farme, tiU we have somewhat advised us thereon.
Howbeit if we have more nowe than ye shall neede, and which can
get the other maister's, ye may then discharge us of them. But I
would not that any man wer sodenly sent away he wote nere wether.
At my coming hither, I perceived none other, but that I shold tary
still with the kinges grace. But now I shall (I think), because of
this chance, get leave this next weke to come home and se you ;
and then shall we further devise together uppon all thinges, what
order shall be best to take ; and thus as hartely fare you well with
all our children as you can wishe. At Woodstok the thirde daye
of Septembre, by the hand of
" Your loving husband,
" Thomas More, Knight."
He is made The Court was HOW sojournIng at Woodstock after its
Chancellor ^^tum from Grafton, where Henry had taken his final leave
of Wolsey.* More having rendered an account of his em-
bassy was allowed to visit his family at Chelsea, and Henry,
with the Lady Anne, first moved to Richmond, and then to
Greenwich, where, as we have seen, Wolsey being deprived
Oct. 25. of the Great Seal and banished to Esher, the new arrange-
ments were completed, and Sir Thomas More was sworn in
Lord Chancellor, f
* Ante, p. 488. f Ante, p. 508.
SIR THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR.
535
CHAPTER XXXII.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE FROM HIS APPOINTMENT AS LORD
CHANCELLOR TILL HIS RESIGNATION.
The merit of the new Lord Chancellor was universally ac- chap.
XXXII
knowledgedj and Wolsey himself admitted " that he was the
fittest man to be his successor;"* but there was a great ap- Oct. 1529.
prehension lest, having no ecclesiastical dignitv, no crosses to Installation
1 n 1. 1 -.. ^ -. . -1. • 1 of the new
carry betore him, no hereditary rank, and no judicial reputa- chancellor,
tion beyond what he had acquired when under-sheriff of
London, — from the prejudices of the vulgar, the office might
be considered lowered in dignity after being held by a Car-
dinal-Archbishop, the Pope's Legate, and prime minister of
the Crown.
To guard against this impression, a very splendid pageant
was got up for More's installation. The procession was
headed by the Duke of Norfolk, the first Peer in the realm,
and the Duke of Suffolk, the King's brother-in-law, — all
the nobility and courtiers in and near London, and all the
judges and professors of the law following.
When they had reached Palace Yard the new Chancellor,
in his robes, was led between the Dukes of Norfolk and
Suffolk up Westminster Hall to the Stone Chamber, at the
south-west corner of it, where were the marble table and
marble chair, — and there being placed in the high judgment-
* Shakspeare has rather lowered the terms of the compliment, although he
makes the Cardinal behave very gracefully when he hears of the new appoint-
ment.
" Crom. ' Sir Thomas More is chosen
Lord Chancellor in your place,"
" Wols, That's somewhat sudden :
But he's a learned man. May he continue
Long in his Highness' favour, and do justice
For truth's sake, and his conscience ; that his bones,
When he has run his course, and sleeps in blessings,
May have a tomb of orphans' tears wept on 'em."
Henry VIII. act iii. scene 2.
M M 4
536 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
xxxir
A.D.
CHAP, seat of Chancellor, the Duke of Norfolk, by the command of
the King, spoke thus unto the people there with great ap-
1529. plause and joy gathered together :
S"Viu^ " '^^® King's Majesty (which I pray God may prove happy and
speech. fortunate to the whole realm of England) hath raised to the most
high dignity of Chancellorship Sir Thomas More, a man for his
extraordinary worth and suflBciency well known to himself and the
whole realm, for no other cause or earthly respect, but for that he
hath plainly perceived all the gifts of nature and grace to be
heaped upon him, which either the people could desire, or himself
wish for the discharge of so great an office. For the admirable
wisdom, integrity, and innocency, joined with most pleasant fa-
cility of wit, that this man is endued withal, have been sufficiently
known to all Englishmen from his youth, and for these many years
also to the King's majesty himself. This hath the King abun-
dantly found in many and weighty affairs, which he hath happily
despatched both at home and abroad ; in divers offices, which he
hath borne in most honourable embassages, which he hath under-
gone, and in his daily counsel and advices upon all other occasions.
He hath perceived no man in his realm to be more wise in de-
liberating, more sincere in opening to him what he thought, nor
more eloquent to adorn the matter which he uttered. Wherefore
because he saw in him such excellent endowments, and that of his
especial care he hath a particular desire that his kingdom and
people might be governed with all equity and justice, integrity
and wisdom : he of his own most gracious disposition hath
created this singular man Lord Chancellor ; that by his laudable
performance of this office, his people may enjoy peace and justice,
and honour also and fame may redound to the whole kingdom.
It may perhaps seem to many a strange and unusual matter, that
this dignity should be bestowed upon a lay-man, none of the no-
bility, and one that hath wife and children ; because heretofore
none but singular learned prelates, or men of greatest nobility,
have possessed this place ; but what is wanting in these respects,
the admirable virtues, the matchless gifts of wit and wisdom of
this man doth most plentifully recompense the same. For the
King's majesty hath not regarded how great, but what a man he
was : he hath not cast his eyes upon the nobility of his blood, but
on the worth of his person ; he hath respected his sufficiency, not
his profession ; finally he would show by this his choice, that he
hath some rare subjects amongst the gentlemen and lay- men, who
deserve to manage the highest offices of the realm, which bishops
A.D. 1529.
SIR THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR. 537
and noblemen think they only can deserve : which the rarer it is, CHAP.
so much he thought it would be to you the more acceptable, and to X-^XII.
the whole kingdom most grateful. Wherefore receive this your
Chancellor with joyful acclamations, at whose hands you may ex-
pect all happiness and content."
" Sir Thomas More," says his great-grandson, " according
to his wonted modesty, was somewhat abashed at this the
Duke's speech, in that it sounded so much to his praise ; but
recollecting himself as that place and time would give him
leave, he answered in this sort : —
" Although, most noble Duke, and you right honourable Lords, Sir Thomas
and worshipful gentlemen, I know all these things which the ^""^^^
King's majesty, it seemeth, hath been pleased should be spoken of
me at this time and place, and your Grace hath, with most eloquent
words thus amplified, are as far from me as I could wish with all
my heart they were in me for the better performance of so great
a charge : and although this your speech hath caused in me greater
fear than I can well express in words, yet this incomparable fa-
vour of my dread Sovereign, by which he showeth how well, yea
how highly he conceiveth of my weakness, having commanded that
my meanness should be so greatly commended, cannot be but most
acceptable unto me ; and I cannot chuse but give your most noble
Grace exceeding thanks, that what his Majesty hath willed you
briefly to utter, you of the abundance of your love unto me have,
in a large and eloquent oration, dilated. As for myself, I can take
it no otherwise but that his Majesty's incomparable favour towards
me, the good will and incredible propension of his royal mind
(wherewith he hath these many years favoured me continually)
hath alone, without any desert of mine at all, caused both this my
new honour, and these your undeserved commendations of me ;
for who am I, or what is the house of my father, that the King's
highness should heap upon me, by such a perpetual stream of
affection, these so high honours? I am far less than any the
meanest of his benefits bestowed on me ; how can I then think
myself worthy or fit for this so peerless dignity ? I have been
drawn by force, as the King's majesty often professeth, to his
Highness's service, to be a courtier ; but to take this dignity upon
me, is most of all against my will ; yet such is his Highness's be-
nignity, such is his bounty, that he highly esteemeth the small
dutifulness of his meanest subjects, and seeketh still magnificently
to recompense his servants ; not only such as deserve well, but
even such as have but a desire to deserve well at his hands. "In
A.S. 1529.
538 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, which number I have always wished myself to be reckoned, be-
XXXII. cause I cani;iot challenge myself to be one of the former ; which
being so, you may all perceive with me, how great a burden is
laid upon my back, in that I must strive in some sort with my
diligence and duty to correspond with his royal benevolence, and
to be answerable to that great expectation which he and you seem
to have of me ; wherefore those so high praises are by so much the
more grievous unto me, by how much I know the greater charge
I have to render myself worthy of, and the fewer means I have to
make them good. This weight is hardly suitable to my weak
shoulders ; this honour is not correspondent to my poor deserts ;
it is a burthen, not glory ; a care, not a dignity ; the one there-
fore I must bear as manfully as I can, and discharge the other with
as much dexterity as I shall be able. The earnest desire which I
have always had, and do now acknowledge myself to have, to
satisfy by all means I can possible the most ample benefits of his
Highness, will greatly excite and aid me to the diligent perform-
ance of all ; which I trust also I shall be more able to do, if I find
all your good wills and wishes both favourable unto me, and con-
formable to his royal munificence ; because my serious endeavours
to do well, joined with your favourable acceptance, will easily pro-
cure that whatsoever is performed by me, though it be in itself but
small, yet will it seem great and praiseworthy, for those things are
always achieved happily which are accepted willingly ; and those
succeed fortunately which are received by others courteously. As
you therefore do hope for great matters, and the best at my hands,
so though I dare not promise any such, yet do I promise truly and
affectionately to perform the best I shall be able." — When Sir
Thomas had spoken these words, turning his face to the high
judgment-seat of the Chancery, he proceeded in this manner :
" But when I look upon this seat, when I think how great and
what kind of personages have possessed this place before me, when
I call to mind who he was that sat in it last of all ; a man of what
singular wisdom, of what notable experience, what a prosperous
and favourable fortune he had for a great space, and how, at last
dejected with a heavy downfall, he hath died inglorious ; I have
cause enough, by my predecessor's example, to think honour but
slippery, and this dignity not so grateful to me as it may seem to
others ; for both it is a hard matter to follow with like paces or
praises a man of such admirable wit, prudence, authority, and
splendour, to whom I may seem but as the lighting of a candle
when the sun is down ; and also the sudden and unexpected fall
of so great a man as he was doth terribly put me in mind that this
Aj). 1529.
SIR THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR. 539
honour ought not to please me too much, nor the lustre of this glis- CHAP.
tering seat dazzle mine eyes. Wherefore I ascend this seat as a .XXXII.
place full of labour and danger, void of aU solid and true honour ;
the which by how much the higher it is, by so much greater fall
I am to fear, as well in respect of the very nature of the thing it-
self, as because I am warned by this late fearful example. And
truly I might even now at this very first entrance stumble, yea
faint, but that his Majesty's most singular favour towards me, and
all your good wills, which your joyful countenance doth testify
in this most honourable assembly, doth somewhat recreate and re-
fresh me ; otherwise, this seat would be no more pleasing to me
than that sword was to Damocles, which hung over his head, and
tied only by a hair of a horse's tail, seated him in the chair of state
of Denis, the tyrant of Sicily ; this, therefore, shall be always fresh
in my mind ; this will 1 have still before mine eyes — that this
seat will be honourable, famous, and full of glory unto me, if I
shall with care and diligence, fidelity and wisdom, endeavour to do
my duty, and shall persuade myself that the enjoying thereof
may chance to be but short and uncertain ; the one whereof my
labour ought to perform, the other, my predecessor's example may
easily teach me. All which being so, you may easily perceive
what great pleasure I take in this high dignity, or in this noble
Duke's praising of me." *
More's elevation was not only very popular in England, More's ap-
but was heard with great satisfaction by the learned in foreign appll^ded
* These inaugural speeches, as here given, are taken from More's Life by his
great-grandson, and are adopted without suspicion by his subsequent biogra-
phers, — among others by the acute Sir James Mackintosh ; — but there is reason
to question their genuineness. Unless the expression, " dejected with a heavy
downfall, h?. hath died inglorious," means, by way of figure, his political death,
it betrays fabrication and a gross anachronism, for Wolsey was now alive (if
not merry) at Esher, and he did not meet his natural death at Leicester
Abbey till late in the following year. The Chancellor's great-grandson is
exceedingly inaccurate about dates, and ignorant of history. He really does
suppose that Sir Thomas More was not made Chancellor till after Wolsey's
death (edition 1828, by Hunter, p. 169.), which may afford a fair inference
that the speeches are of his manufacture. Roper gives a very brief sketch of
tlie Duke of Norfolk's speech, being charged by the King to make declaration
" how much all England was beholden to Sir Thomas More for his good
service, and how worthy he was to have the highest room (office) in the realm,
and how dearly his Grace loved and trusted him." In return. Sir Thomas
" disabled himself to be unmeet for that room, wherein considering how
wise and honourable a Prelate had lately before taken so great a fall, he had
no cause thereof to rejoice." More, the great-grandson, had so much dege-
nerated in historical lore as to assert that his ancestor was the first layman
who ever held the Great Seal, — forgetting not only the Scropes and the Arundels,
but the Parnynges and the Knyrets, celebrated by Lord Coke, his own con-
temporary.
abroad.
540
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXII.
A.D. 1529.
The em-
barrass*
ments of
his situa-
tion.
countries. To prove this it will be enough to copy a single
sentence addressed by Erasmus to John Fabius, Bishop of
Vienna. " Concerning the new increase of honour expe-
rienced by Thomas More, I should easily make you believe
it, were I to show you the letters of many famous men,
rejoicing with much alacrity, and congratulating the King,
the realm, himself, and also me, on his promotion to be Lord
Chancellor of England." *
When the fleeting flutter of pleasurable excitement from
the first entrance into high office had passed away. More
himself must have looked back with regret to the period of
his life when he was first making way in his profession as an
advocate, or when he was quietly engaged in his literary
pursuits; and as nothing happened which might not easily
have been foreseen, we may rather feel surprise that, with a
delicate conscience and a strong sense of duty, he should
accept this dangerous office, and associate himself with such
unscrupulous colleagues. He well knew the violent and
reckless character of the King ; he must have expected very
painful work in the pending proceedings against his pre-
decessor ; he was sure that the divorce would be prosecuted ;
and other subjects of dispute were springing up with the See
of Rome to cause a conflict between his interest and his duty.
He probably hoped, either that the divorce would be finally
sanctioned and decreed by the Pope, or that Henry, tired of
Anne Boleyn, would abandon the project of making her his
wife ; and that all minor difficulties might disappear or be
overcome.
During the two years and a half he held the Great Seal,
he must have enjoyed the most solid satisfaction in the
assiduous, honest, and admirable discharge of his duties as a
Judge ; but, except when sitting in the Court of Chancery,
his mind must have been filled with doubts, scruples, appre-
hensions, and antagonist wishes — sometimes overborne by
an inclination to support the plans of the King, and some-
* Erasm. Epist. More, 177. In a letter to another correspondent, written
at the same time, Erasmus, after stating that on W^olsey's disgrace the office of
Chancellor was declined by Warham, says, " Itaque provincia delegata est
Thomae Moro magno omnium applausu, nee minore bonorum omnium
lEBtitia subvectus, quam dejectus Cardinalis." — Ep. 1115.
SIR THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR. 541
times struck with the conviction that they were inconsistent CHAR'
• XXXII
with his allegiance to the Head of the Church ; — sometimes
thinking that he should add to the splendour of his reputation,
by directing, in high office, the government of a great empire,
and sometimes dreading lest the fame he had already ac-
quired should be tarnished by his acquiescence in measures
which would be condemned by posterity ; — sometimes regard-
ing only the good he did by the improved administration of
justice, and sometimes shocked by the consideration that
this might be greatly overbalanced by the sanction he might
be supposed to give to tyrannical acts in other departments
of the government over which he had no control ; — sometimes
carried away by the desire to advance his family and his
friends, and at last seeing that he could only continue to have
the means of serving them by sacrificing his country.
A few days after his installation he was called upon, as a parlia-
Chancellor, to open the parliament, which had been sum- ^^"^'irog
moned for the impeachment of Wolsey. The King being
on the throne, and the Commons attending at the bar, the
new Chancellor spoke to this effect * : —
" That, like as a good shepherd, who not only tendeth and Chancel-
keepeth well his sheep, but also foreseeth and provideth against '•'"^^P^^*^
every thing which either may be hurtful or noisome to his flock,
or may preserve and defend the same against all chances to come ;
so the King, who was the shepherd, ruler, and governor of this
realm, vigilantly foreseeing things to come, considered how divers
laws, by long continuance of time and mutation of things, were
now grown insufficient and imperfect ; and also that, by the frail
condition of man, divers new enormities were sprung up amongst
the people for the which no law was made to reform the same, he
said, was the very cause why, at this time, the King had sum-
moned his High Court of Parliament. He resembled the King to
a shepherd or herdsman also for this cause ; if a King is esteemed
only for his riches, he is but a rich man ; if for his honour, he is
but an honourable man ; but compare him to the multitude of his
people and the number of his flock, then he is a ruler, a governor
of might and power ; so that his people maketh him a prince, as
of the multitude of sheep cometh the name of a shepherd. And
as you see that amongst a great flock of sheep some be rotten and
• 1 Pari. Hist. 491.
542
REIGN OP HENRY VIII.
CHAP, faulty, which the good shepherd sendeth from the sound sheep, so
XXXII. |.}jg great wether which is late fallen, as you all know, juggled
with the King so craftily, scabbedly, and untruly, that all men
must think that he imagined himself that the King had no sense to
perceive his crafty doings, or presumed that he would not see or
understand his fraudulent juggling and attempts. But he was de-
ceived ; for his Grace's sight was so quick and penetrable, that he
not only saw him but saw through him, both within and without ;
so that he was entirely open to him. According to his desert, he
hath had a gentle correction ; which small punishment the King
would not should be an example to other offenders ; but openly
declareth that whosoever hereafter shall make the like attempt,
or commit the like offences, shall not escape with the like punish-
ment." *
It must be confessed that he does not here mention his
predecessor with the same generosity and good taste as in his
inaugural discourse in the Court of Chancery, but he might
feel obliged to consult the feelings of those whom he ad-
dressed, particularly the members of the Upper House, to
whom the Ex-chancellor's name was most odious, and who
were impatient to see a severe sentence pronounced upon
him.
Prosecu- gjj, Thomas Audley, the future Lord Chancellor, being
tion of . . ,
Woisey not elected Speaker, the business of the session began by the
creditable appointment of a committee, of which Lord Chancellor More
was chairman, to prepare articles of charge against Woisey.
It is a curious fact, that the two Chief Justices, Fitzherbert
and Fitzjames, were called in to serve on this committee, and
signed the articles. These, to the number of forty-four,
were immediately agreed to by the House of Lords, and sent
down to the Commons. I have already observed that, con-
sidering how many of these articles were frivolous or were
unfounded in fact, and that Wolsey's violations of the law
and constitution by raising taxes without the authority of
parliament, and other excesses of the prerogative, were en-
tirely passed over, the proceeding is not very creditable to
the memory of Sir Thomas More ; and seeing the subsequent
fate of the accusation in the other House, we cannot help
* 1 Pari. Hist. 490.
SIR THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR. 543
suspecting that he was privy to a scheme for withdrawing CHAP.
Wolsey from the judgment of parliament, and leaving him
entirely at the mercy of his arbitrary master. 1529—
We must give praise to the Chancellor, however, for having i532.
suggested several statutes, which were now passed, to put passed,
down extortion on the probate of wills *, and in the demands
for mortuaries f, and to prevent clerical persons from engaging
in trade. J Other ecclesiastical reforms were loudly called for,
but he did not venture to countenance them; and, to his
great relief, on the 17th of December, the session was closed.
Not being a member of the House, he did not openly take any
part in the debates, but he was named on committees, and the
proceedings of the Lords were entirely governed by him.
He had now leisure to attend to the business of Chancery. Admirable
Notwithstanding the great abilities of Wolsey as a Judge, j^j^^^J^^^
abuses had multiplied and strengthened during his adminis- Chancery,
tration, and a very loud cry arose for equity reform. To
the intolerable vexation of the subject, writs of subpoena had
been granted on payment of the fees, without any examin-
ation as to whether there were any probable cause for involv-
ing innocent individuals in a Chancery suit ; a heavy arrear
of causes stood for adjudication, some of which were said to
have been depending for twenty years ; and the general say-
ing went, that " no one could hope for a favourable judgment
unless his fingers were tipt with gold ; " — which probably
arose, not from the bribes received directly by the Chancellor
himself, but from the excessive fees and gratuities demanded
by his officers and servants.
The new Chancellor began by an order that " no subpoena
should issue till a bill had been filed, signed by the attorney ;
and, he himself having perused it, had granted a fiat for the
commencement of the suit."
It is related that, acting under this order, he showed his Anecdote,
characteristic love of justice and jesting. When he had ^*i°Tovf of
perused a very foolish bill, signed " A. Tubbe," he wrote justice and
immediately above the signature the words " A Tale of." ^^^ '"°'
The luckless attorney being told that the Lord Chancellor
* 21 Hen. 8. c. 5. f Ibid. c. 6. t Ibid. c. 13.
544
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXII.
1529—
1532.
His dilU
gence.
llemon-
strance of
son-in-law
against his
impar-
tiality.
had approved his bill, carried it joyfully to his client, who,
reading it, discovered the gibe. *
Having heard causes in the forenoon between eight and
eleven, — after dinner he sat in an open hall, and received the
petitions of all who chose to come before him ; examining
their cases, and giving them redress where it was in his
power, according to law and good conscience ; and " the
poorer and the meaner the suppliant was, the more affably
he would speak unto him, the more heartily he would hearken
to his cause, and, with speedy trial, despatch him." f This
was looked upon as a great contrast to the demeanour of the
haughty Cardinal.
The present Chancellor not only himself refused all cor-
rupt offers that were made to him, but took effectual measures
to prevent any one dependent upon him, or connected with
him, from interfering improperly with the even march of
justice. This rigour called forth a remonstrance from his
son-in-law, Dancey, who, on a time, merrily said unto him :
" When Cardinal Wolsey was Lord Chancellor, not only
divers of his Privy Chamber, but such also as were his door-
keepers, got great gains by him ; and sith I have married one
of your daughters, I might of reason look for some com-
modity ; but you are so ready to do for every poor man, and
keep no doors shut, that I can find no gains at all, which is to
me a great discouragement ; whereas else, some for friend-
ship, some for profit, and some for kindred, would gladly use
my furtherance to bring them to your presence ; and now, if
I should take any thing of them, I should do them great
wrong, because they may daily do as much for themselves ;
which thing, though it is in you, sir, very commendable,
yet to me I find it nothing profitable." The first part
of the Chancellor's answer can only be accounted for by
supposing that he wished not only to mollify, but to
mystify his son-in-law; or, that such practices as would
now be matter of severe censure or impeachment, were then
considered praiseworthy by the most virtuous: he winds
up, in a manner to convince us, that in no particular.
* More, 182.
t Ibid, 178.
i
SIE THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR. 545
however small, would he hare swerved from what he con- chap.
sidered right : " I do not mislike, son, that your conscience
is so scrupulous * ; but there be many other ways wherein I 1529—
may both do yourself good, and pleasure your friends ; for 1^32.
sometime, by my word, I may stand your friend in stead ;
sometime I may help him greatly by my letter ; if he hath
a cause depending before me, I may hear it before another,
at your entreaty ; if his cause he not all the best, I may
move the parties to fall to some reasonable end by arbitrament.
But this one thing I assure thee, on my faith, that if the
parties will at my hands call for justice and equity, then,
although it were my father, whom I reverence dearly, that
stood on the one side, and the devil, whom I hate extremely,
were on the other side, his cause being just, the devil of me
should have his right." f
Of this stern impartiality he soon after gave a practical Decree
proof ; for another son-in-law. Heron, having a suit depending sf,^!in.iaw.
before him, and refusing to agree to any reasonable accom-
modation, because the Judge was the most affectionate father
to his children that ever was in the world, " then made he,
in conclusion, a flat decree against him." J
He was cautious in granting injunctions, yet granted and Hisprac-
maintained them with firmness where he thought that justice injunctions,
required his interference with the judgments of the Courts of
common law. Differing from Lord Bacon in the next age,
he was of opinion that law and equity might be bene-
ficially administered by the same tribunal, and he made an
effort to induce the common-law Judges to relax the rigour
of their rules, with a view to meet the justice of particular
cases; but, not succeeding in this, he resolutely examined
their proceedings, and stayed trials and executions wherever
it seemed to him that wrong would be done from their refusal
to remedy the effects of accident, to enforce the performance
of trusts, or to prevent secret frauds from being profitable to
the parties concerned in them.
These injunctions issued, however cautiously, from the Grumbling
Court of Chancery, having on the other side of the Hall ° " ^^^'
• That is, not taking a bribe when he could do no service for it.
t More, 179. \ Ibid. 180.
VOL. I. N N
546
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXII.
1529—
1532.
Dinner to
the Judges.
His offer
to them
about in-
junctions.
His criti-
cism on
Judges.
caused much grumbling, which reached the ears of the Chan-
cellor, through Roper, his son-in-law and biographer, — " there-
upon caused he one Master Crooke, chief of the Six Clerks,
to make a docket, containing the whole number and causes of
all such injunctions, as either in his time had already passed,
or at that present depended, in any of the King's Courts at
Westminster, before him. Which done, he invited all the
Judges to dine with him in the Council Chamber at West-
minster ; where, after dinner, when he had broken with them
what complaints he had heard of his injunctions, and more-
over showed them both the number and causes of every one
of them, in order so plainly, that upon full debating of those
matters they were all enforced to confess that they, in like
case, could have done no otherwise themselves."* At this
same compotation, he again offered, " that if the Justices of
every Court unto whom the reformation of the rigour of the
law, by reason of their office, most especially appertained,
would, upon reasonable considerations, by their own dis-
cretions (as they were as he thought in conscience bound),
mitigate and reform the rigour of the law themselves, there
should, from thenceforth, by him no more injunctions be
granted." They still refusing, he said to them, " Forasmuch
as yourselves, my Lords, drive me to that necessity for award-
ing out injunctions to relieve the people's injury, you cannot
hereafter any more justly blame me.'.' f
When these reverend sages had swallowed a proper allow-
ance of Gascony wine, and taken their departure, the Chan-
cellor intimated to Roper his private opinion that they were
not guided by principle, and merely wished to avoid trouble
and responsibility. " I perceive, son, why they like not so
to do. For they see that they may, by the verdict of the
jury, cast off all quarrels from themselves, and therefore am
I compelled to abide the adventure of all such reports." J
• Roper, 42. f Ibid.
\ Ibid. 43. I know not whether the art had been then invented which is
said in later times to have been occasionally practised by Judges for the purpose
of "casting off quarrels," i.e. avoiding bills of exceptions and motions for new
trials, — of deciding fact themselves, and leaving the law to the jury, — or of
mixing up the law and the fact so ingeniously as to render it difficult at the
trial to discover what the direction to the jury was, and afterwards very easy
for the Judges to give any convenient representation of it.
SIR THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR.
547
The commissions for hearins: causes issued in Wolsey's CHAP.
XXXII
time were not renewed, and very little assistance was re- ^
quired from Taylor, the Master of the Rolls ; yet the Chan- 1529—
cellor himself, from his assiduity, quickness, and early ex- ^p^
perience as a judge, in the course of a few terms, completely despatch,
subdued all the arrears, and during the rest of his Chan-
cellorship every cause was decided as soon as it was ripe for
hearing. Nor did he acquire a reputation for despatch by
referring every thing to the Master, but, on the contrary,
" he used to examine all matters that came before him, like
an arbitrator ; and he patiently worked them out himself to
a final decree, which he drew and signed."*
One morning before the end of term, having got through Entry on
his paper, he was told by the officers that there was not J^^^^ J^^^j^
another cause or petition to be set down before him ; where- no arrears
upon, with a justifiable vanity, he ordered the fact to be CQu^t ^f
entered of record, as it had never happened before; — and Chancery.
a prophecy was then uttered which has been fully verified :
" When More some time had Chancellor been,
No more suits did remain ;
The same shall never more be seen,
Till More be there again."
But there is no circumstance during his Chancellorship Daily re-
that aflfects our imagination so much, or gives us such a father's '*
lively notion of the manners of the times, as his demeanour blessing in
to his father. Sir John More, now near ninety years of age, of^jng's
was hale in body and sound in understanding, and continued Bench,
vigorously to perform the duties of senior puisne Judge in
the Court of King's Bench. Every day during term time,
before the Chancellor began business in his own Court, he
went into the Court of King's Bench, and, kneeling before
his father, asked and received his blessing, f So if they met
together at readings in Lincoln's Inn, notwithstanding his
high office, he offered the pre-eminence in argument to his
father, though, from a regard to judicial subordination, this
oflfer was always refused.
* Roper, 44.
f I am old enough to remember that when the Chancellor left his Court, if
the Court of King's Bench was sitting, a curtain was drawn, and bows were
exchanged between him and the Judges, so that I can easily picture to myself
the " blessing scene " between the father and son.
M N 2
548 REIGN OF HENBY VIII.
CHAP. In about a year after Sir Thomas's elevation, the old Judge
* was seized with a mortal illness — (as it was supposed) from a
1529— surfeit of grapes. *' The Chancellor, for the better declara-
1 532. tion of his natural affection towards his father, not only while
death. be lay on his death-bed, according to his duty, ofttimes with
kindly words came to visit him, but also, at his departure out
of the world, with tears taking him about the neck, most
lovingly kissed and embraced him, commending his soul into
the merciful hands of Almighty God." *
Simplicity Instead of imitating Wolsey's crosses, pillars, and poll-
habits, axes. More was eager to retreat into privacy, and even in
public to comport himself with all possible simplicity. On
Sundays, while he was Lord Chancellor, instead of marching
with great parade through the city of London to outrival
While ii^Q nobles at the court at Greenwich, he walked with his
on Sundays family to the parish church at Chelsea, and there, putting on
walked to ^ surplicc, sung with the choristers at matins and high mass.
church and r ^ o o ^
sang among It happened one day that the Duke of Norfolk, coming to
Chelsea to dine with him, found him at church, with a sur-
plice on his back, singing. As they walked homeward to-
gether arm in arm, after service, the Duke said, " God's
body ! God's body ! My Lord Chancellor a parish clerk !
a parish clerk ! You dishonour the King and his office."
*' Nay," quoth he, smiling ; " your Grace may not think
that the King, your master and mine, will, with me, for
serving his Master, be offended, or thereby account his office
dishonoured."!
In religious processions he would himself carry the cross ;
and in " Rogation Week," when they were very long, and he
had to follow those who carried the rood round the parish,
being counselled to use a horse for his dignity, he would
answer, " It beseemeth not the servant to follow his master
prancing on cockhorse, his master going on foot."
His judg- After diligently searching the books, I find the report of
great case^^ ^'^^^ °^® judgment which he pronounced during his chancel-
ot " The lorship, and this I shall give in the words of the reporter : —
Little
Dog." " It happened on a time that a beggar-woman's little dog, which
* More, 184. f Roper, 49.
the cho-
risters.
SIR THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR. 549
she had lost, was presented for a jewel to Lady More, and she had CHAP,
kept it some se'nnight very carefully ; but at last the beggar had ■^^■^^l-
notice where the dog was, and presently she came to complain to
Sir Thomas, as he was sitting in his hall, that his lady withheld 1532.
her dog from her. Presently my Lady was sent for, and the dog
brought with her ; which Sir Thomas, taking in his hands, caused
his wife, because 'she was the worthier person, to stand at the
upper end of the hall, and the beggar at the lower end, and saying
that he sat there to do every one justice, he bade each of them call
the dog ; which, when they did, the dog went presently to the beg-
gar, forsaking my Lady. When he saw this, he bade my Lady be
contented, for it was none of hers ; yet she, repining at the sen-
tence of my Lord Chancellor, agreed with the beggar, and gave
her a piece of gold, which would well have bought three dogs, and
so all parties were agreed ; every one smiling to see his manner of
inquiring out the truth."*
It must be acknowledged that Solomon himself could not
have heard and determined the case more wisely or equitably.f
But a grave charge has been brought against the conduct cimrge of
of More while Chancellor, — that he was a cruel and even g^heretics"
bloody persecutor of the Lutherans. This is chiefly founded
on a story told by Fox, the Martyrologist — " that Burnham,
a reformer, was carried out of the Middle Temple to the
Chancellor's house at Chelsea, where he continued in free
prison awhile, till the time that Sir Thomas More saw that
he could not prevail in perverting of him to his sect. Then
he cast him into prison in his own house, and whipped him
at the tree in his garden called ' the tree of Troth^ and after
sent him to the Tower to be racked." | Burnet and other
very zealous Protestants have likewise countenanced the sup-
position that More's house was really converted into a sort of
prison of the Inquisition, he himself being the Grand In-
quisitor ; and that there was a tree in his grounds where the
Reformers so often underwent flagellation under his superin-
tendence, that it acquired the appellation of " the tree of
Trothy But let us hear what is said on this subject by
• More, 121.
f For some cases in pari materia, vid. Rep. Barat. Tem. Sanch. Pan.
\ Mart. vol. ii. Hist. Reform, vol. iii. " When More was raised to the
cliief in the ministry, he became a persecutor even to blood, and defiled those
hands which were never polluted with bribes."
N N 3
1532.
550 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP. More himself — allowed on all hands (however erroneous his
XXXII . • . . .
opinions on religion) to have been the most sincere, candid,
1529— aiid truthful of men : —
" Divers of them have said, that of such as were in my house
when I was Chancellor, I used to examine them with torments,
causing them to be bound to a tree in my garden, and there
piteously beaten. Except their sure keeping, I never else did
cause any such thing to be done unto any of the heretics in all my
life, except only twain : one was a child, and a servant of mine in
mine own house, whom his father, ere he came to me, had nursed
up in such matters, and set him to attend upon George Jay. This
Jay did teach the child his ungracious heresy against the blessed
sacrament of the altar ; which heresy this child, in my house, be-
gan to teach another child. And upon that point I caused a ser-
vant of mine to strip him, like a child, before mine household,
for amendment of himself and ensample of others. Another was
one who, after he had fallen into these frantic heresies, soon fell
into plain open frenzy ; albeit that he had been in Bedlam, and
afterwards, by beating and correction, gathered his remembrance.
Being therefore set at liberty, his old frensies fell again into his
head. Being informed of his relapse, I caused him to be taken by
the constables, and bounden to a tree in the street, before the
whole town, and there striped him till he waxed weary. Verily,
God be thanked, I hear no harm of him now. And of all who ever
came in my hand for heresy, as help me God, else had never any
of them any stripe or stroke given them, so much as a fillip in the
forehead." *
We must come to the conclusion that persons accused of
heresy were confined in his house, though not treated with
cruelty, and that the supposed tortures consisted in flogging
one naughty boy, and administering stripes to one maniac,
according to the received notion of the times, as a cure for
his malady. t The truth is, that More, though in his youth
he had been a warm friend to religious toleration, and in his
" Utopia" he had published opinions on this subject rather
latitudinarian, at last, alarmed by the progress of the Reform-
* Apology, c. 36. English Works, 902.
•f At the Common Law moderate chastisement of a servant might be justi-
fied,— and to an action of assault, battery, and false imprisonment, it was a good
plea " that the plaintiff, being a lunatic, the defendant arrested him, confined
him, and whipped him."
SIR THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR. 551
ation, and shocked by the excesses of some of its votaries in chap.
Germany, became convinced of the expediency of uniformity
of faith, or, at least, conformity in religious observances ; j^gg
but he never strained or rigorously enforced the laws against 1532.
Lollardy. " It is," says Erasmus, '* a sufficient proof of his
clemency, that while he was Chancellor no man was put to
death for these pestilent dogmas, while so many, at the same
period, suffered for them in France, Germany, and the
Netherlands."* That he was present at the examination of
heretics before the Council, and concurred in subjecting them
to confinement, cannot be denied; for such was the law,
which he willingly obeyed f ; but we ought rather to wonder
at his moderation in an age when the leaders of each sect
thought they were bound in duty to Heaven to persecute the
votaries of every other. It was not till More had retired
from office, and was succeeded by the pliant and inhuman
Audley, that heresy was made high treason, and the scaffold
flowed with innocent blood.
But More's great stumbling block — which he encountered Difficulty
on entering into office, and which caused his fall — was the King's
divorce. The suit had been evoked before Clement VII. "^i^orce.
himself at Rome, and there it made no progress, the only
object of his Holiness being delay, that he might not offend
the Emperor on the one hand, nor, on the other, tempt
Henry to set the Papal supremacy at defiance.
The first expedient resorted to, with More's concurrence. Opinion of
, . V • • n n • XT ' • • II t^*^ Umver-
was to obtain the opinions or foreign Universities, as well as sities.
Oxford and Cambridge, against the legality of a marriage
between a man and his brother's widow, the first marriage
having been consummated! ; and, under the title of fees or
honoraries, large bribes were offered for a favourable answer.
Bologna, Padua, Ferrara, and other Italian Universities re-
sponded to Henry's wishes ; but he met with no success in
• Erasm. Ep.
f He did not disguise his earnest wish to put down the new doctrines in reli-
gion. Thus in the epitaph which he wrote for his own tomb, he describes him-
self as " furibus, homicidis, hcereticisque molestus;" and afterwards, in writing to
Erasmus, he justifies this expression : " Quod in epitaphio profiteer hcereticis me
molestum fuisse, ambitiose feci,"
X This fact was introduced by Henry into his case, but was strenuously
denied by Catherine.
H N 4
552
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP. Germany, where the influence of the Emperor was felt, and
XXXIL
Luther had his revenge of " The Defender of the
Faith," by declaring, " that it would be more lawful for the
King to have two wives at the same time than to separate
from Catherine for the purpose of marrying another woman."*
From France the opinions were divided. Thus the hope of
influencing Clement by the universal voice of the Christian
world was abandoned.
July, 1530. The next experiment, in which More joined, was a letter
to the Pope, subscribed by the Lords spiritual and temporal,
and certain distinguished Commoners, in the name of the
whole nation, complaining in forcible terms of Clement's par-
tiality and tergiversation. " The kingdom was threatened
with the calamities of a disputed succession, which could be
averted only by the King being enabled to contract a lawful
marriage ; yet the celebration of such a marriage was pre-
vented by the effectual delays and undue bias of the Pontiff.
Nothing remained but to apply the remedy without his in-
terference. This was admitted to be an evil, but it would
prove a less evil than the precarious and perilous situation in
which England was now placed, "f
Clement mildly and plausibly replied to this threat, that
the danger of a disputed succession in England would be
augmented by proceedings contrary to right and justice ; that
he was ready to proceed with the cause according to the rules
of the Church ; and that they must not require of him,
through gratitude to man, to violate the immutable com-
mandments of God.
Thomas Cromwell had effectually insinuated himself into
Henry's confidence by his boldness, versatility, and un-
scrupulousness ; and he strongly counselled an immediate
rupture with Rome, which the King resolved upon, unless
Clement should yield to his menaces.
With this view, parliament was assembled. Cromwell had
A.D. 1531.
Thomas
Cromwell,
A parlia
ment,
Feb. 4.
1532.
* Luther had a great leaning towards polygamy, and thought that it would
be better that a priest should be allowed several wives than none at all, and that
the practice of the Patriarchs and Jewish Kings might be safely followed. He
gravely writes on this occasion, " Antequam tale repudium probarem, potius
Regi permitterem alteram reginam quoque dueere, et exeroplo Patrium et
Regum duas simul uxores seu Reginas habere." — Luth. Epist. Halae,
t Herbert, 331.
SIR THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR. 553
SO well managed the elections, that he had a clear majority in CHAP.
the Lower House ready to second his purposes ; and, among
the Peers, no one hazarded any show of resistance. ^ j, J53j^
The plan was to make it apparent to the world, that the Threatened
King had both the courage and the power to throw off all ^^P^^
dependence upon the See of Rome, if such a step should be
necessary for the dissolution of his marriage ; but, at the same
time, not to run the serious hazard to the stability of the
throne and the public tranquillity, which might arise from
shocking the religious feelings of the people, and suddenly
changing an ecclesiastical polity as old as the first introduction
of Christianity into England.
Lord Chancellor More was now in a very difficult dilemma. Perplexity
The great offices to which he had been raised by the King, °^ ^^^^^'
the personal favour hitherto constantly shown to him, and the
natural tendency of his gentle and quiet disposition, combined
to disincline him to resistance against the wishes of his
friendly master. On the other hand, his growing dread and
horror of heresy, with its train of disorders, and his belief that
universal anarchy would be the inevitable result of religious
dissension, made him recoil from designs which were visibly
tending towards disunion with the Roman Pontiff, the centre
of Catholic union, and the supreme magistrate of the spiritual
commonwealth. His opinions, relating to Papal authority,
continued moderate and liberal ; but he strongly thought that
it ought to be respected and upheld as an ancient and vener-
able control on licentious opinions, and that the necessity for
it was more and more evinced by the increasing distractions
in the Continental states, where the Reformation was making
progress. He resolved to temporise as long as possible —
perhaps foreseeing that, if he retired from the King's councils,
all restraint would be at an end, and the dreaded catastrophe
would be precipitated.
He agreed to an Act, which was actually passed, for pre- Act passed
venting appeals to the Court of Rome * ; and other measures f^ "'ll'^'^Jgig
of the same tendency being postponed, he was prevailed upon to Rome.
by the King and Cromwell, at the close of a short session, to
* 24 Hen. 8. c. 12.
554
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXII.
More's
speech to
jiouse of
Commons
on the
divorce,
March 30.
1532.
His dis-
tressed
state of
mind.
go down with twelve spiritual and temporal Peers to the
House of Commons, and there to deliver the following ad-
dress, meant to prepare the world for what might follow : —
" You, of this worshipful House, I am sure you be not so ig-
norant, but you know well that the King, our Sovereign Lord,
hath married his brother's wife ; for she was both wedded and
bedded by his brother Prince Arthur, and therefore you may
surely say that he hath married his brother's wife if this marriage
be good — as so many clerks do doubt. Wherefore the King, like
a virtuous Prince, willing to be satisfied in his conscience, and also
for the surety of his realm, hath with great deliberation consulted
with great clerks, and hath sent my Lord of London, here pre-
sent, to the chief Universities of all Christendom, to know their
opinion and judgment in that behalf. And although the Uni-
versities of Oxford and Cambridge had been sufficient to dis-
cuss the cause, yet they being in his realm, and to avoid all
suspicion of partiality, he hath sent into the realms of France,
Italy, the Pope's dominions, and the Venetians, to know their
judgment in that behalf, which have concluded, written, and
sealed their determinations, according as you shall hear read."
A box was then opened, and many opinions were read — all
on one side, holding the marriage void. Whereupon the
Chancellor said — " Now, you of this Common House may
report in your countries what you have seen and heard, and
then all men shall perceive that the King hath not attempted
this matter of will or pleasure, as some strangers report, but
only for the discharge of his conscience and the security of
the succession of his realm. This is the cause of our repair
hither to you, and now we will depart."* Whoever reads
this address must perceive the Chancellor's great embarrass-
ment and his distressing anxiety to appear to have spoken on
this subject without saying any thing by which he might be
compromised, either with the King or the Church.
His state of mind at this time may be gathered from a
dialogue between him and his son-in-law, who thus relates it :
— " Walking with me along the Thames' side at Chelsea, he
said unto me, * Would to our Lord, son Roper, on condition
that three things were well established in Christendom, I
* 1 Pari. Hist. 515.
SIB THOMAS MORE, LORD CHANCELLOR. 555
were put into a sack, and were presently cast into the CHAP.
Thames.' ' What great things be those, sir,' quoth I, ' that
should move you so to wish ?' * In faith, son, they be these,' ^.j,. 1532.
said he. ' The first is, that whereas the most part of
Christian princes be at mortal war, they were at universal
peace. The second, that where the Church of Christ is at
present sore afflicted with many errors and heresies, it were
well settled in perfect uniformity of religion. The third, that
the matter of the King's marriage were, to the glory of God
and quietness of all parties, brought to a good conclusion.' " *
He had great misgivings as to the progress of the re-
formers, and even anticipated the time when, in England,
those who adhered to the old faith might be denied religious
liberty. " I pray God," said he, " as high as we sit upon the
mountains, treading heretics under our feet Hke ants, live not
the day that we gladly would wish to be at league and com-
position with them to let them have their churches, so that
they would be contented to let us have ours quietly."
. After the prorogation of parliament, he enjoyed a little Scene with
respite from the divorce ; but being again moved by the King respecU^e
to speed this great matter, he fell down on his knees, and, re- the divorce,
minding Henry of his own words on delivering the Great
Seal to him, " First look upon God, and after God upon me,"
added, that nothing had ever so pained him as that he was
not able to serve his Grace in that matter without a breach
of that original injunction which he had received on the ac-
ceptance of his office. The King affected to promise that he
would accept his service otherwise, and would continue his
favour ; — never with that matter molesting his conscience
afterwards.
But More soon perceived that there was no chance of the
divorce being granted by the court of Rome ; that the King's
marriage with Anne Boleyn would nevertheless be celebrated ;
and that measures were resolved upon Avhich he could not, by
remaining in office, have the appearance of countenancing
without an utter sacrifice of his character.
He therefore made suit, through his " singular good friend
* Roper, 24.
556
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, the Duke of Norfolk," that he might have leave to resign the
Great Seal, — the plea of declining health being urged to
A.D. 1532. soften the King's displeasure. After much hesitation the
He resigns King Consented, and on the 10th day of May, 1532, the ce-
Seal. remony took place at Whitehall, when " it pleased his High-
ness to say to him, that for the good service which he before
had done him, in any suit which he should after have unto him,
that should either concern his honour (for that word it pleased
his Highness to use unto him), or that should appertain unto
his profit, he should not fail to find him a good and gracious
Lord.''^ " But," says his great-grandson, " how true these
words proved let others be judges, when the King not only
not bestowed upon him the value of one penny, but took from
him and his posterity all that ever he had either given him
by himself, or left him by his father, or purchased by him-
self."*
* More, 200. It seems rather strange that the pious biographer should not
have thought it worth while to introduce the chopping off of his ancestor's head
on the most frivolous of pretexts, as an item in the bill of particulars to prove
his Highness's ingratitude and breach of promise.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 557
mode of
announcing
CHAPTER XXXIII.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE FROM HIS RESIGNATION OF THE GREAT
SEAL TILL HIS DEATH.
It is said that the two happiest days of a man's life are the CHAP,
day when he accepts a high office, and the day when he xxiii.
resigns it ; and there can be no doubt that with Sir Thomas ^^ ^^32
More the resignation day was by far the more delightful. He More'shigh
immediately recovered his hilarity and love of jest, and was h^s"esigna-
" himself again." tion*
He had not consulted his wife or his family about resign- Jesting
ing, and he concealed from them the step he had taken till
next day. This was a holiday ; and there being no Court itto his
Circular or Newspaper on the breakfast-table, they all went to
church at Chelsea, as if nothing extraordinary had happened.
** And whereas upon the holydays during his High Chancel-
lorship one of his gentlemen, when the service at the church
was done, ordinarily used to come to my Lady his wife's
pew-door, and say unto her ' Madam, my Lord is gone,^
he came into my Lady his wife's pew himself, and making a
low courtesy, said unto her, ' Madam, my Lord is gone,^
which she, imagining to be but one of his jests, as he used
many unto her, he sadly affirmed unto her, that it was true.
This was the way he thought fittest to break the matter unto
his wife, who was full of sorrow to hear it." *
He immediately set about providing for his officers and
servants who were to leave him, and he succeeded in placing
them with bishops and noblemen. His state barge, which
carried him to Westminster Hall and Whitehall, he trans-
ferred, with his eight watermen, to his successor. His Fool, His "Fool."
who must have been a great proficient in jesting, practising
under such a master, he made over to the Lord Mayor of
• Roper, 54.
558
REIGN OP HENRY VIII.
More's
mode of
life in re-
tirement.
CHAP. London, with a stipulation that he should continue to serve
XXXIII
* the office of fool to the Lord Mayor for the time being.*
A.D. 1532. After this he called together all his children and grand-
children who had dwelt with him, and asked their advice
how he might now, in the decay of his ability, bear out the
whole charges of them all, as he gladly would have con-
tinued to do. When they were all silent — " Then wiU I
(said he) show unto you my mind : I have been brought up
at Oxford, at an Inn of Chancery, at Lincoln's Inn, and in
the King's Court, from the lowest degree to the highest ; and
yet have I, in yearly revenues at this present, little left me
above a hundred pounds by the year: so that now, if we
wish to live together, you must be content to be contribu-
taries together. But my counsel is, that we fall not to the
lowest fare first : we will not, therefore, descend to Oxford
fare, nor to the fare of New Inn, but we will begin with
Lincoln's Inn diet, where many right worshipful men, of
great account and good years, do live full well; which, if
we find ourselves the first year not able to maintain, then
will in the next year come down to Oxford fare, where many
great, learned, and ancient fathers and doctors are continually
conversant ; which, if our purses stretch not to maintain
neither, then may we after, with bag and wallet, go a begging
together, hoping that for pity some good folks will give us
Sayings of * " This fool, whose name was Pattison, appears in Holbein's famous picture
Sir Thomas of the More family. One anecdote of him has been often related. When at a
More's fool, dinner at Guildhall, the subject of his old master having refused to take the
oath of supremacy was discussed, the fool exclaimed, ' Why, what aileth him
that he will not swear ? Wherefore should he stick to swear? I have sworn
the oath myself. '"
In the " II Moro," an Italian account of Sir Thomas More, printed at
Florence, and dedicated to Cardinal Pole, there is another anecdote of this
jester, supposed to be related by the Chancellor himself, giving us not a very
exalted notion of the merriment caused by these simpletons. " Yesterday,
while we were dining, Pattison seeing a guest with a very large nose said
' there was one at table who had been trading to the promontory of noses. *
All eyes were turned to the great nose, though we discreetly preserved silence,
that the good man might not be abashed. Pattison, perceiving the mistake he
had made, tried to set himself right, and said, ' He lies who says the gentle-
man's nose is large, for on the faith of a true knight it is rather a small one.'
At this all being inclined to laugh, I made signs for the fool to be turned out
of the room. But Pattison, who boasted that he brought every affair that he
commenced to a happy conclusion, resisted, and placing himself in my seat at
the head of the table said aloud, with my tone and gesture, ' There is one thing
I would have you to know. That gentleman there has not the least bit of nose
on his face.'"
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MOKE. 559
their charity, and at every man's door to sing a Salve CHAP.
Regina, whereby we shall still keep company, and be merry "
together." * ^ ^ a.d. is32.
In those times there were no pensions of 5000Z. a year for
Ex-chancellors, nor sinecures for their sons ; and More might
truly have said —
" Virtute me involve, probamque
Pauperiem sine dote quasro."
He certainly never repented the step he had taken,
although, after severe sufferings, it led him to the scaffold ;
and, but for the persecutions of the tyrant whom he refused
to serve, there can be no doubt that he would have spent
most happily the remainder of his days in the bosom of his
family, ardently engaged in those literary and philosophical
pursuits which professional avocations and official duties had
so often interrupted. He had not treated the law as a mere
trade ; and when the first day of term afterwards came round,
he had no inclination to join in the procession to Westminster
Hall — not participating the feelings of the retired tallow-
chandler, who could not keep away from his old shop on
" melting days.''^ He now experienced the delightful calm which
he describes in his letter of congratulation on the resignation
of Lord Chancellor Warham : —
" I have always esteemed your most reverend fatherhood happy His letter
in your courses, not only when you executed, with great renown *° Arch-
the office of Chancellorship, but also more happy now, when, being Warham.
rid of that great care, you have betaken yourself to a most wished
quietness, the better to live to yourself, and to serve God more
easily ; such a quietness, I say, that is not only more pleasing
than all these troublesome businesses, but also more honourable
far, in my judgment, than all those honours which you there en-
joyed. Wherefore many, and amongst them myself, do applaud
and admire this your act, which proceeded from a mind, I know
not whether more modest in that you would willingly forsake so
magnificent a place, or more heroical in that you would condemn
it, or more innocent in that you feared not to depose yourself from
it ; but, surely, most excellent and prudent it was to do so ; for
which, your rare deed, I cannot utter unto you how I rejoice for
* More, 203.
560
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXII I.
Letter to
Erasmus.
His occu-
pations.
A,D. 1532.
King's
marriage
with Anne
Boleyn.
your sake, and how much I congratulate you for it, sseing your
fatherhood to enjoy so honourable a fame, and to have obtained
so rare a glory, by sequestering yourself far from all worldly
businesses, from all tumults of causes, and to bestow the rest of
your days, with a peaceable conscience for all your life past, in
a quiet calmness, giving yourself wholly to your book, and to
true Christian philosophy." *
"Writing now to Erasmus, he says that " he himself had
obtained what, from a child, he had continually wished —
that, being freed from business and public affairs, he might
live for a time only to God and himself."
Accordingly, he passed the first year of his retirement in
reviving his recollection of favourite authors, in bringing up
his acquaintance with the advancing literature of the day, in
retouching his own writings, and planning new works for the
further increase of his fame and the good of his fellow-crea-
tures. His happiness was only alloyed by witnessing the
measures in progress under his successor and Cromwell,
which he had the sagacity to foresee would soon lead to others
more violent and more mischievous.
The threats to break off all intercourse with Rome having
proved ineffectual, it was at last openly resolved to carry
them into effect, and, without any divorce from Catherine by
the Pope's authority, that the King should marry Anne
Boleyn. In September, 1532, she was created Marchioness
of Pembroke, and, notwithstanding the gallant defence of
Burnet and other zealous Protestants, who think that the
credit of the Reformation depends upon her purity, it seems
probable that Queen Catherine, having been banished from
Court, and taken up her abode at Ampthill, Anne, in the
prospect of the performance of the ceremony, had, after a
resistance of nearly six years, consented to live with Henry
as his wife-t On the 25th of January, 1533, she being then
in a state of pregnancy, they were privately married. }
* More, 207.
t I must be allowed to say that I consider still more absurd the attempts of
Romish zealots to make her out to have been a female of abandoned character
from her early youth. See Lingard, vol. vi. ch. iii.
\ An attempt has been made to show a marriage on the 1 4th Nov. 1532, nine
months before the birth of Queen Elizabeth, which happened on the 7th Sept.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 561
The marriage was kept secret till Easter following, when CHAP.
. XXXIII.
she was declared Queen, and orders were given for her coro- |
nation.* a.d, 15S3.
The troubles of the Ex-chancellor now began. To give More re-
countenance to the ceremony, he was invited to be present by ^"^^^^^^j®
three Bishops as the King's messengers, who likewise offered her coro-
him 20/. to buy a dress suitable to the occasion. He declined "^***>°-
the invitation, and thereby gave mortal offence to the new
Queen, who ever afterwards urged violent proceedings against
him. But instead of considering him disloyal or morose, we
ought rather to condemn the base servility of the clergy and
nobility who yielded to every caprice of the tyrant under
whom they trembled, and now heedlessly acquiesced in a
measure which might have been the cause of a civil war as
bloody as that between the houses of York and Lancaster.
There had as yet been no sentence of divorce, nor act of par-
liament, to dissolve Henry's first marriage ; all lawyers, in
all countries, agreed that it was valid till set aside by com-
petent authority ; and the best lawyers were then of the
opinion, at which I believe those most competent to consider
the question have since arrived, that even upon the supposi-
tion of the consummation of Catherine's marriage with Arthur,
(which she, a most sincere and pious lady, always solemnly
denied, and which Henry when she appealed to him f did not
venture to assert,) the marriage was absolutely valid, — as,
according to the then existing law, the Pope's dispensation
was sufficient to remove the objection of affinity ; and there
is no ground for saying that the Pope, in granting the dispen-
sation, exceeded his powers by expressly violating any divine
precept. Little weight is to be attributed to the divorce
pronounced by Cranmer, holding his court at Dunstable,
whether Catherine appeared in it or not ; for there was
another suit for the same cause, which had been regularly
1533 ; but this is disproved by the testimony of Cranmer himself. See
1 Hallam's Const. Hist, p 84.
* It is curious that Shakspeare, living so near the time, places the marriage
and coronation of Anne in the lifetime of Cardinal Wolsey, who died three
years before ; but the dramatist is not more inaccurate as to dates than most
of our prose historians of that period. — See Hen. VIII. act iv.
\ " De integritate corporis usque ad secundas nuptias servata."
VOL. I. O O
562
EEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIII.
A.D. 1534.
Summoned
before
Privy
Council on
charge of
bribery.
April,
1534.
commenced in England before Wolsey and Campeggio, still
pending at Rome. But all doubt as to the legitimacy of
Elizabeth was removed, not only by a subsequent marriage
between her parents after Cranmer's divorce, and a judgment
by him that their marriage was valid, but by an act of the
legislature *, which in our country has always been su--
preme, notwithstanding any opposition of bishops, popes, or
councils.
The first attempt to wreak vengeance on More for his
obstinacy, was by summoning him before the Privy Council
to answer a charge of having been guilty of bribery while he
was Lord Chancellor. One Parnell was induced to complain
of a decree obtained against him by his adversary Vaughan,
whose wife, it was alleged, had bribed the Chancellor with a
gilt cup. The accused party surprised the Council at first by
owning that " he had received the cup as a new-year's gift."
Lord Wiltshire, the King's father-in-law, indecently but pre-
maturely exulted, " Lo ! did I not tell you, my Lords, that
you would find this matter true ? " " But, my Lords," re-
plied More, " hear the other part of my tale. After having
drunk to her of wine, with which my butler had filled the
cup, and when she had pledged me, I restored it to her, and
would listen to no refusal." f
The only other cases of bribery brought forward against
him were, his acceptance of a gilt cup from a suitor of the
name of Gresham, after he had given Gresham a cup of greater
value for it in exchange ; and his acceptance from a Mrs.
Croker for whom he had made a decree against Lord Arundel,
of a pair of gloves, in which were contained 401. in angels ;
but he had told her with a smile, that though it were ill
manners to refuse a lady's present, and he should keep the
gloves, he must return the gold, which he forced her to carry
back. X
The next proceeding against him, equally without found-
ation, wore a more alarming aspect ; and, at one time, seemed
fraught with destruction to him. A bill was introduced into
parliament to attaint of high treason Elizabeth Barton, a
• 25 Hen. 8. c, 22.
^ Ibid. 222.
t More, 221.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MOKE. 563
woman commonly called " the Holy Maid of Kent," and her CHAP.
associates, upon the suggestion, that, under pretence of re-
velations and miracles, she had spoken disrespectfully of the ^p. 1534.
King, and insisted that Catherine was still his lawful wife. Accused of
She had obtained a great reputation for piety ; and some the affair of
sensible men of that age were inclined to think, that super- ^^ ^*"^ °^
natural gifts were conferred upon her by heaven. Among
these were Archbishop Warham, Fisher, Bishop of Ro-
chester, and, probably. Sir Thomas More.* Being in the
convent at Sion, More was prevailed upon to see and con-
verse with her there ; but he most studiously prevented her
from saying a word to him about the King's divorce, the
King's marriage, or the King's supremacy, or any such sub-
ject. However, this interview being reported at Court,
More's name was introduced into the bill of attainder as an
accomplice ; not with the intention at first of making him a
sacrifice, but in the expectation that, under the impending
peril, his constancy would yield. He begged to be heard, to
make his defence against the bill openly at the bar ; but this
proposal raised great alarm from his legal knowledge and his
eloquence, and the influence of his name. It was resolved,
therefore, that he should only be heard privately before a
committee named by the King, consisting of Cranmer, the
new Archbishop, Audley, the new Chancellor, the Duke of
Norfolk, and Cromwell.
When he came before them, in respect of the high office He is heard
he had filled, they received him courteously, requesting him
to sit down with them; but this he would on no account
consent to. Having got him among them, instead of dis-
cussing his guilt or innocence, on the charge of treason made
against him by the bill of attainder, they tried to make a
convert of him to the King's views. They began quietly —
telling him how many ways the King's Majesty had showed
his love and favour towards him — how gladly he would have
had him continue in his office — how desirous he was to have
* We need not wonder at the credulity of the most eminent men of that age'
when in our own day a nobleman, distinguished by his talents and his eloquence>
as well as by his illustrious birth, has published a pamphlet to support two con-
temporaneous miraculous maids, the " Estatica" and the " Adolorata."
o o 2
before a
committee.
564
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIII.
A.D. 1534.
Threats
used. His
constancy.
History of
Henry's
treatise
against
Luther.
heaped still more aiid more benefits upon him — and, finally,
that he could ask no worldly honour or profit at his High-
ness's hands but that he should obtain it, so that he would
add his consent to that which the King, the Parliament, the
Bishops, and many Universities had pronounced for reason
and scripture.
The Ex-chancellor fully admitted the many obligations the
King had laid upon him : but mildly observed, that he hoped
never to have heard of this matter any more, as his Highness,
like a gracious Prince, knowing his mind therein, had pro-
mised no more to molest him therewith ; since which time, he
had seen no reason to change ; and if he could, there was no
one in the whole world would be more joyful.
Seeing that persuasion would not move him, " then began
they more terribly to threaten him; saying, the King's Ma-
jesty had given them in command expressly, if they could by
no gentle means win him, they should, in his name, with
great indignation charge him, that never there was servant
so villanous to his Sovereign, nor any subject so traitorous to
his Prince, as he." — And what was this terrible accusation?
— that More had provoked the King to set forth the book
on the seven sacraments, and the maintenance of the Pope's
authority, — whereby the title of " Defender of the Faith"
had been gained, but in reality a sword had been put into the
Pope's hand to fight against him, to his great dishonour in all
parts of Christendom.
His answer lets us curiously into the secret history of
Henry's refutation of Luther. " My Lords," answered he,
" these terrors be frights for children, and not for me : but
to answer that wherewith you chiefly burthen me, I believe
the King's Highness, of his honour, will never lay that book
to my charge ; for there is none that can, in that point, say
more for my clearance than himself, who right well knoweth
that I never was procurer, promoter, nor counsellor of his
Majesty thereunto ; only after it was finished, by his Grace's
appointment, and the consent of the makers of the same.
I only sorted out, and placed in order, the principal matters
therein; wherein, when I had found the Pope's authority
highly advanced, and with strange arguments mightily de-
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 565
fended, I said thus to his grace : * I must put your Hio-hness CHAP.
. f J o XXXIII
in mind of one thing — the Pope, as your Majesty well *
knoweth, is a prince, as you are, in league with all other ^^ j,. 1534.
Christian princes : it may hereafter fall out that your Grace
and he may vary upon some points of the league, whereupon
may grow breach of amity between you both; therefore I
think it best that place be amended, and his authority more
slenderly touched.' ' Nay,' said the King, ' that shall it not ;
we are so much bound to the See of Rome, that we cannot
do too much honour unto it. Whatsoever impediment be to
the contrary, we will set forth that authority to the utter-
most ; for we have received from that See our Crown im-
perial ! ' which till his Grace with his own mouth so told me,
I never heard before. Which things well considered, I trust
when his Majesty shall be truly informed thereof, and call to
his gracious remembrance my sayings and doings in that
behalf, his Highness will never speak more of it, but will
clear me himself." Thereupon they, with great displeasure,
dismissed him ; and knowing whom. In the defence of his in-
nocence, he taunted and defied, he well knew the price he
was to pay for his boldness.*
Nevertheless, he was in high spirits, and taking boat for More's joy
Chelsea, his son-in-law, Eoper, who accompanied him, be- ^jj^"if"ui
lieved, from his merriment by the way, that his name had to act with
been struck out of the bill. When they were landed, and *^°"''^S^'
walking in the garden. Roper said, " I trust, sir, all is well,
you are so merry." " It Is so, indeed, son, thank God."
" Are you, then, sir, put out of the bill ?" " Wouldest thou
know, son, why I am so joyful ? In good faith I rejoice that
I have given the devil a foul fall ; because I have with those
Lords gone so far, that without great shame I can never go
hack.''^ This heartfelt exultation at having, after a struggle
to which he felt the weakness of human nature might have
been unequal, gained the victory In his own mind, and,
though with the almost certain sacrifice of life, made it im-
possible to resile, — bestows a greatness on these simple
• More, 225.
o o 3
566 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, and familiar words which belongs to few uninspired sayings
XXXTIT • J. ./ o
in ancient or modern times.*
AD 1534. ^^^ result of the conference with the four councillors
being reported by them to Henry, he flew into a transport of
rage, swore that More should be included in the attainder,
and said, when the bill was to be discussed, he himself should
be personally present to ensure its passing. They then all
dropped down on their knees before him, and implored him to
forbear; for if, sitting on the throne, he should receive an
overthrow, it would not only encourage his subjects ever after
to contemn him, but also redound to his dishonour among
foreign nations — adding, that " they doubted not they should
find a more meet occasion to serve his turn, for that in this
case of the Nun he was well known to be clearly innocent."
He escapes Henry was obliged to yield, and once in his reign his thirst
for blood was not immediately gratified.
Cromwell having next day informed Roper that his father-
in-law was put out of the bill, this intelligence reached More
himself by the lips of his favourite daughter, when he calmly
said, "In faith, Meg, quod differtur non aufertur, — what is
postponed is not abandoned."
Attempts A few days afterwards the Duke of Norfolk made a last
Wmsubmlt. attempt upon him, saying, " By the mass. Master More,
it is perilous striving with princes ; therefore I could wish
you, as a friend, to incline to the King's pleasure, for, by
God's body. Master More, indignatio principis mors est.^^
" Is that all ? " said Sir Thomas; " why then there is no more
difference between your Grace and me, but that I shall die
to-day and you to-morrow." Norfolk, it is well known, was
attainted, ordered for execution, and only saved by Henry's
death.
Jhec^Te". ^^^ More's other prophecy of the same sort was literally
specting fulfilled. Having asked his daughter Roper how the world
Anne Bo- ^g^^^ ^^^j j^^^ Queen Anne did, « In faith, father," said she,
" never better ; there is nothing else in the Court but dancing
and sporting." " Never better !" said he. " Alas ! Meg, it
pitieth me to remember unto what misery, poor soul, she will
* More, 228.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 567
shortly come. These dances of hers will prove such dances CHAP.
. . XXXIII
that she will spurn our heads off like footballs ; but it will not '
be long ere her head will dance the like dance."* a.d. 1534.
The policy of Henry and his ministers now was to enforce Oath to the
submission by compelling people to swear to conform to the prelacy"'
new regime^ a course which More had anticipated with ap- required,
prehension when he was told by Roper of the King's mar-
riage and final rupture with Rome, saying, " God give grace,
son, that these matters within a while be not confirmed
with oathsJ'^
The Lord Chancellor, Cranmer, Cromwell, and the Abbot Commis-
of Westminster were appointed commissioners to administer po^^ted^to'
the required oath, drawn up in a form which the law did not administer
then authorise. Statutes had been passed to settle the suc-
cession to the crown on the issue of the King's present
marriage, and to cut off intercourse with Rome by prohibiting
the accustomed payment of first fruits, or Peter's pence, and
forbidding appeals to the Pope or dispensations from him ;
but no statute had passed to constitute the King supreme
Head of the Church, or to annex any penalty to the denial of
his supremacy, f Nevertheless an oath was framed " to bear
faith and true obedience to the King, and the issue of his
present marriage with Queen Anne, to acknowledge him the
Head of the Church of England, and to renounce all obedience
to the Bishop of Rome, as having no more power than any other
bishop.''^
The administration of this oath began a few days after the
Holy Maid of Kent and her associates, under the act of at-
tainder against them, had been hanged and beheaded at
Tyburn; and it was taken very freely by the clergy. It
had not yet been propounded to any layman, and the com~
missioners resolved to begin with Sir Thomas More, knowing
* More. 231.
f All the biographers of More, from Roper downwards, have fallen into a
mistake upon this subject, although they have recorded More's own declaration
that the warrant of his commitment was bad in point of law ; but a reference to
the Statute Book makes the matter clear beyond all question ; for he was com-
mitted to the Tower in April, 1534, and the session of parliament in which the
act of supremacy was passed did not meet till the month of November follow-
ing. 26 H. 8. c. 1.
o o 4
568
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIII.
A.D. 1534.
More sum-
moned
before com-
missioners.
Solemn
departure
from his
house at
Chelsea.
His refusal
to take
oath.
that If he should submit, no farther resistance need be appre-
hended.
For a considerable while he had been expecting a summons
before the inquisitors, and that his family might be alarmed
as little as possible when it should really come, he hired a
man dressed as a poursuivant suddenly to come to his house,
while they sat at dinner, and knocking loudly at his door, to
warn him to appear next day before the commissioners.
They were at first in great consternation; but he soon
relieved them by explaining the jest.
In sad earnest early in the morning of the 13th of April,
1534, the real poursuivant entered the house, and summoned
him to appear before the commissioners that day at Lambeth.
According to his custom when he entered on any matter of
importance, (as when he was first chosen of the Privy Coun-
cil, sent ambassador, chosen Speaker, made Lord Chancellor,
or engaged in any weighty undertaking,) he went to church
" to be confessed, to hear mass, and to be houseled ; " but
from a foreboding mind he could not trust himself to take
leave of his family with his usual marks of affection : "whereas
he evermore used before, at his departure from his wife and
children, whom he tenderly loved, to have them bring him to
his boat, and there to kiss them and bid them all farewell, —
then would he suffer none of them forth of the gate to follow
him, but pulled the wicket after him, and shut them all from
him, and with a heavy heart took boat towards Lambeth."
On his way he whispered into the ear of his son-in-law who
accompanied him, " 1 thank our Lord the field is won," * —
indicating an entire confidence in his own constancy.
Being brought before the commissioners, and the oath
being tendered to him, he referred to the statute and declared
his readiness to swear that he would maintain and defend the
order of succession to the crown, as established by parliament ;
he disclaimed all censure on those who had simply taken the
oath; but it was impossible that he should swear to the
whole contents of it without wounding his conscience. He
was commanded to walk In the garden awhile, and the oath
* More, 70.
LIFE OF SIB THOMAS MORE. 569
was administered to many others. When called in again, CHAP.
the list of those who had taken it was shown to him, and he
was threatened with the King's special displeasure for his re- ^ j^ ^^34^
cusancy without any reason assigned. He answered, that
" his reasons might exasperate the King still more ; but he
would assign them on his Majesty's assurance, that they
should not offend him nor prove dangerous to himself." The
commissioners observed, that such assurances could be no
defence against a legal charge. He oflPered to trust himself
to the King's honour ; but they would listen to no qualifica-
tion or explanation. Cranmer, with some subtlety, argued
that his disclaiming all blame of those who had sworn, showed
that he thought it only doubtful, whether the oath was
unlawful; whereas the obligation to obey the King was
absolutely certain. He might have replied, that an oath on
matter of opinion might be lawfully taken by one man, and
could not be taken without perjury by another ; but he con-
tented himself with repeating his offer to swear to the suc-
cession, and his refusal to go further. Thereupon he was Committed
given in ward to the Abbot of Westminster, in the hope that *° custody
. . . . . . or Abbot
the King might relent. It is said that, a council being held, of West-
the qualified oath would have been accepted had it not been ""^"s*^'"-
that " Queen Anne, by her importunate clamours, did ex-
asperate the King," and at the end of four days, the oath
containing an acknowledgment of the King's supremacy, and
an abjuration of the Bishop of Rome being again tendered
and refused. More was committed close prisoner to the Tower Sent to
of London. Tower.
Having delivered his upper garment as garnish to the April 17.
porter standing at the Traitor's Gate, by which he entered, ^'^ recep-
* ° . tion in the
he was conducted by " Master Lieutenant " to his lodging, Tower,
where he swore John a Wood, his servant appointed to
attend him, " that if he should see or hear him at any time
write or speak any matter against the King or the state of
the realm, he should open it to the Lieutenant, that it might
incontinent be revealed to the CounciL"
The Lieutenant apologising for the poor cheer the place jest on
furnished, his prisoner waggishly answered, " Assure your- *!'** '"^'^^"
570
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIIT.
A.D. 1534.
Interview
with his
daughter.
self I do not mislike my cheer; but whenever I do, then
spare not to thrust me out of your doors."
In about a month he was permitted to receive a visit from
his dearly beloved daughter, whom he tried to comfort by
saying, " I believe, Meg, they that have put me here ween
they have done me a high displeasure ; but, I assure thee on
my faith, mine own good daughter, if it had not been for my
wife, and ye that be my children, I would not have failed,
long ere this, to have closed myself In as straight a room, and
stralghter too. But since I am come hither without mine
own desert, I trust that God, by his goodness, will discharge
me of my care, and, with his gracious help, supply my lack
among you." Having pointed out to her the illegality of his
imprisonment, there being then no statute to authorise the
required oath, he could not refrain from expressing some
indignation against the King's advisers. " And surely,
daughter. It is a great pity that any Christian Prince should,
by a flexible Council ready to follow his affections, and by a
weak clergy, lacking grace constantly to stand to their learn-
ing, with flattery be so shamefully abused."
It unluckily chanced while she was with him on another
occasion, that in their sight Reynolds, the Abbot of Sion,
and three monks of the Charterhouse were marched out for
execution on account of the supremacy. He exclaimed,
" Lo ! dost thou not see, Meg, that these blessed Fathers
be now as cheerfully going to their deaths as bridegrooms to
their marriage;" and he tenderly tried to strengthen her
mind for the like destiny befalling himself. Having con-
ceived, from some expression she used, that she wished him
to yield, he wrote her a letter, rebuking her supposed pur-
pose with the utmost vehemence of affection, and concluding
with an assurance, " that none of the terrible things that
might happen to him touched him so near, or were so griev-
ous to him, as that his dearly beloved child, whose judgment
he so much valued, should labour to persuade him to do what
would be contrary to his conscience." Margaret's reply was
worthy of herself. " She submits reverently to his faithful
and delectable letter, the faithful messenger of his vertuous
mind," and almost rejoices In his victory over all earth-born
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 571
cares. She subscribes herself, "Your own most loving, CHAP.
obedient daughter and bedeswoman, Margaret Roper, who
deslreth, above all earthly things, to be in John Wood's stede, ^ ^ J534
to do you some service."
He had a very different subject to deal with when he visit from
received a visit from his wife, who had leave to see him, in ^^^ ^^^^■
the hope that she might break his constancy. On her en-
trance, like a plain rude woman, and somewhat worldly, she
thus saluted him, " What, the goodyear, Mr. More, I marvel
that you, who have been hitherto always taken for a wise
man, will now so play the fool as to lie here in this close,
filthy prison, and be content to be shut up thus with mice
and rats, when you might be abroad at your liberty, with the
favour and good will both of the King and his Council, If
you would but do as the Bishops and best learned of his
realm have done ; and, seeing you have at Chelsea a right fair
house, your library, your books, your gallery, and all other
necessaries so handsome about you, where you might, in
company with me, your wife, your children and household,
be merry, I muse what, a God's name, you mean, here thus
fondly to tarry." Having heard her out, — preserving his
good humour, he said to her, with a cheerful countenance, " I
pray thee, good Mrs. Alice, tell me one thing." " What is
it?" salth she. "Is not this house as near heaven as my
own?" She could only come out with her favourite inter-
jection, which she used, like Dame Quickly, to express im-
patience, " Tilly vally ! Tilly vally ! " * By pointing out the
short time he could enjoy his house compared with the long
and secure tenure of heaven, and various other arguments and
illustrations, he, to no purpose, tried to convince her that it
was better to remain in the Tower than to dishonour him-
self. He was little moved by her persuasions, thinking (but
not saying) as Job, when tempted by his wife, " Quasi una
ex stultis mulieribus locuta es."
We must render her the justice to recollect, however, that
she continued actively to do what she could for his comfort ;
and in a subsequent part of his imprisonment, when all his
* " Hostess {addressing Falstaff). Tillyfally ! Sir John. Never tell me, your
ancient swaggerer comes not in my doors." — 2d Part Hen. IV., act ii. scene 4.
572
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIII.
A.D. 1534.
Act of
attainder.
Farther
proceed -
iny:s against
More.
property had been seized, she actually sold her wearing ap-
parel to raise money to provide necessaries for him.*
The parliament, which had answered Henry's purposes so
slavishly that it was kept on foot for six years, met again on
the 4th of November, and proceeded to pass an act of at-
tainder for misprision of treason against More, and Fisher,
Bishop of Rochester, the only surviving minister of Henry
VII., and the son's early tutor, councillor, and friend, — on
the ground that they had refused to take the oath of supre-
macy, — for which alleged offence, created by no law, they
were to forfeit all their property, and to be subject to per-
petual imprisonment.! But this was insuflficient for the royal
vengeance ; and soon after, not only was an act passed to
declare the King the Supreme Head of the Church |, but
authority was given to require an oath acknowledging the
supremacy §, and it was declared to be high treason by words
or writing to deny it. I
As More was now actually suffering punishment by im-
prisonment and forfeiture of his property for having refused
to take the oath, it was impossible to make the enactment
about oaths the foundation of a new prosecution, and the
plan adopted was to inveigle him into a verbal denial of the
supremacy, and so to proceed against him for high treason.
With this view, the Lord Chancellor, the Dukes of Nor-
folk and Suffolk, Cromwell, and others of the Privy Council,
several times came to him in the Tower, " to procure him by
all means and policies they could, either to confess precisely
the King's supremacy, or plainly to deny it." But he was
constantly on his guard, and they could get nothing more
from him than " that the statute was like a two-edged sword ;
* See her letter to Cromwell, in which she says, " I pass weekly 15 shillings
for the bord-wages of my poure husband and his servant, for the mayntaining
whereof I have been compellyd of verey necessyte to sell part of myn ap-
parell for lack of other substance to make money of." — App. to Hunter's ed.
of More.
t This act is not in the sUtutes at large, but will be found in the Statutes of
the Realm, vol. iv. 527, 528.
I 26 Hen. 8. c. 1. § 26 Hen. 8. c. 2.
II 26 Hen. 8. c. 3. The offence described in this last act applicable to
the supremacy, is to " desire to deprive the King of his dignity, title, or name
of his royal estates;"— and, " Supreme Head of the Church " coming within
this description, to deny the supremacy was thus ingeniously made high treason.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MOKE. 573
if he should speak affainst it, he should procure the death of CHAP.
. • XXXIII
his body ; and if he should consent unto it, he should procure '
the death of his soul." ' a.d. 1534.
The next contrivance was plotted and executed by one Infamous
who has brought a greater stain upon the bar of England ^;"^"^1*'^
than any member of the profession to which I am proud to Solicitor
belong, — a profession generally distinguished, even in bad ^"^"^
times, for integrity and independence, and never before or
since so far degraded as to have its honours won by palpable
fraud, chicanery, and perjury. Rich (horresco refer ens), —
afterwards Lord Chancellor, — had just been made Solicitor
General, on an understanding that he was effectually to put in
force the recent acts against all recusants, and most especially
against the refractory Ex-chancellor. Accordingly, fortified
by an order of the Council, he accompanied Sir Richard
Southwell and a Mr. Palmer to the Tower for the avowed
purpose of depriving More of the small library with which
he had hitherto been permitted to soothe his solitude. While
they were packing up the books. Rich, under pretence of
ancient friendship, fell into conversation with him ; and in a
familiar and confidential tone, after a compliment to his
wisdom and learning, put a case to him : " Admit that there
were an act of parliament made, that all the realm should
take me for King, would not you, Mr. More, take me for
King?" "Yes, sir," said Sir Thomas, "that I would."
Rich, much elated, said, " I put the case further, — that there
were an act of parliament that all the realm should take me
for Pope, would you not then take me for Pope?" "For
answer," said Sir Thomas, " to your first case, — the parlia-
ment may well meddle with the state of temporal princes ;
but to make answer to your other case, — Suppose the par-
liament should make a law that God should not be God,
would you then, Mr. Rich, say so ? " " No, sir/' said Mr.
Solicitor, *' that I would not ; for no parliament could make
such a law." More, suspecting his drift, made no reply ; the
conversation took another turn ; and, the books being carried
off, they soon after parted.
Trusting rather to partial judges and a packed jury than
the evidence which could be brought forward against him, a
574
EEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIII.
Trial of
More in
Westmin-
ster Hall,
A.D. 1535.
His be-
haviour at
trial.
The At-
torney
General's
address.
special commission was issued for bringing Sir Thomas More
to a solemn trial, — the commissioners being the Lord Chan-
cellor Audley, the Duke of Norfolk, Fitzjames and Fitz-
herbert, the Chief Justices, and several puisne Judges. They
sat in the Court of King's Bench, in Westminster Hall.*
The arraignment took place on the 7 th of May, but the trial
was postponed till the 1st of July, in the hope of strengthen-
ing the case for the Crown.
On the morning of the trial. More was led on foot, in a
coarse woollen gown, through the most frequented streets,
from the Tower to Westminster Hall. The colour of his hair,
which had become grey since he last appeared in public, his
face, which though still cheerful was pale and emaciated, his
bent posture and his feeble steps, which he was obliged to
support with his staff, showed the rigour of his confinement,
and excited the sympathy of the people, instead of impressing
them, as was intended, with dread of the royal authority.
When, sordidly dressed, he held up his hand as a criminal in
that place, where, arrayed in his magisterial robes and sur-
rounded by crowds who watched his smile, he had been ac-
customed on his knees to ask his father's blessing before
mounting his own tribunal to determine, as sole Judge, on the
most important rights of the highest subjects in the realm, —
a general feeling of horror and commiseration ran through
the spectators ; — and after the lapse of three centuries, dur-
ing which, statesmen, prelates, and kings have been unjustly
brought to trial under the same roof, — considering the splen-
dour of his talents, the greatness of his acquirements, and the
innocence of his life, we must still regard his murder as the
blackest crime that ever has been perpetrated in England
under the forms of law.
Sir Christopher Hale, the Attorney General, who con-
ducted the prosecution, with some appearance of candour,
(strongly contrasted with the undisguised asperity of Mr.
Solicitor Eich, who assisted him,) began with reading the in-
dictment, which was of enormous length, but contained four
From this circumstance it has been erroneously stated that this was a trial
at bar in the Court of King's Bench.
dence to
support the
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 575
principal charges : — 1st, The opinion the prisoner had given CHAP.
on the King's marriage. 2dly, That he had written certain [
letters to Bishop Fisher encouraging him to resist. 3dly, That ^.d. 1535.
he had refused to acknowledge the King's supremacy ; and,
4thly, That he had positively denied it, and thereby attempted
to deprive the King of his dignity and title. When the reading
of the indictment was over, the Lord Chancellor made a last
attempt to bend the resolution of the prisoner by saying,
" You see how grievously you have offended his Majesty, yet
he is so merciful, that if you wUl lay away your obstinacy
and change your opinion, we hope you may obtain pardon."
More calmly replied, " Most noble Lords, I have great cause
to thank your Honours for this your courtesy ; but I beseech
Almighty God that I may continue in the mind I am in,
through his grace, unto death."
The last was the only charge in the indictment which was No evi
at all sufficient in point of law to incur the pains of treason
and it was unsupported by evidence. The counsel for the charge.
Crown at first contented themselves with putting in the pri-
soner's examinations, showing that he had declined an-
swering the questions propounded to him by the Privy
Councillors, with his answer, " that the statute was a two-
edged sword." An excuse was made for not proving the
supposed letters to Fisher, on the ground that they had been
destroyed.
The Lord Chancellor, instead of at once directing an ac- Defence,
quittal, called upon the prisoner for his defence. A deep
silence now prevailed — all present held their breath — every
eye was fixed upon the victim. More was beginning with
expressing his apprehension " lest, his memory and wit being
decayed with his health of body through his long imprison-
ment, he should not be able properly to meet all the matters
alleged against him," when he found that he was unable to
support himself by his staff, and his judges evinced one touch
of humanity by ordering him a chair. When he was seated,
after a few preliminary observations, he considered the charges
in their order. " As to the marriage," he said, " I confess
that I always told the King my opinion thereon as my con-
science dictated unto me, which I neither ever would, nor
576 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, ought to have concealed ; for which I am so far from thinking
XXXIII. jjjyggif guilty of high treason^ as that of the contrary, I being
j^g^ demanded my opinion by so great a Prince on a matter of
such importance, whereupon the quietness of a kingdom
dependeth, I should have basely flattered him if I had not
uttered the truth : then I might have been accused as a
wicked subject, and a perfidious traitor to God. If herein I
have offended the King, it must be an offence to tell one's
mind plainly when our Prince asketh our advice." 2. As
to the letters to Fisher, he himself stated the contents of
them, and showed that they were free from all blame. 3. On
the charge that he had declined to declare his opinion, when
interrogated, respecting the supremacy, he triumphantly
answered, " that he could not transgress any law, or incur
any crime of treason, by holding his peace, God only being
judge of our secret thoughts." Here he was interrupted by
Mr. Attorney, who said, " Although we had not one word
or deed to object against you, yet have we your silence,
when asked whether you acknowledged the King to be
Supreme Head of the Church, which is an evident sign of
a malicious mind." But Mr. Attorney was put down (and,
notwithstanding the gravity of the occasion, there was pro-
bably a laugh against him) by More quietly reminding him
of the maxim among civilians and canonists — " Qui tacet,
consentire videtur." " He that holdeth his tongue is taken to
consent." 4. On the last charge he argued, that the only
proof was his saying that "the statute was a two-edged
sword," which was meant as a reason for his declining to
answer, and could not possibly be construed into a positive
denial of the King's supremacy. He concluded Avith a solemn
avowal, that " he never spake word against this law to any
living man."
More about The jury, biassed as they were, seeing that if they credited
quitted!" ^^^ *^® evidence, there was not the shadow of a case against
Rich, the prisoner, were about to acquit him ; the Judges were in
Geielar ^i^may — the Attorney-General stood aghast — when Mr.
becomes' Solicitor, to his eternal disgrace, and to the eternal disgrace
TommiL'""^ °^ *^® ^^^^ ^^^ permitted such an outrage on decency, left
perjury. the bar, and presented himself as a witness for the Crown.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 577
Being sworn, he detailed the confidential conversation he had chap.
had with the prisoner in the Tower on the occasion of the
removal of the books; — and falsely added, that upon his ^.d. 1535.
admitting that " no parliament could make a law that God
should not be God," Sir Thomas declared, " No more could
the parliament make the King Supreme Head of the Church."
The prisoner's withering reply must have made the mean More's
and guilty wretch feel compunction and shame, for which his ''^P'y °!^
subsequent elevation must have been a miserable recompence : dence.
" If I were a man, my Lords, that did not regard an oath, I
needed not at this time in this place, as is well known unto
every one, to stand as an accused person. And if this
oath, Mr. Rich, which you have taken be true, then I pray
that I never see God in the face ; which I would not say
were it otherwise to gain the whole world." Having truly
related the whole conversation, he continued, " In good
faith, Mr. Rich, I am more sorry for your perjury than for
mine own peril. Know you that neither I, nor any man
else to my knowledge, ever took you to be a man of such
credit as either I or any other would vouchsafe to com-
municate with you in any matter of importance. As you
well know, I have been acquainted with your manner of life
and conversation a long space, even from your youth upwards;
for we dwelt long together in one parish ; where as yourself
can well tell (I am sorry you compel me to speak it) you were
always esteemed very light of your tongue, a great dicer and
gamester, and not of any commendable fame either there or
in the Temple, the Inn to which you have belonged. Can
it therefore seem likely to your honourable Lordships, that,
in so weighty a cause, I should so unadvisedly overshoot my-
self as to trust Mr. Rich, a man always reputed of me for one
of so little truth and honesty, about my sovereign Lord the
King, to whom I am so deeply indebted for his manifold
favours, or any of his noble and grave counsellors, that I
should declare only to him the secrets of my conscience,
touching the King's supremacy, the special point and only
mark so long sought for at my hands, which I never did nor
ever would reveal after the statute once made, either to the
King's Highness himself, or to any of his noble counsellors, as
VOL. I. P P
578
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP,
XXXIII.
A.D. 1535.
Summing
up of Lord
Audley. ]
Verdict of
guilty.
it is well known to your Honours, who have been sent for uo
other purpose at sundry times from his Majesty's person to
me in the Tower. I refer it to your judgments, my Lords,
whether this can seem a thing credible unto any of you."
This address produced a deep effect upon the by-standers,
and even on the packed jury ; and Mr. Solicitor was so much
alarmed, that, resuming his capacity of counsel for the Crown,
he called and examined Sir Richard Southwell and Mr.
Palmer, in the hope that they might be as regardless of truth
as himself, and corroborate his testimony ; but they both said
they were so busy in trussing up the books in a sack, they
gave no ear to the conversation.
The Chief Commissioner, however, gallantly restored the
fortune of the day ; and in an ingenious, animated, and sar-
castic summing up, pointed out the enormity of the offence
charged ; — the danger to the King, and the public tranquil-
lity from the courses followed by the prisoner ; — that the
evidence of the Solicitor General, which he said was evidently
given with reluctance and from a pure motive, stood uncon-
tradicted, if not corroborated, as the denial of the prisoner
could not be taken into account ; — that as the speech related
by the witness undoubtedly expressed the real sentiments of
the prisoner, and was only drawing a necessary inference, there
was every probability that it was spoken ; — and that, if the
witness was believed, the case for the Crown was established.
The jury retired from the bar, and in about a quarter of
an hour (to the horror, if not the surprise, of the audience)
brought in a verdict of guilty ; " for," says his descendant,
" they knew what the King would have done in that case." *
But it is possible that being all zealous Protestants, who
looked with detestation on our intercourse with the Pope,
and considering that the King's supremacy could not be
honestly doubted, they concluded that, by convicting a
Papist, they should be doing good service to religion and
the state, — and that, misled by the sophistry and eloquence
• It is hardly possible to read without a smile the statement of the verdict
by Erasmus in his " Epistola de Morte Thom« Mori : " " Qui [duodeeim viri]
quum per horae quartam partem secessissent, reversi sunt ad principes ac judices
delegatos ac pronunciarunt killim, hoc est, dignus est morte."
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 579
of the presiding Judge, they believed that they returned an CHAP,
honest verdict.
Audley was so delighted, that, forgetting the established ^ j,. 1535.
forms of proceeding on such an occasion, he eagerly began to
pronounce judgment.
More interrupted him, and his pulse still beating as tem- Forms ob-
perately as if sitting in his library at Chelsea talking to ^g^re
Erasmus, " My Lord," said he, " when I was towards the sentence.
law, the manner in such cases was to ask the prisoner before
sentence whether he could give any reason why judgment
should not proceed against him." The Chancellor in some
confusion owned his mistake, and put the question.
More was now driven to deny the power of parliament to
pass the statute transferring the Headship of the Church from
the Pope to the King, and he took some exceptions to the
frame of the indictment. The Chancellor, being loth to
have the whole burden of this condemnation to lie upon him-
self, asked openly the advice of my Lord Chief Justice of
England, Sir John Fitzjames, " whether this indictment were
sufficient, or no ? " — Fitzjames, C. J. " My Lords aU, by St.
Gillian (ever his oath), I must needs confess, that if the act
of parliament be not unlawful, then the indictment is not, in
my conscience, insufficient." *
Lord Chancellor. " Lo ! my Lords, lo ! You hear what Sentence of
my Lord Chief Justice saith. Quod adhuc desideramus testi- passed.
monium ? Reus est mortis.^'' He then pronounced upon him
the frightful sentence in cases of treason, concluding with
ordering that his four quarters should be set over four gates
of the city, and his head upon London Bridge.
The prisoner had hitherto refrained from expressing his
opinion on the question of the supremacy, lest he might
appear to be wantonly courting his doom ; but he now said,
• Sharon Turner, actuated by his sense of the " mild and friendly temper " of
Henry VIII., (taking a very different view of his character from Wolsey or
More, when they were most familiar and in highest favour with him,) is desirous
of palliating this prosecution ; and a full copy of the indictment not being forth-
coming, supposes that there were other charges against More of which we know
nothing; but the whole course of the proceeding, as well as all contemporary
evidence, shows, that he was tried under 26 H. 8. c. 13., for " imagining to de-
prive the King of his title and dignity," — the denial of the supremacy being
the overt act relied upon. — See Turn. Hist. H. Fill.
r t 2
580 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, with temper and firmness, that, after seven years' study, he
never could find that a layman could be head of the church.
^ jj J532 Taking the position to mean, as we understand it, — that the
Sovereign, representing the civil power of the state, is su-
preme, — it may easily be assented to ; — but in Henry's own
sense, that he was substituted for the Pope, and that all the
powers claimed by the Pope in ecclesiastical affairs were
transferred to him, and might be lawfully exercised by him, —
it is contrary to reason, and is unfounded in Scripture, and
would truly make any church Erastian in which it is recog-
nised. I therefore cannot say, with Hume, that More
wanted " a better cause, more free from weakness and super-
stition."
The Lord Chancellor asked him if he was wiser than all
the learned men in Europe. He answered, that almost the
whole of Christendom was of his way of thinking.
More's The Judges courteously offered to listen to him if he had
thrjud*" ^"y thing more to say. He thus answered : — " This farther
only have I to say, my Lords, that like as the blessed apostle
St. Paul was present and consenting to the death of the pro-
tomartyr St. Stephen, keeping their clothes that stoned him
to death, and yet they be now twain holy saints in heaven,
and there shall continue friends together for ever ; so I verily
trust, and shall therefore heartily pray, that, though your
Lordships have been on earth my judges to condemnation,
yet that we may hereafter meet in heaven merrily together
to our everlasting salvation ; and God preserve you all,
especially my Sovereign Lord the King, and grant him
faithful councillors." *
Carried Having taken leave of the Court in this solemn manner.
Tower. he was conducted from the bar, — an axe, with its edge now
towards him, being carried before him. He was in the cus-
tody of his particular friend. Sir William Kingston, who, as
Lieutenant of the Tower, witnessed the last moments both
of Wolsey and More, and extended to both of them all the
* This speech, which seems to me to be so much in the true spirit of the
Christian religion, is censured by Sharon Turner as showing that More pre-
sumptuously compared himself with St. Stephen. — Turner's Hist. vol. x.
p. 302. n.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 581
kindness consistent with obedience to the orders of his CHAP.
XXXIII.
stern master.
They came back by water, and on their arrival at the ^^ ^ 1535
Tower wharf a scene awaited the illustrious convict more AfFectbg
painful to his feelings than any he had yet passed through, ^jth his
Margaret, his best-beloved child, knowing that he must land daughter
there, watched his approach, that she might receive his last Hill,
blessing ; " whom, as soon as she had espied, she ran in-
stantly unto him, and, without consideration or care of her-
self, passing through the midst of the throng and guard of
men, who with bills and halberds compassed him round,
there openly, in the sight of them all, embraced him, took him
about the neck, and kissed him, not able to say any word but
' Oh, my father ! Oh, my father ! ' He gave her his fatherly
blessing, telling her that * whatsoever he should suffer,
though he were innocent, it was not without the will of
God, and that she must therefore be patient for her loss.'
After separation she, all ravished with the entire love of her
dear father, suddenly turned back again, ran to him as be-
fore, took him about the neck, and divers times kissed him
most lovingly ; a sight which made even the guard to weep
and mourn."* So tender was the heart of that admirable
woman, who had had the fortitude to encourage her father in
his resolution to prefer reputation to life ! t
After this farewell he felt that the bitterness of death was
over, and he awaited the execution of his sentence with a
cheerfulness that, with severe censors, has brought some re-
proach upon his memory. But it should be remembered that
he had long foreseen the event, and with all humility, sin-
cerity, and earnestness had submitted to all the observances
* More, 276.
f Rogers has pathetically interwoven with his theme the story of this
" blushing maid,
Who through the streets as through a desert stray'd,
And when her dear, dear father pass'd along
Would not be held ; but bursting thro' the throng,
Halberd and battle-axe, kiss'd him o'er and o'er,
Then turn'd and wept, then sought him as before,
Believing she should see his face no more."
Human Life,
r p 3
582
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIII.
A.D. 1535.
Death
warrant
issued.
His last
letter to his
daughter.
Announce-
ment to
him of his
execution.
which, according to his creed, were the fit preparations for
the change he was to undergo.
From the notion that more would be gained by his recant-
ation than his death, fresh attempts were made to bend his
resolution; and, these failing, a warrant was issued for his
execution, all parts of the frightful sentence, as to the manner
of it, being remitted, except beheading, in respect of his
having filled the high ofiice of Lord Chancellor. On receiving
this intelligence, he expressed a hope " that none of his friends
might experience the like mercy from the King."
The day before he was to suifer, he wrote, with a piece of
coal, the only writing implement now left to him, a farewell
letter to his dear Margaret, containing blessings to all his
children by name, with a kind remembrance even to one of
her maids. Adverting to their last interview, at which the
ceremonial which then regulated domestic intercourse had
been so little observed, he says, — " I never liked your manner
towards me better than when you kissed me last, for I am
most pleased when daughterly love and dear charity have no
leisure to look to worldly courtesy."
Early the next day, being Tuesday the 6th of July, 1535*,
came to him his " singular good friend," Sir Thomas Pope,
with a message from the King and Council that he should
die before nine o'clock of the same morning. More having
returned thanks for these " good tidings," Pope added, " the
King's pleasure farther is, that you use not many words at
your execution." " I did purpose," answered More, " to have
spoken somewhat, but I will conform myself to the King's
commandment, and I beseech you to obtain from him that my
daughter Margaret may be present at my burial." " The
King is already content that your wife, children, and friends
shall have liberty to be present thereat." Pope now taking
leave, wept bitterly ; but More said to him, " Quiet yourself
Mr. Pope, and be not discouraged, for I trust we shall yet
see each other full merrily, where we shall be sure to live
* More's recent biographers, by erroneously fixing his trial on the 7th of
May, make an interval of two months instead of six days between that and his
execution ; but it is quite certain that although he was arraigned on the 7th of
May, he was not tried till the 1st of July.— 1 St. Tr. 385.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 583
and love together in eternal bliss." Then, to rally the spirits S^J^^l
of his friend (in reference to a medical practice then in great
vogue), — as if he had been a fashionable doctor giving an a.d. 1535.
opinion upon the case of a patient, he took his urinal in his
hand, and, casting his water, said in a tone of drollery, " I see no
danger but this man may live longer if it please the King."*
Being conducted by Sir William Kingston to the scaffold, Conducted
it seemed weak, and he had some difficulty in mounting it. *° scaffold.
Whereupon he said merrily, " Master Lieutenant, I pray you
see me safe up, and for my coming down let me shift for
myself."
Having knelt and pronounced the " Miserere " with great His devo-
devotion, he addressed the executioner, to whom he gave an ^°"^'
angel of gold, saying, " Pluck up thy spirit, man, and be not
afraid to do thy office ; my neck is very short ; take heed,
therefore, that thou strike not awry for saving thy honesty."
When he had laid his head on the block he desired the exe- His jests,
cutioner " to wait till he had removed his beard, for that had
never offended his Highness." f One blow put an end to his His death,
sufferings and his pleasantries.
What zealot shall venture to condemn these pleasantries
after the noble reflections upon the subject by Addison, who
was never suspected of being an infidel, a favourer of Ro-
manism, or an enemy to the Protestant faith ? " The inno-
cent mirth which had been so conspicuous in his life did not
forsake him to the last. His death was of a piece with his
life ; there was nothing in it new, forced, or affected. He did
not look upon the severing of his head from his body as a cir-
cumstance which ought to produce any change in the dis-
position of his mind, and as he died in a fixed and settled
hope of immortality, he thought any unusual degree of sorrow
and concern improper." J
" Lightly his bosom's Lord did sit
Upon its throne, unsoften'd, undismay'd
By aught that mingled with the tragic scene
Of pity and fear; and his gay genius play'd
With the inoffensive sword of native wit.
Than the bare axe more luminous and keen," §
♦ This anecdote, which so strikingly illustrates the character of More and the
manners of the age, is omitted by his modern biographers as indelicate I
t More, 287. } Spectator, No. 349. § Wordsworth.
p r 4
584
EEIGN OF HENKY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIII.
AD. 1535.
His head
stolen by
his daugh-
ter.
Barbarous
conduct of
Henry
VIII. to
More's
family.
General
horror pro-
duced by
the murder
of More.
More's body was interred in the chapel of the Tower o
London, but to strike terror into the multitude, his head
stuck on a pole was placed on London Bridge. The aiFec-
tionate and courageous Margaret, however, procured it to be
taken down, preserved it as a precious relic during her life,
and, at her death, ordered it to be laid with her in the same
grave.*
When news of the execution was brought to Henry, who
was at that time playing at tables with the Queen, turning
his eyes upon her he said, " Thou art the cause of this man's
death;" and, rising immediately from his play, shut him-
self up in his chamber. But if he felt any remorse, recollecting
the times when he put his arm round More's neck in the
garden at Chelsea, or was instructed by him in the motion of
the heavenly bodies from the house-top, or was amused by
his jests at supper, — the feeling was transitory; for he not
only placed the head where it must have been conspicuous to
his own eye, in passing between Whitehall and Greenwich,
but he immediately expelled Lady More from the house at
Chelsea, seizing whatever property More left behind him ; he
even set aside assignments which, for the purpose of making
some provision for the family, had been legally executed be-
fore the commission of the alleged offence, thereby giving
fresh evidence of his " mild and friendly temper !"t
The letters and naiTative of Erasmus diffused the story of
More's fate over Europe, and every where excited horror
* " As for his head, it was set upon a pole on London Bridge, where abiding
about fourteen days, was then privily bought by the said Margaret, and by her
for a time carefully preserved in a leaden box, but afterwards, with great devo-
tion, 'twas put into a vault (the burying-place of the Ropers), under a chapel
joyning to St. Dunstan's Church, in Canterbury, where it doth yet remain,
standing on the said box on the coffin of Margaret his daughter, buried there."
— Wood's Ath. Ox. vol. i. p. 86. The Rev. J. Bowes Bunce, a clergyman at
Canterbury, who had inspected the repairs of St. Dunstan's Churcli in 1835, has
made me the following communication : — " Wishing to ascertain whether Sir T.
More's skull was really there, I went down into the vault, and found it still re-
maining in the place where it was seen many years ago, in a niche in the wall,
in a leaden box, something of the shape of a bee-hive, open in the front, and with
an iron grating before it." — Sir Thomas had prepared a tomb for himself in his
parish church at Chelsea, which is still preserved witli great veneration although
an empty cenotaph.
t See Turn. Hist. Eng. vol. x. 333. We may be amused by a defence of
Richard III., but we can feel only indignation and disgust at an apology for
Henry VIII., whose atrocities are as well authenticated as those of Robespierre,
and are less excusable. For trial and execution of More, see 1 St. Tr. 385—475.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 585
against the English name. Henry's ministers were regarded CHAP.
"VWTTT
at every Court with averted eyes, as the agents of a monster. ^'^'^^^^•
Charles V. sent for Sir T. Elliot, the English Ambassador,
and said to him, " We understand that the King, your
master, has put to death his wise councillor. Sir Thomas
More." Elliot abashed, pretended ignorance of the event.
" Well," said the Emperor, " it is true ; and this we will say,
that if he had been ours, we should sooner have lost the best
city in our dominions than so worthy a councillor."
Holbein's portraits of More have made his features familiar More's per-
to all Englishmen. According to his great-grandson, he was ^°"*
of " a middle stature, well proportioned, of a pale complexion ;
his hair of chestnut colour, his eyes grey, his countenance
mild and cheerful ; his voice not very musical, but clear and
distinct ; his constitution, which was good originally, was
never impaired by his way of living, otherwise than by too
much study. His diet was simple and abstemious, never
drinking any wine but when he pledged those who drank to
him ; and rather mortifying, than Indulging, his appetite in
what he ate."*
His character, both in public and in private life, comes as His cha-
near to perfection as our nature will permit. Some of his
admirers have too readily conceded that the splendour of his
great qualities was obscured by intolerance and superstition,
and that he voluntarily sought his death by violating a law
which, with a safe conscience, he might have obeyed. We
Protestants must lament that he was not a convert to the
doctrines of the Reformation ; but they had as yet been very
imperfectly expounded in England, and they had produced
eifects in foreign countries which might well alarm a man of
constant mind. If he adhered conscientiously to the faith in
which he had been educated, he can in no instance be blamed
for the course he pursued. No good Roman Catholic could
declare that the King's first marriage had been absolutely void
from the beginning ; or that the King could be vested, by act
of parliament, with the functions of the Pope, as Head of the
Anglican Church. Can we censure him for submitting to
* More, 294.
586
KEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIII.
IVIerits of
the Re-
formers.
More'sHis-
tory of
Edward V.
and Rich-
ard III.
His « Epi-
grammata."
loss of office, imprisonment, and death, rather than make such
a declaration ? He implicitly yielded to the law regulating
the succession to the Crown ; and he offered no active oppo-
sition to any other law ; — only requiring that, on matters of
opinion, he might be permitted to remain silent.
The English Reformation was a glorious event, for which
we never can be sufficiently grateful to divine Providence :
but I own I feel little respect for those by whose instru-
mentality it was first brought about ; — men generally swayed
by their own worldly interests, and willing to sanction the
worst passions of the tyrant to whom they looked for ad-
vancement. With all my Protestant zeal, I must feel a
higher reverence for Sir Thomas More than for Thomas
Cromwell or Cranmer.*
I am not permitted to enter into a critical examination of
his writings ; but this sketch of his life would be very defec-
tive without some further notice of them. His first literary
essay is supposed to have been the fragment which goes under
his name as " the History of Edward V. and Richard HI.,"
though some have ascribed it to Cardinal Morton, who pro-
bably furnished the materials for it to his precocious page,
having been intimately mixed up with the transactions which
it narrates. It has the merit of being the earliest historical
composition in the English language ; and, with all its defects,
several ages elapsed before there was much improvement
upon it, this being a department of literature in which
England did not excel before the middle of the eighteenth
century.
More's " Epigrammata," though much admired in their
day, not only in England, but all over Europe, are now only
inspected by the curious, who wish to know how the Latin
language was cultivated in the reign of Henry VII. The
* Although he adhered to most of what we call « the errors of popery," it is
delightful to find that he was friendly to the circulation of the Holy Scriptures,
and that from them he professed to draw his creed. When Erasmus published
his admirable edition of the New Testament, thus More bursts forth : —
" Sanctum opus, et docti labor immortalis Erasmi,
Prodit, et o populis commoda quanta vehit !
Tota igitur deniptis versa est jam denuo mendis,
Atque nova Christi lex nova luce nitet."
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 587
collection in its present form was printed at Basle from a CHAP.
Y Y Y T T T
manuscript supplied by Erasmus, consisting of detached copies
made by various friends, without his authority or sanction.
His own opinion of their merits is thus given in one of his
epistles to Erasmus : " I was never much delighted with my
Epigrams, as you are well aware ; and if they had not pleased
yourself and certain others better than they pleased me, the
volume would never have been published." The subjects of
these effusions are very multifarious — the ignorance of the
clergy — the foibles of the fair sex — the pretensions of
sciolists — the tricks of astrologers — the vices and follies of
mankind, — while they are prompted at times by the warmth
of private friendship and the tenderness of domestic affection.
Many of them were written to dissipate the ennui of tedious
and solitary travelling. When rapid movement on the
surface of the earth by the power of steam was less thought
of than the art of flying through the air with artificial wings,
it was the practice of scholars trudging slowly on foot, or
toiling along miry roads on a tired horse, to employ their
thoughts on metrical composition. Erasmus framed in his
own mind, without any assistance from writing materials, his
poem upon Old Age while crossing the Aljjs into Italy, —
and he devised the plan of the " Encomium Morise " during
a journey to England, " ne totum hoc tempus quo equo fuit
insidendum afiovaoLs et illiteratis fabulis tereretur." Thus
More begins a beautiful address to Margaret, Elizabeth,
Cicely, and John, " dulcissimis liberis," composed under
circumstances which he graphically describes — seemingly
very unfavourable to the muses :
" Quatuor una meos invisat epistola natos,
Servat et incolumes a patre missa sal us.
Dum peragratur iter, pluvioque madescimus imbre>
Dumque luto implieitus ssepius hasret equus,
Hoc tamen interea vobis excogito carmen,
Quod gratum, quanquam sit rude, spero fore.
Collegisse animi licet hinc documenta paterni,
Quanto plus oculis vos amet ipse suis :
Quem non putre solum, quern non male turbidus aer,
Exiguusque altas trans equus actus aquas,
A vobis poterant divellere, quo minus omni
Se memorem vestri comprobet esse loco ;
Nam crebro dum nutat equus casumque minatur,
Condere non versus desinit ille tamen."
588 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP. He then goes on In a very touching manner to remind
XXXIII. ^jjgjjj ^'j-jj what delight he had caressed them, and treated
them with fruit and cakes and pretty clothes, and with what
reluctance and gentleness he had flogged them. The instru-
ment of punishment, the application of It, and the effects of
it, are all very curious.
" Inde est vos ego quod soleo pavisse placenta
Mitia cum pulchris et dare mala piris.
Inde quod et Serum testis ornare solebam.
Quod nunquam potui vos ego flere pati ;
Scitis enim quam crebra dedi oscula, verbera rara,
Flagrum pavonis non nisi Cauda fuit.
Hanc tamen admovi timideque et molliter ipsam,
Ne vihex teneras signet amara nates.
Ah ! ferus est, dicique pater non ille meretur,
Qui lachrymas nati non fleat ipse sui."
As a specimen of his satirical vein, I shall give his lines on
an old acquaintance whom he had estranged (seemingly not to
his very deep regret) by lending him a sum of money —
"In Tyndalem debitorem.
" Ante meos quam credideram tibi, Tyndale, nummos,
Quum libuit, licuit te mihi saepe frui ;
At nunc si tibi me fors angulus afferat ullus,
Haud secus ac viso qui pavet angue, fugis.
Non fuit unquam animus, mihi crede, reposcere nummos ;
Non fuit, at ne te perdere cogar, erit.
Perdere, te salvo, nummos volo, perdere utrumque
Nolo, sat alterutrum sit periisse mihi.
Ergo tibi nummis, aut te mihi redde, retentis :
Aut tu cum nummis te mihi redde meis.
Quod tibi si neutrum placeat, nummi mihi saltern
Fac redeant : at tu non rediture, vale." *
• The following spirited translation is by the accomplished author of Philo-
Moaus.
" O Tyndal, there was once a time,
A pleasant time of old.
Before thou cam'st a-borrowing.
Before I lent thee gold ;
" When scarce a single day did close
But thou and I, my friend,
Were wont, as often as I chose,
A social hour to spend.
" But now, if e'er perchance we meet,
Anon I see thee take
Quick to thy heels adown the street.
Like one who sees a snake.
" Believe me, for the dirty pelf
I never did intend
To ask ; and yet, spite of myself,
I must, or lose my friend.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MOEE. 589
More's controversial writings, on which he bestowed most chap.
XXXIII
pains and counted most confidently for future fame, have long
fallen into utter oblivion, the very titles of most of them
having perished.
But the composition to which he attached no importance, — His « Uto-
which, as a Jeu-d^ esprit, occupied a few of his idle hours when P'^-"
he retired from the bar, — and which he was with great diffi-
culty prevailed upon to publish, — would of itself have made
his name immortal. Since the time of Plato, there had been
no composition given to the world which, for imagination, for
philosophical discrimination, for a familiarity with the prin-
ciples of government, for a knowledge of the springs of human
action, for a keen observation of men and manners, and for
felicity of expression, could be compared to the Utopia.
Although the word, invented by More, has been introduced
into the language, to describe what is supposed to be imprac-
ticable and visionary, — the work (with some extravagance
and absurdities, devised perhaps with the covert object of
softening the offence which might have been given by his
satire upon the abuses of his age and country) abounds with
lessons of practical wisdom. If I do not, like some, find
in it all the doctrines of sound political economy illustrated
by Adam Smith, I can distinctly point out in it the objec-
tions to a severe penal code, which have at last prevailed,
after they had been long urged in vain by Romilly and Mack-
intosh ; — and as this subject is intimately connected with
the history of the law of England, I hope I may be pardoned
for giving the following extract to show the law reforms
" To lose my money I consent,
So that I lose not thee ;
If one or other of you went,
Contented might I be.
« With or without the gold, return, —
I take thee nothing loath ; —
But, sooth, it makes my spirit yearn,
Thus to resign you both.
" If neither please, do thou at least
Send me the money due ;
Nor wonder if to thee I send
A long and last adieu."
590 EEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, which Sir Thomas More would have introduced when Lord
XXXIII. Chancellor, had he not been three centuries in advance of his
7, ', age : He represents his great traveller who had visited Utopia,
eniight- and describes its institutions, as saying, " There happened to
on crimiiial ^^ ^* table an English lawyer, who took occasion to run out
law. in high commendation of the severe execution of thieves in
his country, where might be seen twenty at a time dangling
from one gibbet. Nevertheless, he observed, it puzzled him
to understand, since so few escaped, there were yet so many
thieves left who were still found robbing in all places.* Upon
this I said with boldness, there was no reason to wonder at
the matter, since this way of punishing thieves was neither just
in itself nor for the public good ; for as the severity was too
great, so the remedy was not effectual ; simple theft was not so
great a crime that it ought to cost a man his life ; and no
punishment would restrain men from robbing who could find
no other way of livelihood. In this, not only you, but a
great part of the world besides, imitate ignorant and cruel
schoolmasters, who are readier to flog their pupils than to
teach them. Instead of these dreadful punishments enacted
against thieves, it would be much better to make provision
for enabling those men to live by their industry whom you
drive to theft and then put to death for the crime you
cause."
On the He exposes the absurdity of the law of forfeiture in case
feiture. " ^^ larceny, which I am ashamed to say, notwithstanding the
efforts I have myself made in parliament to amend it, still
disgraces our penal code, so that for an offence for which, as
a full punishment, sentence is given of imprisonment for a
month, the prisoner loses all his personal property, which is
never thought of by the Court in pronouncing the sentence.
It was otherwise among the Utopians. " Those that are
• " Coepit accurate laudare rigidatn illam justltiam quee turn illic exercebatur
in fures, quos passim narrabat nonnunquam suspend! viginti in una cruce, atque
eo vehementius dicebat se mirari cum tam pauci elaberentur supplicio, quo malo
fato fieret (how the devil it happened) uti tam multitamen ubique grassarentur."
This lawyer reminds me exceedingly of the attorney-generals, judges, and
secretaries of state, who in my early youth eulogised the bloody penal code which
then disgraced England, and predicted that, if it were softened, there would be
no safety for life or property. They would not even, like their worthy prede-
cessor here recorded, admit its inefficiency to check the commission of crime.
LIFE OP SIR THOMAS MORE. 591
found ffuilty of theft amonor them are bound to make resti- CHAP.
• • XXXIII
tution to the owner, and not to the prince. If that which
was stolen is no more in being, then the goods of the thief
are estimated, and restitution being made out of them, the
remainder is given to his wife and children."
I cannot refrain from giving another extract to prove that, On reli-
before the Reformation, he was as warm a friend as Locke to S'ous tole-
^ ^ ' ^ ration.
the principles of religious toleration. He says that the great
legislator of Utopia made a law that every man might be of
what religion he pleased, and might endeavour to draw others
to it by the force of argument, and by amicable and modest
ways, without bitterness against those of other opinions.
" This law was made by Utopus not only for preserving the
public peace, which he saw suffered much by daily contentions
and irreconcilable heats, but because he thought it was re-
quired by a due regard to the interest of religion itself. He
judged it not fit to decide rashly any matter of opinion, and
he deemed it foolish and indecent to threaten and terrify
another for the purpose of making him believe what did not
appear to him to be true." *
More had in his visits to Flanders — then far more ad-
vanced than England in refinement as well as in wealth —
acquired a great fondness for pictures, and he was desirous to
introduce a taste for the fine arts among his countrymen.
He was the patron of Holbein, and it was through his in-
troduction that this artist was taken into the service of
Henry VIII. Hence the pains bestowed on Holbein's por-
traits of the More family, which are the most deHghtful of
his works. More was likewise acquainted with Quintiu
Mastys, the celebrated painter of Antwerp ; and he describes,
* His most wonderful anticipation may be thought that of Lord Ashley's factory
measure — by "the Six Hours' Bill," which regulated labour in Utopia. " Nee ab
summo mane tamen, ad multam usque noctem perpetuo labore, velut jumenta fati-
gatus ; nam ea plus quam servilis aerumna est ; quas tamen ubique fere opificum
vita est exceptis Utopiensibus, qui cum in boras viginti-quatuor aequales diem
connumerata nocte dividaiit, sex duntaxat operi deputant, tres ante meridiem,
a quibus prandiura ineunt, atque a prandio duas pomeridianas boras, quam
interquieverunt, tres deinde rursus labori datas coena claudunt. Etenim quod
sex duntaxat horas in opere sunt, fieri fortasse potest, ut inopiam aliquam putes
necessariam rerum sequi. Quod tam longe abest ut accidat, ut id temporis ad
omnium rerum copiam, quae quidem ad vita vel necessitatem requirantur vel
commoditatem, non sufficiat modo sed siipersit etiam." — Utop. vol. ii. 68.
humour.
592 KEIGN OP HENRY VIII.
CHAP, both In prose and verse, a piece executed for him by this
XXXIII. jjj.j.jg(._ j^ represented his two most intimate friends, Erasmus
and Peter Giles, — the former in the act of commencing his
" Paraphrase on the Romans," and the other holding in his
hand a letter from More, addressed to him in a fac-simile re-
presentation of the hand-writing of his correspondent.*
His ora- It is to be regretted that we have so few specimens of
*°'^' More's oratory ; his powers as a debater called forth this eulo-
gium from Erasmus : — " His eloquent tongue so well seconds
his fertile invention, that no one speaks better when suddenly
called forth. His attention never languishes, his mind is al-
ways before his words ; his memory has all its stock so turned
into ready money, that without hesitation or delay it supplies
whatever the occasion may require." j
His wit and But by no grave quality does he seem to have made such
an impression on his contemporaries as he did by his powers
of wit and humour. I therefore introduce a few of his pointed
sayings beyond those which have occurred in the narrative of
his life. He observed, that " to aim at honour in this world is to
set a coat of arms over a prison gate." " A covetous old man he
compared to a thief who steals when he is on his way to the
gallows." He enforced the giving of alms by remarking, that
*' a prudent man, about to leave his native land for ever, would
send his substance to the far country to which he journeyeth."
Sir Thomas Manners, with whom he had been very familiar
when a boy, was created Earl of Eutland about the same time
that More was made Lord Chancellor, and, being much puffed
up by his elevation, treated with superciliousness his old
schoolfellow, who still remained a simple knight, but would
not allow himself to be insulted. " Honores mutant Mores,"
cried the upstart Earl. " The proper translation of which,"
' Philomorus, 48.
f Erasm. Epist. As they had been personally known to each other from the
time when More was an undergraduate at Oxford, there can be no truth in the
story that the two having met at the Lord Mayor's table, being strangers except
by reputation, and conversing in Latin, More having sharply combated some
latitudinarian paradox sported by Erasmus, — the latter said, " Aut tu es
Morus aut Nullus," to which the answer was, " Aut tu es Erasmus aut
Diabolus."
In 1523 Erasmus sent his portrait to More from Basle, and More in return
sent Erasmus the famous picture by Holbein of himself and his family, including
the Fool, which is still preserved in the town-hall at Basle.
LIFE OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 593
said the imperturbable Chancellor, " is, Honours change CHAP.
VWTTT
MANNERS." ^^^"^-
He once, while Chancellor, by his ready wit saved himself
from coming to an untimely end : — " He was wont to re-
create himself on the flat top of his gate house at Chelsea,
from which there was a most pleasant prospect of the Thames
and the fields beyond. It happened one time that a Tom-of-
Bedlam came up to him, and had a mind to have thrown him
from the battlements, saying, * Leap, Tom, leap.' The Chan-
cellor was in his gown, and besides ancient, and not able to
struggle with such a strong fellow. My Lord had a little
dog with him : said he, ' Let us throw the dog down, and see
what sport that will be.' So the dog was thrown over.
* This is very fine sport,' said my Lord ; * fetch him up and try
once more.' While the madman was going down, my Lord
fastened the door, and called for help ; but ever after kept the
door shut." *
He did not even despise a practical joke. While he held Practical
his city office he used regularly to attend the Old iiailey J"^-
Sessions, where there was a tiresome old Justice, " who was
wont to chide the poor men that had their purses cut for not
keeping them more warily, saying, that their negligence was
the cause that there were so many cut-purses brought thither."
To stop his prosing, More at last went to a celebrated cut-
purse then in prison, who was to be tried next day, and pro-
mised to stand his friend if he would cut this Justice's purse
while he sat on the bench trying him. The thief being ar-
raigned at the sitting of the Court next morning, said he could
excuse himself sufficiently if he were but permitted to speak
in private to one of the bench. He was bid to choose whom
he would, and he chose that grave old Justice, who then had
his pouch at his girdle. The thief stepped up to him, and
while he rounded him in the ear, cunningly cut his purse, and,
taking his leave, solemnly went back to his place. From the
agreed signal. More knowing that the deed was done, proposed
a small subscription for a poor needy fellow who had been
acquitted, beginning by himself setting a liberal example.
* Aubrey's Letters, vol. iii. 462.
VOL. I. Q Q
594
KEIGN OP HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIII.
Sir Thomas
More com-
pared to
his imme-
diate suc-
cessors.
The old Justice, after some hesitation, expressed his willing-
ness to give a trifle, but finding his purse cut away, expressed
the greatest astonishment, as he said he was sure he had it
when he took seat in Court that morning. More replied, in
a pleasant manner, " What ! will you charge your brethren of
the bench with felony ? " The Justice becoming angry and
ashamed, Sir Thomas called the thief and desired him to deliver
up the purse, counselling the worthy Justice hereafter not to
be so bitter a censurer of innocent men's negligence, since he
himself could not keep his purse safe when presiding as a
I judge at the trial of cut-purses.*
I am, indeed, reluctant to take leave of Sir Thomas More,
not only from his agreeable qualities and extraordinary merit,
but from my abhorrence of the mean, sordid, unprincipled
Chancellors who succeeded him, and made the latter half of
the reign of Henry VIII. the most disgraceful period in
our annals.
* Sir John Sylvester, Recorder of London, was in my time robbed of his
watch by a thief whom he tried at the Old Bailey. During the trial he happened
to say aloud that he had forgot to bring his watch with him. The thief being
acquitted for want of evidence, went with the Recorder's love to Lady Sylvester,
and requested that she would immediately send his watch to him by a constable
he had ordered to fetch it.
Soon after I was called to the Bar, and had published the first No. of
my " Nisi Prius Reports," — while defending a prisoner in the Crown Court,
I had occasion to consult my client, and I went to the dock, where I conversed
with him for a minute or two. I got him off, and he was immediately dis-
charged. But my joy was soon disturbed ; putting my hand into my pocket
to pay the " Junior" of the circuit my quota for yesterday's dinner, I found
that my purse was gone containing several bank notes, the currency of tliat
day. The incident causing much merriment, it was communicated to Lord
Chief Baron Macdonald, the presiding Judge, who said, *< What ! does Mr.
CanipbeU think that no one is entitled to take notes in Court except himself? "
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 595
CHAPTER XXXIV.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY.
When Sir Thomas More resigned the Great Seal, it was chap.
XXXIV
delivered to Sir Thomas Audley, afterwards Lord Audley, '
with the title, first of Lord Keeper, and then of Lord Chan- May 20.
cellor.* There was a striking contrast, in almost all respects, l^^^* „
between these two individuals, — the successor of the man so 1533.
distinguished for genius, learning, patriotism, and integrity, J^^ ^°^_
having only common-place abilities, sufficient, with cunning ley, Lord
and shrewdness, to raise their possessor in the world, — having ^^P^^-
no acquired knowledge beyond what was professional and j.sict<iT and
official, — having first recommended himself to promotion by «;onduct.
defending, in the House of Commons, the abuses of prero-
gative, — and for the sake of remaining in office, being ever
willing to submit to any degradation, and to participate in
the commission of any crime. He held the Great Seal for a
period of above twelve years, during which, to please the
humours of his capricious and tyrannical master, he sanc-
tioned the divorce of three Queens, — the execution of two of
them on a scaffold, — the judicial murder of Sir Thomas More,
Bishop Fisher, and many others, who, animated by their
example, preferred death to infamy, — the spoliation of the
Church and a division of the plunder among those who
planned the robbery, — and reckless changes of the established
religion, which left untouched all the errors of Popery, with
the absurdity of the King being constituted Pope, and which
involved in a common massacre those who denied transub-
stantiation and those who denied the King's spiritual supre-
macy. Luckily for Audley, he has not much attracted the
notice of historians ; but there can be no doubt that he had a
considerable influence upon the events which disgraced the
latter half of this reign ; and we must now inquire into his
* Rot. Cl. 24. Hen. VIII. m. 24.
QQ 2
596
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXX IV.
His birth.
origin, and try to trace the steps by which he reached, and the
means by which he retained, his " bad eminence."
Thomas Audley was born in the year 1488, at the Hay
House, in the tenure of the Prior of Colne, in Essex.* His
family was ancient, though it seems not entitled to bear
arms. His ancestor, Ralph Audley, having been seated at
Earl's Colne in that county as early as the 28th of Henry VI.,
afterwards became possessed of the Hay House, which his
descendants continued to inhabit, and which was demolished
only a few years ago. But it would appear that they were
only of the class of yeomen, and that the Chancellor was the
first of them who could boast of heraldic honours, f
Education. He had a slender patrimony, and he rose from his own
industry and selfish arts. Some accounts represent, that after
an indifferent school education he was sent to Magdalene
College, Cambridge, of which he afterwards became a bene-
factor ; but the records, both of Oxford and Cambridge, have
in vain been searched for his name, and it is doubtful whether
he ever had the advantage of being at a university. While
still a youth he was entered of the Inner Temple, where he
devoted himself very steadily to the study of the common
law, and he is said to have discharged the duties of " Autumn
Reader " to the society with some reputation. Being called
to the degree of outer barrister, he early rose into consider-
able practice from his skill in the technicalities of his pro-
fession, and his eager desire to please his clients. He was of
a comely and majestic presence ; and by his smooth man-
ners and systematic anxiety to give offence to no one, he
acquired general popularity, although known to those who
had studied his character to be unprincipled, false, and
deceitfuL
• " A. D. 1516. Thomas Audley natus in Colne in Com. Essex. Burgeus."
Oath Book of Corporation of Colchester.
t The original grant of Arms to Lord Audley, dated 18th March, I5S8,
still preserved at Audley End, recites " that not being contynned in nobilite
berynge armes and descended of ancient stocke by his auncestors and prede-
cessors by consanguinite and marriage, and he not willing to use or here armes
that should redound unto damage or reprofe of any of the same name or con-
sanguinite, or of any other person, he desired the following coat to be assigned
to him, &c." The arms differ from those borne by families of the same name,
but the motto " Garde ta Foy " belonged to Touchet, Lord Audley.
LIFE OF LOED CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 597
In the 12th year of the reioni of Henry YIII. he was CHAP.
... XXXIV
called to the degree of Serjeant-at-Law, and, flourishing in '_
Westminster Hall, he became eager for political advance- ^.j,. 1523.
ment. Parliament so seldom met during this reign, that Member of
. . . . „ .^. ,. House of
aspirmg lawyers had but rare opportunities of gaining dis- Commons.
tinction either as patriots or courtiers. But a parliament
being at last called in 1523, Audley contrived to get himself
returned a burgess to the House of Commons, in the hope of
now making his fortune. This was the parliament at which
Sir Thomas More was Speaker of the House of Commons,
and gained such distinction by preserving the privileges of
the House, and resisting the exorbitant subsidy demanded
by Wolsey. Audley strongly took the side of the Court,
defended all the Cardinal's proceedings, and bitterly inveighed
against all his opponents as disloyal subjects and favourers of
heresy. When the lamentation was uttered by Wolsey that
More was not at Rome instead of being made Speaker *,
regret was no doubt felt that Audley had not been placed in
the chair ; and a resolution was formed, that he should have
the Court influence in his favour on a future occasion. In
the meanwhile he was made Attorney to the Duchy of Lan-
caster, and a King's Serjeant, f
In the succeeding interval of six years, during which no
parliament sat, he distinguished himself by abetting all the
illegal expedients resorted to for raising money on the people.
No Hampden arose to contest, in a Court of Justice, the
legality of the commissions issued under the Great Seal, for
levying the sixth of every man's goods; but they excited
such deep discontents, that a rebellion was apprehended, and
they were recalled. Against such an arbitrary Sovereign as
Henry, with such tools as Audley, the only remedy for public
wrongs was resistance.
On the question of the divorce, Audley was equally sub- Gains the
servient to the King's wishes; and he was so high in his Jlng'^Hen-
favour, as not to be without hopes of the Great Seal on ry VIII.
Wolsey 's disgrace. But though no doubt was entertained of
his pliancy, his character for integrity was now very low ;
* See ante, p. 474. f Grig. Jur, 83.
Q Q 3
598
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
Oct. 1529.
Is made
Chancellor
of the
Duchy of
Lancaster.
Speaker of
the House
of Com-
Proceed-
ings of
Commons
on speech
in Lords
by Bishop
of Roches-
ter.
and fears being entertained that he would bring discredit
upon the government, the more prudent course was adopted
of preferring Sir Thomas More.
However, More being appointed to the Great Seal,
Audley was named his successor as Chancellor of the Duchy
of Lancaster ; and, at the meeting of parliament, in the be-
ginning of November, 1529, on the recommendation of the
Court, he was elected Speaker of the House of Commons.
Being presented at the bar of the House of Lords, he made
an eloquent oration, consisting of two points ; first, " that he
much praised the King for his equity and justice, mixed with
mercy and pity ; " secondly, " he endeavoured to disable him-
self, for want of sense, learning, and discretion, for the taking
of so high an office, beseeching the King to cause his Com-
mons to resort again to their House, and there to choose
another Speaker." To this the Chancellor, by the King's
command, replied with the usual courtesy, " that whereas he
sought to disable himself in sense and learning, his own
elaborate discourse there delivered testified to the contrary ;
and, touching his discredit and other qualities, the King him-
self had well known him and his doings, since he was in his
service, to be both wise and discreet ; and so as an able man
he accepted him, and admitted him Speaker." *
The King's designs to break with Rome were strongly
supported by Audley, and were well received by the Com-
mons ; but Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, made a strong speech
against them in the Lords, in which he said, that " our Holy
Mother, the Church, was about to be brought, like a bond-
maid, into thraldom ; and that want of faith was the true
cause of the mischiefs impending over the State." When
the Commons heard of this speech, they conceived great in-
dignation against the Bishop ; and not suspecting that there
was any irregularity in noticing what was said in debate by a
member of the other House, they sent Audley, the Speaker,
attended by a deputation of their body, to complain of it to
the King, and to let his Majesty know " how grievously they
• 1 Pari. Hist. 492.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 599
thought themselves injured thereby, for charging them with CHAP,
lack of faith as if they had been infidels or heretics."
The King was well pleased with this interference, which
he had most likely prompted, and sent for the Bishop of
Rochester to rebuke him for the licence he had used to the
displeasure of the Commons. The courageous Prelate an-
swered, " that having seat and voice in parliament, he spake
his mind freely in defence of the Church, which he saw
daily injured and oppressed by the common people, whose
office it was not to judge of her manners, much less to reform
them." The King advised him " to use his words more
temperately." *
Audley had more difficulty, as Speaker, to restrain the
impetuosity of a party in the Commons, who, having imbibed
the new doctrines, wished in earnest for a religious reform-
ation. Trimming his own profession of faith by the personal
wishes of his master, he laboured to preserve things in their
present condition, with the exception of transferring the power
of the Pope to the King.
During the session of parliament which began in April, a.d. 1.532.
1532, there was displayed among the Commons a strong
sympathy with Queen Catherine, which the Speaker found it
very difficult to restrain within decent bounds. He was com-
pelled to put the question " that an humble address should
be presented to the King, praying that his Majesty would
be graciously pleased to take back the Queen, and live with
her as his wife, according to the admonition of his Holiness
the Pope." We have no account of the debate, which, how-
ever guardedly conducted, must have been most offensive to
the King. The moment he heard of it, in a rage he sent
for Audley, and said to him, " That he wondered any
amongst them should meddle in businesses which could not
properly be determined in their House, and with which they
had no concern." His Majesty then condescended to reason
the matter with the Speaker, who was to report to the
House " that he was only actuated by a regard for the good
of his soul ; that he wished the murriage with Catherine
• 1 Pari. Hist. 493.
« Q 4
600
EEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A.n. 1532.
Rupture
with Rome.
were unobjectionable, but, unfortunately, the Doctors of the
Universities having declared it contrary to the word of God,
he could do no less than abstain from her company ; that
wantonnness of appetite was not to be imputed to him, for
being now in his forty-first year, it might justly be presumed
that such motions were not so strong in him as formerly * ;
that, except in Spain and Portugal, no one was allowed to
marry two sisters ; but that for a brother to marry a bro-
ther's wife was a thing so abhorred among all nations, that
he never heard that any Christian did so except himself;
whereat his conscience was sorely troubled." f
Audley succeeded in convincing the King that he was not
personally to blame in the stirring of the marriage question
in the House ; and he executed the commission now intrusted
to him to his Majesty's entire satisfaction.
So much was Henry pleased with his dexterity in manag-
ing the House on this occasion, that he was soon after sent
for again to Whitehall, to consult about preparing the mem-
bers for a final rupture with Rome ; and he was instructed to
inform the House that " his Majesty found that the clergy of
his realm were but half his subjects, or scarce so much ; every
Bishop or Abbot, at the entering into his dignity, taking an
oath to the Pope derogatory to that of fidelity to his Sove-
reign, which contradiction he desired his parliament to con-
sider and take away." The Speaker, at the next sitting of
the House, having delivered this message, directed the two
oaths to be read by the Clerk at the table, and pointed out
the manner in which they clashed so forcibly, that the Com-
mons were ready to renounce the Pope's supremacy whenever
this step should be deemed expedient.
Audley was now such a decided favourite at Court that he
* This is one among many proofs that occur, showing that formerly old age
was supposed to come on much sooner than at present ; but our ancestors began
life very early, — often marrying nominally when infants, and actually at four-
teen,— and subjecting themselves to very little restraint of any kind. This
early decay of the physical powers seems likewise to have prevailed among the
Romans in the time of Augustus. Horace says, —
t 1 Pari. Hbt. 518.
" Fuge suspicari,
Cujus octavum trepidavit aetas
Claudere lustrum."
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOK AUDLEY.
601
was destined to be the successor of Sir Thomas More, when
the contemplated measures for the King's new marriage and
separation from Rome determined that virtuous man to resign
the Great Seal. However, a difficulty arose from the dis-
advantage it would occasion to the King's service if he were
immediately removed from the House of Commons, where
his influence and dexterity had been found so useful. The
opinion then was, that if he were made Lord Chancellor, he
must immediately vacate his seat in the House of Commons,
and take his place on the woolsack as President of the House
of Lords ; but that merely as Lord Keeper of the Great
Seal he might continue a member of the House of Commons,
as if he were Chancellor of the Exchequer, or were ap-
pointed to any other judicial office usually held by a com-
moner.
Accordingly Sir Thomas More, having surrendered the
office of Chancellor on the 16th of May, 1532, and the Seal
having remained four days in the King's hands, enclosed in a
bag under the private seal of the late Chancellor, on the 20th
of May his Majesty opened the bag and took out the Seal,
and after inspecting it, delivered it, with the title of Lord
Keeper, to Audley, on whom he then conferred the honour
of knighthood.*
On Friday, the 5th of June, being the first day of Trinity
Term, after a grand procession to Westminster Hall, he was
sworn in and installed in the Court of Chancery, — the Duke
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A.D. 1532.
Audley
remains
Speaker of
the House
of Com-
mons while
Lord
Keeper.
Installation
as Lord
Keeper,
* The entry on the Close Roll, after a very circumstantial account of the prior
proceedings, thus goes on : — " Et post inspecconem illam idem sigillum dilco
sibi Thome Audley tradidit et deliberavit cui tunc custodiam dci. sigilli sui
comisit Ipsmque Thomam Dmm Custodem Magni Sigilli Regii vocari nun-
cupari et appellari ac omnia et singula facre et exercere tam in Cur. Cancellar.
dci. Dni. Regis qm. in Cama Stellata et Consilio ejusdem Dni. Regis prout
Cancellarius Angl. facre et exre solebat, declaravit et expresse mandavit." After
stating that he sealed certain letters patent, the entry records that he restored
the Great Seal to its bag under his own private seal, " sicque Sigillum illud in
custodia ipsius Thome (quern idem Dns. Rex ordine militari tunc insignavit')
auctoritate regia prdca. remansit et remanet." — Rot. Claus. 24 H. 8. m. 24.
in dorso.
' This distinction must then have been in high repute, as it was not conferred
on Audley when made Chancellor of the Duchy or Speaker of the House of
Commons, and not till the Great Seal was delivered to him. He was not raised
to the peerage till six years after.
602
REIGN OF HENKY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
Audley
made Lord
Chancellor.
A.D. 1533.
of Norfolk, who seems always to have acted as master of the
ceremonies on such occasions, delivering an oration, in which,
after a becoming compliment to the late Chancellor, he
highly lauded the abilities and good qualities of the new
Lord Keeper. There is no trace to be found of the reply,
but we need not doubt that it turned upon the conscientious
feelings, humanity, and love of true religion which ever
dwelt in the royal bosom.
On the 6th of September following, on account of a change
in the King's style, the old Great Seal was broken, and a
new one delivered to Audley, still with the title of Lord
Keeper.* But on the 26th of January, 1533, "about the
hour of two in the afternoon, in a chamber near the chapel
in the King's manor of East Greenwich, in the presence of
the Duke of Norfolk, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the
Earl of Wiltshire, the Bishop of Winchester, and other
Councillors, the King, having ordered the Great Seal to be
taken from the bag in which it was inclosed, received it into
his hands, and having retained it for the space of a quarter
of an hour, divers weighty reasons moving his Majesty
thereto, as he then openly declared, he being well pleased
with the faithful services of Sir Thomas Audley as Keeper
of the Great Seal, then and there constituted him his Chan-
cellor of England." f
Sir Humphrey Wingfield was chosen Speaker of the
House of Commons in his place ; and henceforth, till his
death in 1544, the Chancellor prompted and presided over
the iniquitous measures brought forward in the Upper House,
* The Close Roll gives a very minute description of the figures on the new
Great Seal, " videlt. Dnm. Regem in Majestate sua sedentem et sceptrum in
una manu et in altera manu signum Crucis portantem necnon ex utroque latere
prefati Dni. Regis ejusdem partis sigilli intersignia Anglise cum titulo ordinis
garterii circa eadem insignia et coronam imperialem supra eadem intersignia
stantem ac ex altera parte ejusdem sigilli Dm. Regem armatum manu sua
dextera gladium tenentem sedentemque super equum similiter armatum et in
scuto suo intersignia Angliae ferentem ac quandam rosam' in dextro latere
insculptam ; necnon sub pedibus reglis canem currentem."
f " Sicque sigillum predm. in custodia prefati Thome nunc Cancellarii Anglie
remansit et remanet."
' It would be curious to know whether the rose was gules or argent. If the
King regarded his title by descent, he must have preferred the white rose.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 603
and was the chief agent in the homicides committed by the CHAP. '
instrumentality of legal process.
In the proceedings of parliament, and in contemporary ^ j, j^gg
writers, I do not discover any censure of him as an Equity His con-
Judge. The probability is, that, being regularly trained to judge! *
the profession of the law, he did his duty efficiently ; and
that where the Crown was not concerned, and he had no
corrupt bias to mislead him, he decided fairly. As a poli- As a poli-
tician, he is bitterly condemned by all who mention his ***^'^"-
name.
At the conclusion of the session in which the act was Commis-
passed for recognising the IGng's marriage with Anne Boleyn, ^'°"?''! *°
and settling the succession to the Crown on their issue*, — oath under
the King being seated on the throne, Audley delivered a warm "e^^lemenl
panegyric upon it, saying that " upon the due observance of
it the good and happiness of the kingdom chiefly depended."
He then intimated that the King, by letters patent, had
appointed the Lord Chancellor, the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, the Duke of Norfolk, and the Duke of Suffolk, Com-
missioners to swear the Lords and Commons, and all others
at their discretion, to observe the act. They immediately,
in the King's presence, took the oath themselves, and ad-
ministered it to the members of both Houses, introducing
into it words respecting the original nullity of the King's first
marriage and the King's supremacy which the statute did not
justify.
"We have already seen the part taken by Lord Chancellor Act to
Audley, along with the Archbishop of Canterbury and the ^^^-^ f
Duke of Norfolk, in trying to force the oath upon Sir King's su-
Thomas More, and committing him close prisoner to the h[!^h trL-
Tower of London for refusing to take it: — the acts which son.
he procured to be passed for the perpetual imprisonment
of More and Fisher, and for making the denial of the King's
supremacy high treason ; — and his various attempts-, by going
personally to the Tower, to entrap More into such a denial
of the King's supremacy as might be made the pretence for
putting him to death as a traitor, f
• 25 Hen. 8. c. 22. t Ante, p. 568. et seq.
604
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A D. 1535.
Presides at
trial of
Bishop
Fisher.
Evidence
of Solicitor
General
Rich.
Audley now issued, under the Great Seal, a special com-
mission for the trial of Fisher and More, — placing himself at
the head of it. As less skill was apprehended from the aged
prelate in defending himself, and there was some colour of a
case against him from the infamous arts of Rich, the Solicitor
General, the wary Chancellor judged it most expedient to
begin with him, although the conviction of the Ex-chancellor
was deemed an object of still greater importance. Accord-
ingly, on the 17th of June, Audley, with the other Commis-
sioners, being seated in the Court of King's Bench in West-
minster Hall, Fisher, from age and weakness hardly able
to support himself, was placed at the bar, charged with
having traitorously attempted to deprive the King of his
title, by maliciously speaking these words : " The Kyng our
Soveraign Lord is not supreme Hedd yn Erthe of the Churche
of Englande." *
The only witness for the Crown was Rich, the Solicitor
General, who, although he was supposed not to have ex-
ceeded the truth in stating what had passed between him and
the prisoner, covered himself with almost equal infamy as
when he was driven to commit perjury on the trial of More.
He had the baseness voluntarily to swear, that, in a private
conversation he had held with the Bishop when he paid him
a friendly visit in the Tower, he heard the Bishop declare
*' that he believed in his conscience, and by his learning he
assuredly knew, that the King neither was nor by right could
be supreme Head in Earth of the Church of England."
Fisher, without the assistance of counsel, which could not
be permitted against the Crown, objected to Audley and the
other Judges that this declaration ought not to be received
in evidence, or be considered as supporting the charge in
the indictment, considering the circumstances under which it
was elicited from him. " Mr. Rich," said he, " I cannot but
marvel to hear you come and bear witness against me of these
words. This man, my Lords, came to me from the King, as
he said, on a secret message, with commendations from his
Grace declaring what good opinion his Majesty had of me,
• 26 Hen. 8. c. 1. 13.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 605
and how sorry he was of my trouble, and many more words CHAP.
• XXXIV
not now fit to be recited, as I was not only ashamed to hear '
them, but also knew right well that I could no way deserve ^.j,. 1535.
them. At last he broke to me the matter of the King's su-
premacy, telling me that the King, for better satisfaction of
his own conscience, had sent him unto me in this secret
manner to know my full opinion in the matter for the great
affiance he had in me more than any other. When I had
heard this message, I put him in mind of the new act of
parliament, which standing in force as it does, might thereby
endanger me very much in case I should utter any thing
against its provisions. To that he made answer, * that the
King willed him to assure me, upon his honour, and on the
word of a King, that whatsoever I should say unto him by
this his secret messenger, I should abide no peril for it,
although my words were ever so directly against the statute,
seeing it was only a declaration of my mind secretly as to his
own person.' And the messenger gave me his solemn pro-
mise that he never would mention my words to living soul,
save the King alone. Now, therefore, my Lords, seeing it
pleased the King's majesty to send to me thus secretly to
know my poor advice and opinion, which I most gladly was'
and ever will be ready to offer to him when so commanded,
methinks it very hard to allow the same as sufficient testimony
against me to prove me guilty of high treason."
Rich did not contradict this statement, observing only. Solicitor
that " he said no more to him than his Majesty commanded," S^?"^'*^
and then, as counsel for the Crown, argued that assuming the commen-
statement to be true, it was no discharge in law against his *^'"y ^^
'^ _ o o counsel on
Majesty for a direct violation of the statute. his own
Audley ruled, and the other Judges concurred, " that this ^Ytne"!^ ^^
message or promise from the King neither did nor could, by
rigour of law, discharge him, but in so declaring his mind and
conscience against the supremacy, yea, though it were at the
King's own request or commandment, he committed treason
by the statute, and nothing could save him from death but
the King's pardon."
Fisher still argued, that as the statute only made it treason
maliciously to deny the King's supremacy, he could not be
A.D. 1535.
606 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, guilty by merely expressing an opinion to the King himself
XXXIV. i^y. jjjg ^^^ order ; — to which Audley answered, that malice
did not mean spite or ill-will in the vulgar sense, but was an
inference of law ; for if a man speak against the King's supre-
macy by any manner of means, that speaking is to be under-
stood and taken in law as malicious.
The right reverend prisoner then took an objection, which
seems to have rather puzzled the Court, — that here there was
but one witness, which in treason is insufficient.
Scandalous Audlcy and the Judges, after some hesitation, answered,
the l!ord'^ that as this was a case in which the King was personally con-
Chancellor cerned, the rule requiring two witnesses did not apply ; that
an u ges. ^j^^ j^^^ would consider the evidence, the truth of which was
not disputed, and as they believed or disbelieved it the pri-
soner should be acquitted or condemned. " The case was so
aggravated to the jury, by my Lord Chancellor making it so
heinous and dangerous a treason, that they easily perceived
what verdict they must return ; otherwise heap such danger
on their own heads as none of them were willing to undergo."
Yet many of his hearers, and some of his judges were melted
to tears, to see such a venerable father of the church in dan-
ger of being sentenced to a cruel death upon such evidence
given, contrary to all faith, and the promise of the King
himself.
Lo«^ The jury having withdrawn for a short time, brought in a
pronounces vcrdict of guilty. The Bishop prayed to God to forgive them ;
sentence of but the Lord Chancellor, " framing himself to a solemnity of
death on „ - p 7 , , . . ,
Bishop countenance, passed sentence or death upon him in the re-
Fisher. yolting terms used on such occasions ; ordering that his head
and four quarters should be set up where the King should
appoint, and piously concluding with a prayer, that God
might have mercy on his soul. This wicked Judge had not
the apology of having any taste for blood himself, and he
would probably have been much better pleased to have sus-
tained the objections, and directed an acquittal : he was
merely a tool of the tyrant, who, hearing that Pope Paul III.
had sent Fisher a Cardinal's hat, exclaimed, " I will take care
that he has not a head to put it upon."
Sir Thomas Audlcy's dcmcanour on the trial of Sir Thomas More,
More.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 607
which took place a fortnight afterwards, we have ahready com- CHAP.
, 1 ^ ^ '' xxxiv.
memorated.
The merit has been ascribed to him of favouring the
Reformation ; but, in reality, he had no opinions of his own,
and he was now acting merely as an Instrument in the hands
of the most remarkable adventurer to be met with in English
history ; whose rise more resembles that of a slave, at once
constituted Grand Vizier in an Eastern despotism, than of a
minister of state promoted In a constitutional government, —
where law, usage, and public opinion check the capricious
humours of the sovereign.
Thomas Cromwell, the son of a fuller f, having had a very Rise of
slender education, — after serving as a trooper in foreign ^''™^ u
armies, and a clerk In a merchant's counting-house at Ant-
werp, had picked up a little knowledge of the law In an
attorney's office in London, — had been taken Into the service
of Cardinal Wolsey as a steward, — had obtained a seat in par-
liament, — had acquired a great ascendancy In the House of
Commons by his energy and volubility, — had Insinuated him-
self into the favour and confidence of Henry VIII. by his
pliancy and dexterity in business ; — and having been suc-
cessively made Clerk of the Hanaper in the Court of Chancery,
Master of the Jewel House, Chancellor of the Exchequer, a
Knight and a Privy Councillor, was now Lord Chamberlain,
Chief Justice in Eyre beyond Trent, Lord Privy Seal, Baron
Cromwell of Okeham, In the county of Rutland, Vicar
General and Vicegerent of the King as Head of the Church,
with precedence in parliament above all temporal and spiritual
Peers, and with absolute power in all the civil affairs of the
realm. To such subordination was the office of Lord Chan-
cellor reduced, that Audley, unless by some extraordinary
ebullition of baseness, seems to have attracted little notice
from his contemporaries ; and his name is hardly mentioned
by the general historian. Yet In the detail and execution of
the measures which were brought forward by the Vicar-
General, the Lord Chancellor took a very active and im-
• Ante, p. 579.
f He is often called the son of a blacksmith, but whoever has curiosity to
investigate the point, will clearly see that his father was a fuller. A true life of
Thomas Cromwell might be made as interesting as a fairy tale.
608 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, portant part. He framed the bills for completing the
separation from Rome, and punishing those who went farther
* D. 1536 *^^^ ^^^ King, and favoured the doctrines of Luther. He
was very efficient in the suppression of the monasteries, his
zeal being influenced by the hope of sharing in the plunder.
He recommended the commissions, under the Great Seal, for
inquiring into the immoralities and abuses alleged to exist in
those institutions ; and he approved of the plan of first grant-
ing to the King the revenues of all under 200Z. a year, and
then of all above that amount. There was never any diffi-
culty in carrying such bills through parliament. Ministers,
in those days, instead of triumphing in a good working
majority, could command an absolute unanimity in both
Houses. It is a curious fact, that against bills respecting
religion, which must have been most highly distasteful to the
great body of the prelates, and to many lay peers, ^ — after the
execution of Fisher there was not a dissentient voice, or the
slightest audible murmur of opposition.*
Audley had his difficulties, but they arose from the King's
conjugal inconstancy. He thought that after witnessing the
dissolution of the King's first marriage by the sentence of
Archbishop Cranmer, and his union with her to whom, in
spite of all obstacles, he had been for six years a devoted
lover, and an act of parliament setting aside the Princess
Mary and settling the succession on the infant Princess
Elizabeth, — holding the Great Seal, he was to enjoy peace
and freedom from care for the rest of his days, with nothing
to think of but his own aggrandisement.
Henry Henry, however, had seen Jane Seymour, one of Anne's
love whh maids, more beautiful and attractive than herself, and had
Jane Sey-
mour.
* Some of these bills passed both Houses after being read only once in each
House. There was then no certain number of times necessary for a bill to be
read according to parliamentary usage before passing ; a bill was sometimes
read four, five, six, seven, and even eight times, before it passed or was rejected.
Journ. vol, i. 26. 49. 52. 55, 56. But the marvel is that such bills as those
for the dissolution of the monasteries and the transfer of tlie Pope's supremacy
to the King passed the House of Lords at all, considering that from the reign
of Edward II. till 15S9, the spiritual Peers were much more numerous than the
temporal. Then twenty-six mitred abbots and two priors being disfranchised,
there were forty-one temporal to twenty spiritual peers. But Bishop Fisher's
fate had such an effect on the nerves of the prelates, that they offered no oppo-
sition to the bills which they abhorred.
LIFE OP LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 609
resolved that there should be a vacancy in the office of Queen, CHAP.
. XXXIV
that his new favourite might be advanced to it.
Audley conformed without hesitation to the royal will, and ^^ j^gg
took a leadina; part in the proceedings against the unfor- Audley as-
. . . sists in the
tunate Anne, from the first surmise against her at Court till prosecution
she was beheaded on Tower Hill. He formed one of the '^ j^""^
Committee of Council to whom the " delicate investigation "
was intrusted, and he joined in the report, founded on the
mere gossip of the Court, or the representations of suborned
witnesses, " that sufficient proof had been discovered to con-
vict her of incontinence, not only with Brereton, Norris, and
Weston of the Privy Chamber, and Smeaton the King's
musician, but even with Lord Rochford, her own brother."
After secretly examining and committing to prison some of
the supposed paramours, Audley planned the arrest of the
Queen herself at the tilting match at Greenwich, and next
day in his proper person went down the river, that he might
accompany her to the Tower, and try to extract something
from her which might be perverted into evidence of her guilt.
Having met the barge in which she was coming up as a pri-
soner, he informed her that she had been charged with infi-
delity to the King's bed, and intimated to her that it would
be better for her to confess ; but, falling on her knees, she
prayed aloud, that, " if she were guilty, God might never
grant her pardon ; " and no advantage being then obtained
over her, she was given in ward to Kingston, the Lieutenant
of the Tower.
Having been active as her prosecutor, Audley sat as her Audley sits
Judge. The trial was nominally before the Court of the of Amie"*
Lord High Steward, — the Duke of Norfolk, her uncle, Boleyn.
being appointed Lord High Steward, as Audley was not yet
raised to the peerage ; but he sat as assessor at the Duke's
right hand during the trial, and directed all the proceedings.*
The only symptom of humanity exhibited was in reluctantly
granting the indulgence of a chair to the Queen's dignity or
weakness. Unassisted by counsel, she repelled each charge
* In all accounts of tlie trial, he is represented as one of the Queen's Judges,
along with the twenty-six peers who constituted the Lord High Steward's Court ;
but being only a commoner, it is impossible that he should have voted.
VOL. I. R R
610
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A.D. 1536.
ISIarriage
of King
with Anne
Boleyn
declared
void from
the begin-
ning.
King's
marriage
with Jane
Seymour.
with 80 much modesty, temper, and natural good sense, that
before an impartial tribunal she must have been acquitted ;
for though she had undoubtedly fallen into some unjustifiable
levities, the proof to support the main charge, consisting of
hearsay and forced confessions by accomplices not produced,
were such as in our days could not be submitted to a jury.
Yet, under the direction of Audley, she was unanimously
found guilty by the Peers " upon their honour ; " and the
iron Duke of Norfolk, with tears in his eyes, condemned her
to be " burnt or beheaded at the King's pleasure." *
The next proceeding is, if possible, still more discreditable
to Audley and the other instruments of Henry's vengeance.
Not satisfied with knowing that she whom he had so pas-
sionately loA'^ed was doomed in her youth to suffer a violent
and cruel death, he resolved before her execution to have a
sentence pronounced dissolving his marriage with her, and
declaring that it had been null and void from the beginning,
— not seeing, in the blindness of his rage, that in this case she
could not have been guilty of adultery or treason. Never-
theless, in a divorce suit which lasted only a few hours, which
Audley sanctioned, and in which Cranmer personally pro-
nounced the sentence, — some say on the ground of a pre-
contract with the Earl of Northumberland, which he on
his oath denied, — some on the ground that Henry had co-
habited with Mary Boleyn, the sister of Anne, — that marriage
was declared null and void, which Cranmer himself had so-
lemnised, and which had been declared valid by an act of
parliament then remaining on the Statute Book. It is well
that Henry did not direct that Audley should oflSciate as
executioner, with Cranmer as his assistant ; for they pro-
bably would have obeyed sooner than have given up the seals
or the primacy.
The day after the execution the King was married to Jane
Seymour, and for a short time his happiness was without
alloy ; but he was reminded that by statute the Crown was
still settled on the issue of his last marriage, whom he had
resolved to bastardise ; and he called a new parliament to
* 1 St, Tr. 409.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 611
meet at Westminster on the 8th of June, 1537, for the pur- CHAP.
• XXXIV.
pose of registering the edicts which the altered state of affairs *
rendered necessary. a.d. 1537.
On the day appointed, the King being seated on the
throne, and the Commons being in attendance, Lord Chan-
cellor Audley delivered a very singular harangue, of Avhich
the following is said to be a correct outline : —
" First he told them, that at the dissolution of the last Parlia- Lord
ment it did not enter into the King's mind that he should so soon jo^.g^'^pgggjj
have occasion to call another ; but that for two especial causes, to the two
very necessary, both for easing the King's scruples and conducive Houses,
to the good of the whole kingdom, he had issued a fresh summons
for calling this Parliament. The one was concerning the heirs
and successors of the King's Majesty, who, knowing himself ob-
noxious to infirmities, and even death itself (a thing very rare for
kings to think of*), and, besides, considering the state of the whole
kingdom, depending, as it were, upon his single life ; but willing,
above all things, to have it free from all dangers to posterity, he
had called this parliament to appoint an heir apparent to the
Crown, who, when the present King had resigned to fate, without
children lawfully begotten, might, by their own consent, happily
reign over them. — The second cause for which the present par-
liament was summoned was for repealing a certain act made in the
last, by the tenour and force of which this whole realm is bound to
be obedient to the Lady Anne Boleyn, the King's late wife, and
her heirs between them lawfully begotten. Also, by the force of
the said act, whoever should say or do any ill against her or her
issue should be condemned for high treason. — But now, he said,
that they might more rightly understand the reasons of this sum-
mons, his counsel was according to these three proverbs of Solomon
(to whom our most excellent Prince here may be most justly and
worthily compared), 'Operabimini quibus admonemur: 1. prse-
terita in memoria habere ; 2. prassentia intueri ; et, 3. obventura
providere.' And as to the first, they very well remembered what
great anxieties and perturbations of mind their most invincible
Sovereign suffered on account of his first unlawful marriage,
which was not only judged so in all the Universities in Christen-
dom, but declared unlawful by the general consent of this kingdom
* This reminds us of the dialogue between the Dauphin and his tutor, when
to the question, " Les rois meurent-ils ?" the answer was, " Quelquefois,
monseigneur."
R R 2
612
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A.D. 1537.
Speaker
Rich out-
flatters the
Chancellor.
in a late act of parliament. So also ought they to bear in mind
the great perils and dangers their Prince was under when he con-
tracted his second marriage, in regard to the second of Solomon's
proverbs, by considering in what a situation this realm is in by
reason of the oath then made and taken for the support of the said
Anne and her issue. Which said Lady Anne and her accomplices
had been since justly found guilty of high treason, and had re-
ceived their due reward for it. What man of middle condition
would not this deter from marrying a third time ? When he re-
members that the first was a vast expense and great trouble of
mind to him, and the second ran him into great and imminent
dangers, which hung over him during the whole time of it, — yet
this our most excellent Prince, on the humble petition of the no-
bility, and not out of any carnal lust or affection, again condescends
to contract matrimony, and hath at this time taken unto himself
another wife, whose age and fine form denotes her most fit and
likely to bring forth children. And therefore, according to the
third proverb of Solomon, obventura provideamus, we are now
met by the King's command, with unanimous consent, to appoint
an heir apparent to the Crown, that if this our Prince (which God
avert) should leave this mortal life without children lawfully be-
gotten, the heir so appointed may lawfully rule and govern this
kingdom after him. Lastly, let us humbly pray to God that he
would bless this our most excellent Prince with some offspring ; at
the same time giving him thanks that he has hitherto preserved
him from so many and such imminent dangers. Because, it is his
whole study and endeavour to rule us all in perfect peace and
charity during his life, and to transmit the same happiness to
posterity."
The Commons were then ordered to withdraw and choose
a Speaker. As a reward for the services of Richard Rich, the
Solicitor General, as counsel, and still more as witness at the
late state trials, he was recommended by the Government to
fill the chair, and as a matter of course was elected.
When presented at the bar on a subsequent day, he was
determined to eclipse the Chancellor in his adulation of the
King, and to show himself worthy to su(;ceed to the Seals
on the first fitting opportunity. After repeating the heads
of the Chancellor's discourse, explaining the reasons for
calling the parliament, and extolling his Majesty's con-
sideration for the good of his people, " he took occasion to
LIFE OP LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 613
praise the King for his wonderful gifts of grace and nature, chap.
and compared him for justice and prudence to Solomon, for
strength and fortitude to Samson, and for beauty and come- ^ ^ 1537^
liness to Absalom." He concluded by observing that the
Commons, having chosen him, the most unworthy of them all,
for Speaker, he besought his Majesty that he would command
them to withdraw again and elect another, for he had neither
learning, experience, nor boldness fit for that office.
To this. Lord Chancellor Audley, by the King's command,
replied, " that his Majesty had well heard his speech, and
was glad to understand by the first part of it, that the
members of the House of Commons had been so attentive to
the Chancellor's declaration. That as to the praises and
virtues ascribed to himself, his Majesty thought proper to
disavow them, since, if he really had such virtues, they were
the gifts of Almighty God." * Lastly, added he, " as to your
excuses, Richard, which the King hath heard, that you have
neither learning, experience, nor boldness fit for such an
office, his Majesty hath commanded me to reply, that if he
did not know that you had all these qualifications, he would
not, amongst so many urgent matters as are now depending,
admit you into the office, and therefore he does not look upon
your excuses as just."
Audley immediately prepared a bill which rapidly passed Act giving
both Houses, the most arbitrary and unconstitutional that power to
had ever yet been put upon the rolls of parliament. By this, dispose of
the sentence of divorce nullifying the King's marriage with
Anne Boleyn ah initio was confirmed, and she, and all her
accomplices, were attainted ; — the children of both marriages
were declared illegitimate, and it was even made treason to
assert the legitimacy of either of them ; — to throw any slander
on the King, Queen Jane, or their issue, was subjected to the
same penalty ; — the Crown was settled on the King's Issue
by his present or any subsequent wife, — in case he should
die without legitimate children he was empowered hy his will or
letters patent to dispose of the Crown ; — whoever being re-
* This is a plain admission on the part of his Majesty, that by the gift of
God he had the wisdom of Solomon, the strength of Samson, and the beauty of
Absalom.
K K 3
614
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A.i). 1537.
July 18.
Fresh con-
test be-
tween
Rich and
Audley in
flattering
the King.
Oct. 12.
Chancellor
created a
Peer.
Presides at
trial of
Marquess
of Exeter
and Lord
Montague.
Doc. 31.
1538.
quired should refuse to answer upon oath to a belief of every
article of this act, was declared to be guilty of treason, so as
to establish a political inquisition into conscience ; — and the
King was empowered, by will or letters patent, to create new
principalities, and thereby to dismember the kingdom.*
At the close of the session there was another contest be-
tween the Chancellor and the Speaker in praising the King
in his presence. Rich making Audley rather uncomfortable
by comparing his Majesty to the Sun, " who exhales all the
noxious vapours which would otherwise be hurtful to us, and
cherishes and brings forth those seeds, plants, and fruits, so
necessary for the support of human life." f
Henry was soon after thrown into ecstasy by the birth of
a son, in the midst of which he felt not very severely the loss
of his Queen, Jane Seymour, who, although married to him,
had the felicity to die without violence or disgrace. Audley
was much disappointed at not being included in the batch of
Peers made a few days after on the creation of the infant
Prince of Wales ; but in the following year his ambition was
gratified by becoming Baron Audley, of Walden, in the county
of Essex.
This honour was conferred upon him that he might preside
as Lord High Steward at the trial of Courtenay Marquess
of Exeter, and De la Pole Lord Montague, who were par-
ticularly obnoxious to Henry as his cousins, and whom he
wished to have condemned for high treason on a charge of
being in correspondence with another cousin of his. Cardinal
Pole, now considered by him his capital enemy. Courtenay
was grandson to Edward IV., by his daughter Catherine, and
the Poles were grandsons of the Duke of Clarence, the brother
of Edward, by his daughter the Countess of Salisbury. For
this reason both famiUes were regarded with peculiar aifec-
tion by the adherents of the house of York, and extreme
jealousy by the reigning Sovereign. Baron Audley, of
Walden, presiding as High Steward, the Marquess and Lord
Montague were arraigned before their Peers on an indictment
for high treason. The overt act was, that the former had been
Stat. 28 Hen. 8. c. 7.
t 1 Pari. Hist. 584.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 615
heard to say, and the latter abetted him in sayinff, " I like well chap.
of the proceedings of Cardinal Pole : I like not the proceed-
ings of this realm. I trust to see a change in the world. I ^^ j^gg
trust once to have a fair day on the knaves which rule about
the King. I trust to give them a buffet one day." The natural
construction of such language is, that they did not approve of
the policy of the government, and that by an active oppo-
sition they hoped to bring about a change of ministers ; but
the Lord High Steward held that it showed a conspiracy to
use physical force to bring about a revolution and to dethrone
the King. Both were found guilty, condemned to suffer
death as traitors, and executed accordingly.*
Lord Audley was very desirous of having for his services The Lord
a reward from the plunder of the monasteries, and wrote Chancellor
*^ ^ ' ^ solicits a
many letters upon the subject to Cromwell who had the dls- recompence
tribution of it. The reader may be amused with a specimen famyhe'had
of his epistolary style : My Lord Chancellor had been fa- incurred,
voured with a sight of the young Prince Edward, then a
baby of a few months old, sent to Havering in Essex for
change of air ; and in the hope that his begging letter might
be shown to the King, he thus addresses the Vicar-General: —
" After my right harty comendations to your good Lordship,
with my most harty thankes for your last gentill letters, I am re-
quired by the Erie of Oxford and Master Chauncelour, to desire
your good Lordshipp, in all our names, to make our moost humble
recommendations to the kynges mageste, and to render ouer most
harty thankes to his Highness for our licens to visite and see my
lord prynces grace, whom, accordyng to our desires and duteez,
we have seen to our most rejoise and comfort, next the kynges
mageste. And I assure your Lordshipp I never saw so goodly a
childe of his age, so mery, so plesaunt, so good and lovyng coun-
tenaces, and so ernest an eye, as it were a sage juggement towardes
every person that repayreth to his grace ; and as it semyth to me,
thankes be to our Lord, his grace encresith well in the ayer that
he ys in. And albeyt a litell his graces flesche decayeth, yet he
shotyth owt in length, and Avexith ferme and stiff, and can sted-
fastly stond, and wold avaunce hymself to move and go if they
would suffir hym ; but as me semyth they do yet best, consideryng
his grace is yet tendir, that he should not streyn hymself as his
* 1 St. Tr. 479.
R R 4
616
KEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A.D. 1538.
Grant in
conse-
quence.
owen corage wold serve hym, till he cum above a yere of age. I
can not comprehend nor describe the goodly towardly qualiteez
that ys in my Lord princes grace. He ys sent of almyty Good for
all our comfortes. My dayly and contynual prayer ys and shalbe
for his good and prosperus preservation, and to make his grace an
olde prince, besechyng your good lordeshipp to render to the
kynges mageste thankes in al our names, as ys above sayd."
He then proceeds to the real object of his letter, to obtain
a grant of two abbeys in Essex, — St. John's and St. Osyes'.
Depreciating them much, as " St. Johns lakkyth water, and
St. Osyes stondyth in the mersches ;" he oiFers to give lOOOZ.
a piece for them. In a " Postscripta " he adds, that to recruit
from the labours of the Court of Chancery, he was then going
on a sporting party, *' to mete the Duke of Norfolk, at Fra-
myngham, to kyll sum of his bukkes there."*
But the grand object of his ambition was to get the site
and lands of the dissolved abbey at Walden, in Essex. For
this purpose he writes to Cromwell with much earnestness,
and it must be owned with much candour and simplicity,
showing that some extraordinary recompence was due to him
for having sacrificed even his character and conscience in the
King's service. " I beseche your good Lordshipp, be my
good Lord in this my sute, yf it shall plese the Kynge's
Mageste to be so good and gracius lord to me, it shall sett
forth as moche my poor estymacion as the valu of the thynge.
In the besy world I susteyned damage and injury, and this
shall restore me to honeste and comodyte."t Afterwards he
urges his claim on this ground with still more force and
naivete. " I have in this world susteyned greate damage and
infamie in serving the Kynge's Highness, which this grant
shal recompens." 1^
This appeal was felt to be so well founded, that in con-
sideration of the bad law laid down by him on the trials of
Fisher, More, Anne Boleyn, Courtenay, and De la Pole, and
of the measures he had carried through parliament to exalt
the royal prerogative and to destroy the constitution, and of
the execration heaped upon him by the whole English nation
* Letters on Suppression of Monasteries, by Camden Society, p. 245.
t Il>id. I Dugdale's Baronage, tit. " Audley."
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 617
— as well as by way of retaining fee for future services of CHAP,
the like nature, and recompence for farther infamy, — he re-
ceived a warrant to put the Great Seal to the desired grant. ^^^ j^gg^
But Henry, never contented with showering favours on
those who pleased him, till, changing his humour, he doomed
them to destruction, likewise bestowed upon him the site
and precinct of the Priory of the Canons of the Holy Trinity
of Christ Church, Aldgate, in the city of London, where the
Chancellor erected for himself a commodious town mansion,
with gardens and pleasure-grounds. This was described by
a contemporary wag as " the best cut at the feast of Abbey
lands, a dainty morsel and an excellent receipt to clear his
voice and make him speak well for his Master."
Still insatiable, he wrote to Cromwell " that his place He is made
of Lord Chancellor being very chargeable, the King might t^e^Qart°r
be moved for addition of some more profitable offices unto
him."* There was no rich sinecure that conveniently could
be bestowed upon him at that moment, but a vacant Blue
Riband was offered him to stay his importunity, and he was
installed Knight of the Garter with all due solemnity, —
being the first Lord Chancellor of England, who, while in
office, had ever reached that dignity. Decorated with the
Collar, George, and Garter, Audley showed himself, if pos-
sible, more eagerly desirous to comply with the humours,
whether arbitrary, fantastical, or cruel, of his royal bene-
factor.
On the 28th of April, 1539, a new parliament met to a.d. 1539.
confirm the dissolution of the monasteries, and to provide ^ P^riia-
^ ment.
severe punishment for those inclined to adopt the reformed
opinions, which were as distasteful to Henry as a denial of
his supremacy, t The Chancellor's speech on the first day of Chancel-
the session is not preserved ; but the Journals state, that loin's speech,
on the 5th of May he informed the House of Lords " that
it was his Majesty's desire, above all things, that the diver-
sities of opinions concerning the Christian religion in this
kingdom should be with all possible expedition plucked up
and extirpated." A select committee was therefore appointed,
» Dugdale's Baronage. f 1 Pari. Hist. 537.
618 KEIGN OP HENRY VIII.
CHAP, with the Vicar-General at their head, who were to report
what was fit to be done to produce uniformity of faith among
A,D. 1539. ^^^ ^^^® Majesty's loving subjects.
On the 30th of May the Lord Chancellor declared before
the Lords, that not only the Bishops and other spiritual
Peers, but even the King's Majesty, had taken great pains,
and laboured incessantly, to bring about an union, and had at
last completed it. Therefore it was his Majesty's pleasure
" that some penal statute should be enacted to compel all his
subjects who were anywise dissenters to obey the articles
agreed on."
«' Bloody On the 7th of June " the bloody Bill of the Six Articles"
Six Arti-^ ^^ brought iuto the House by Lord Chancellor Audley *,
«les." himself secretly inclined to the new opinions, and subjecting
all who should venture to profess them to be burnt or be-
headed. By the first article, — to question the doctrine of
transubstantiation, or to say that after the consecration of
the elements in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper there
remaineth any substance of bread or wine, was heresy, punish-
able with burning and forfeiture of lands and goods, as in
case of high treason. The second was levelled against the
doctrine that communion in both kinds w^as good for the souls
of the laity : the third enjoined the celibacy of the clergy :
the fourth the observance of monastic vows: the fifth the
efficacy and propriety of private masses ; — and the sixth,
auricular confession. Each of these four last-mentioned
dogmas was enforced by the milder penalty of death by
hanging, with forfeiture of lands and goods, as in case of
felony.
The Chancellor's bill was so arbitrary and cruel, that
Cranmer even had the courage to oppose it ; but it was
carried through the House of Lords in three days ; and, being
sent down to the Lower House by the Attorney and Solicitor
General, it passed there with equal rapidity. The finishing
hand was now put to the dissolution of the monasteries, and
twenty-seven mitred Abbots and Priors were ejected from
parliament.
* 1 Pari. Hist. 538.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 619
There having; been some grumblino; In the House of Lords CHAP.
. XXXIV
on account of the precedence given to Cromwell, the Lord '_
Chancellor brought in a bill enacting, that he should have Act regu-
place in parliament and in the Privy Council next after the ^**|"S P"^^-
blood royal, and regulating the precedence of the Peers and
officers of state as it now exists.*
But to save all future trouble in calling parliaments, or Act giving
managing them when refractory, the Chancellor crowned the daJJj^tJon"'
labours of the session by bringing in and passing a bill force of
whereby the King's proclamation, issued with the assent of
his Council, was to have the force and effect of an act of
parliament.!
A new session began on the 12th of April, 1540|; — ^through a.d. i54o.
all the perils of which Audley steered wuth his usual cunning jnarfiage
and success, — but which proved fatal to Cromwell. A few with Anne
months previously, Henry, by his Vicegerent's advice, after
remaining a widower two years, and being disappointed in a
negotiation for a French Princess, had married Anne of
Cleves ; but cruelly disappointed in her person and manners,
and determined not to live with her as his wife, he conceived
a deep resentment against the man who had " put his neck
into the yoke." To render the fall of the favourite the more
grievous, he was created Earl of Essex, and a Knight of the
Garter ; and the King seemed to trust him with more than
wonted confidence.
On the first day of the session the Chancellor complained,
in the King's name, of the great diversity of religions which
still prevailed among his subjects ; a grievance, he affirmed,
which ought to be the less endured, because the Scriptures
were now published in English, and ought universally to be
the standard of belief to mankind. But the King, he said.
* 31 Hen. 8. c. 10., which is the only restraint on the power of the Crown to
grant precedence, but docs restrain that power both in the House of Lords and
in the Privy Council.
t 31 Hen. 8. c. 8. This was followed by 34 Hen. 8, c. 23., appointing a
tribunal consisting of nine privy councillors, with power to punish in a summary
manner all transgressors of such proclamations. To our surprise, we find there
was not perfect unanimity witli respect to this bill, and Bishop Gardiner says, in
a letter preserved by Burnet, that it did not pass without " many large words."
— Uef. ii. 114.
X 1 Pari. Hist. 542.
620
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A.D. 1540.
Fall of
Cromwell.
Chancel-
lor's plan
to attaint
Cromwell
without
hearing
him in his
defence.
had appointed some Bishops and divines to draw up a list of
tenets to which the people were to assent ; and he was deter-
mined that Christ, the doctrine of Christ, and the truth,
should have the victory.
Cromwell, sitting on the Bishop's bench, on the King's
right hand, above the Archbishop of Canterbury, made another
speech In the King's name ; and the Peers, believing him to
be still in high favour, bestowed great flattery on him, saying,
" that, by his desert, he was worthy to be VIcar-general of the
universe." *
But Henry's aversion to his new Queen increasing daily,
and, at last, breaking all restraint, prompted him to seek
the dissolution of a marriage so odious to him, and to
ruin the minister who had been the author It. On the
morning of the 10th of June, the Ylcar-general attended In
his place in the House of Lords, neither himself nor those
about him suspecting that he was In any peril. At three
o'clock in the afternoon of the same day, while attending a
meeting of the cabinet, he was arrested for high treason by
the Duke of Norfolk, and committed to the Tower of
London.
Lord Chancellor Audley Immediately engaged zealously in
the prosecution of his colleague and chief, whom the King
resolved to bring immediately to the block ; for at that time
it was considered almost a matter of course in England that
a minister should lose his head with his office, In the Turkish
fashion, — only that, instead of the bow-string applied by a
mute, the Instrument of vengeance was the verdict of a
packed jury, or an act of attainder passed by a servile par-
liament.
About a year before, Cromwell, to please Henry, had ex-
torted an opinion from the Judges, in the case of the Countess
of Salisbury, that persons might be lawfully attainted by
bill without being heard in their defence ; and Audley now
recommended that this precedent should be acted upon against
Cromwell himself, as awkward disclosures might take place if
he should be tried by the House of Peers, or In the Court of
* 1 Pari. Hist. 548.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 621
the Lord Steward; or If he should be permitted to plead at CHAP.
. XXXIV.
the bar against the bill of attainder. It contained a strange '
medley of charges, few of which even savoured of high ^p, 1540.
treason : — " That he had received bribes, and encroached on
the royal authority by issuing commissions, discharging
prisoners, pardoning convicts, and granting licences for the
exportation of prohibited merchandise ; that as Vicar-
general he had betrayed his duty, by not only holding
heretical opinions himself, but also by protecting heretical
preachers, and promoting the circulation of heretical books ;
and that he had expressed a resolution to fight against the
King, if it were necessary, in defence of his religious opi-
nions."* He wrote to the Chancellor, demanding a public
trial ; but all that was conceded to him was, that he should
be privately heard to defend himself before Commissioners
appointed by the Crown, who should express their opinion on
his case to the two Houses.
After a timid attempt by Cranmer to soften the King on
account of past services, the Bill passed through the House
of Lords unanimously, Cranmer himself attending and voting
for the second and third reading ; and the Peers with one
voice, at the request of the King conveyed by the Chancellor,
thought proper, without trial, examination, or evidence, to
doom to a cruel and ignominious death a man whom, a few
days before, they had declared worthy to be " Vicar General
of the Universe." It can hardly be supposed that Henry in-
sidiously gave him the garter to make him more obnoxious
to the nobility ; but all accounts agree in stating that they
were more incensed against the fuller's son, the trooper, the
merchant's clerk, and the attorney, when they saw him bear-
ing the decoration hitherto reserved for nobles and warriors,
than by thinking of the enormities by which he had risen to
greatness. A bill of attainder against Audley himself, pro-
posed by Cromwell, if the King had so willed, would have
passed with equal unanimity.
The projector of the marriage with Anne of Cleves being
♦ 1 St. Tr. 433,
622
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A.D. 1540.
King's
marriage
with Anne
of Cleves
dissolved.
disposed of, Audley, by the King's orders, took the necessary
measures for having the marriage itself dissolved, although,
there was no better pretext for questioning its validity than
that Henry had been deceived by Holbein's too flattering
portrait of Anne ; — that he thought her a Flanders mare ; —
that when he did consent to marry her after he had seen her,
he withheld assent in his own mind in going through the
ceremony ; — that he suspected she was not a true maid ; —
that she could speak no language but high Dutch ; — and his
assertion that though they slept in the same chamber for many
weeks, he had only lived with her as a friend.
On the 6th of July the Lord Chancellor, addressing the
House of Lords, said, " their Lordships very well knew what
bloody and cruel slaughter had formerly been acted in this
kingdom by reason of various contentions occasioned by du-
bious titles to the succession of this Crown, and since, by the
grace of God, all these controversies were ceased, and all those
titles were united by the divine benevolence in the single
person of his most serene Majesty, so that no occasion of
discord could arise, unless their only hope, the noble Prince
Edward, undoubted heir to his father's kingdoms, should, by
some sinister accident, be taken from them. In that case
(which God avert) it was necessary for the general safety that
some other future heir, by the divine goodness, should be
born to them in true and lawful wedlock ; and since this was
very doubtful from the marriage lately contracted between
his Majesty and the most noble Lady Anne of Cleves, be-
cause of some impediments which, upon inquiry, might arise
to make the validity of that marriage dubious, — for the
quietness and concord of the kingdom in succeeding times,
he therefore recommended that a committee of both Houses
should be appointed to wait upon his Majesty, humbly open-
ing to him, as far as decency would admit, their doubts and
scruples in this matter, and humbly entreating that he would
please to acquaint them whether the aforesaid marriage was
valid or not." He concluded with a motion that a message
be sent to the Commons by certain members of the House,
requesting them to deliberate upon the subject, and that they
LIFE or LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 623
would send back six of their body to inform their Lordships chap.
of the result of their consultation.*
The Chancellor's motion was carried with the usual una- ^ ^ ^540.
nimity ; and the Commons forthwith announced that they
had appointed a committee of twenty to co-operate with the
Lords in the proposed application to his Majesty. All the
temporal Lords and this committee accordingly waited on the
King, when the Chancellor told him they had a matter of
great moment to communicate, if his Majesty would pardon
their presumption. Henry having desired them " to speak
their minds freely," the Chancellor delivered the address of
both Houses, "praying his opinion upon the validity of his
present marriage." The answer was, " that he would refer
the question to the judgment and determination of grave,
learned, honest, and pious ecclesiastics, viz. the Archbishops
and Bishops."
This business was very soon concluded ; for, to the un- Disgraceful
speakable disjjrace of Cranmer and the other prelates whether conduct of
.,.. Ill !•• 1 1PT Cranmer in
inclmmg to the old or the new religion, — on the 10th of June divorce of
they declared to the House of Lords that they had examined
into the affair of the marriage, by virtue of the King's com-
mission directed to them, and that, both by divine and human
law, they found it invalid. They then handed to the Chan-
cellor a sentence of nullity ; which, on the Chancellor's
motion, being read and approved of, it was sent down by two
Bishops to the House of Commons. The next day the Chan-
cellor brought in a bill to dissolve the marriage between his
Majesty and the Lady Anne of Cleves ; and, without hear-
ing what she had to say against it, or receiving any evidence,
it was passed unanimously the following day, and sent down
to the Commons, where it experienced an equally favourable
reception. In a few days more it received the royal assent ;
and Henry, who had always another wife ready on the di-
vorce, dishonour, or beheading of a former, was publicly
married to the Lady Catherine Howard, niece to the Duke
of Norfolk.
As eastern despotism was now established in England,
* 1 Pari. Hist. 546.
Anne of
Cleves.
624
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A.D. 1540.
Eastern
custom of
prostration
introduced.
Chancellor
dissolves
" Long
Parlia-
ment,"
His impar-
tiality in]
persecu-
tion.
A.D. 1541,
King's con-
tentment
with Queen
Catherine
Howard.
there was introduced a near approximation to the eastern
custom of prostration before the Sovereign. We are told
that on the last day of this session, as often as any piece of
flattery peculiarly fulsome was addressed to the King by the
Speaker or the Chancellor, " every man stood up and bowed
themselves to the throne, and the King returned the compli-
ment by a gracious nod from it." *
By the King's commands the Chancellor now dissolved the
parliament, which had sat above six years, and went by the
name of the " Long Parliament," till another obtained that
name, and utterly abolished monarchy as this had subverted
all the free institutions of the country.
Audley was too cautious ever to aim at the station of
" prime favourite and minister," which, after the fall of
Cromwell, was for a time filled by the Duke of Norfolk.
This stern sire of a most accomplished son inclining strongly
to Romanism, commenced a furious persecution against the
Protestants ; and the law of " the Six Articles " was executed
with frightful rigour. Audley would have screened those
of his own way of thinking if he could have done so with-
out danger of offending the King ; but, while he saw crowds
led to the stake for questioning tran substantiation, he took
care, in the impartial administration of justice, that no mercy
should be shown to Catholics who denied the King's su-
premacy, beyond favouring them with a gibbet instead of
surrounding them with fagots ; so that a foreigner then in
England said with reason, that " Henry's subjects who were
against the Pope were burned, and those who were for him
were hanged." f
Things went on smoothly enough with Audley, and all
who, like him, had the prudence to conform to the prevailing
fashions in religion, till the autumn of the following year,
when a discovery was made which again threw the whole
kingdom into confusion. The present Queen had, "by a
notable appearance of honour, cleanness, and maidenly be-
haviour, won the King's heart : " :|: for more than twelve
months he lavished upon her proofs of his affection ; he had
* 1 Pari. Hist. 547.—
t Fox, vol. ii. p. 529.
■ et totum nutu tremefecit Olympum."
i Herb. 532.
tmeiice
discovered.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 625
publicly la his chapel returned solemn thanks to Heaven for CHAP.
... XXXIV
the felicity which the conjugal state now afforded him ; and '
he directed the Bishop of Lincoln to compose a form of ^„. 1541.
prayer to the like effect, to be used in all churches and
* chapels throughout the kingdom. But before this general Her incon-
thanksgiving took place. Archbishop Cranmer came one
morning to the Chancellor, and announced that information
had been laid before him, which he could not doubt, that the
Queen, both before and since her marriage, could be proved
to have been and to be one of the most dissolute of her sex.
By Audley's advice a written statement upon the subject was
put into the hands of the astonished husband. He was par-
ticularly mortified at the thought that the world would now
question that upon which he so much piqued himself in the
case of Anne of Cleves — his skill in discovering: a true
maid ; but when he had recovered from the shock, he di-
rected the necessary steps to be taken for the Queen's con-
viction and punishment.
In consequence, the Chancellor assembled the Judges and Opinion of
Councillors in the Star Chamber, and laid before them the u'!fon"he1-^*
evidence which had been obtained. With respect to Cathe- case,
rine's incontinence before marriage no difficulty arose, for
this she did not deny, although she tried to mitigate her mis-
conduct, by asserting that " al that Derame did unto her was
of his importune forcement, and in a manner violence, rather
than of her fre consent and wil ; " * but this did not amount
to an offence for which she could be punished by any known
law, and she maintained her entire innocence since the time
when a departure from chastity amounted to treason. How-
ever, it appeared that since her marriage she had employed
Dereham as her secretary, and that she had allowed Cul-
pepper, a maternal relation and gentleman of the Privy Cham-
ber, who had likewise formerly been her lover, to remain in
company with her and Lady Rochford from eleven at night
till two in the morning. The Judges being asked their
opinion, replied that, considering the persons implicated, these
* Archbishop Cranmer's letter to the King. — Stat. Pap. Off.
VOL. I. S 8
626
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A.D. 1541.
A parlia-
ment.
The Chan-
cellor's
speech.
facts, if proved, formed a satisfactory presumption that adul-
tery had been committed.
Fortified with this extra-judicial opinion, Audley imme-
diately caused these two unfortunate gentlemen to be brought
to trial before a jury, and, without any additional evidence, •
they were both convicted and executed.
But it was impossible to deal with the Queen herself and
the other parties accused, without that commodious instru-
ment of tyranny, a bill of attainder, which obviated the
inconvenient requirements of proofs and judicial forms.
Accordingly, a new parliament was summoned to meet at
Westminster, on the 16th of January, 1542.
The Lord Chancellor's speech on the first day of the session,
is commemorated in a most extraordinary entry on the Jour-
nals by the clerks of the House of Lords, the only reporters
of those days, — stating that " Thomas Lord Audley, the Lord
Chancellor, opened the cause of the summons in a grave and
eloquent speech, but of such uncommon and immoderate length,
that the clerks, being busy on different affairs could not attend
even to take the heads of the whole speech, which would take
three hours to write down and one to read, and therefore they
give an imperfect compendium orationis. First, the Chancellor
declared in what manner David began his reign over the peo-
ple of God, the Israelites ; he did not pray that honours and
riches might be heaped upon him, but only that his under-
standing and wisdom might be enlarged. Give me understand-
ing that I may search thy law, as it is in the Psalms. This
understanding he asked for, that he might the better learn
for things equally necessary for both prince and people. Such
was the case also in our Sovereign Lord the King, who, when
he first came to the Crown, wished for nothing more ardently
or fervently than that God would bestow on him wisdom and
understanding. The Almighty anointed him with the oil of
sapience above his fellows, ' above the rest of the Kings in the
earth, and above all his progenitors, so that no King of whom
history makes mention could be compared to him.' At which
words, all the Peers, as well as Commons, stood up and bowed
to the throne with that reverence as plainly showed with
what wilUng minds they owned his empire over them, and
LIFE OF LOKD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 627
what they owed to God who had committed the government chap.
of the kingdom to such a Prince." But the entry breaks off
abruptly just as the orator was coming to the pith of his ^.d. 1542.
oration, — the cause of parliament being then called. Some
have ingeniously conjectured that this was done by design,
that the Queen's shame and the King's misfortune might not
be blazoned on the Journals.*
A bill was forthwith brought in by the Lord Chancellor to Bill of
attaint of high treason the Queen, and Lady Rochford as her agdnstThe
accomplice, and to subject to forfeiture and perpetual impri- Queen,
sonment the Duchess of Norfolk, her daughter the Countess
of Bridgewater, Lord William Howard and his wife, and
several others of inferior rank, on the ground that they had
been aware of Catherine's antenuptial errors, and still had
allowed the King to marry her.
For once in his life Audley was now guilty of an indis-
cretion, by yielding to the dictates of humanity and justice,
and declaring after the first reading of the bill, " how much
it concerned all their Honours not to proceed to give too hasty
a judgment ; they were to remember that a Queen was no
mean or private person, but an illustrious and public one ;
therefore her cause was to be judged with that sincerity that
there should be neither room for suspicion of some latent
quarrel, or that she should not have liberty to clear herself if
perchance, by reason or counsel, she was able to do it, from the
crime laid to her charge. For this purpose, he thought it
but reasonable that some principal persons, as well of the
Lords as Commons, should be deputed to go to the Queen,
partly to tell her the cause of their coming, and partly in
order to help her womanish fears, by advising and admonishing
her to have presence of mind enough to say any thing to make
her cause better. He knew for certain it was but just that
a Princess should be judged by equal laws with themselves,
and he was sure that the clearing herself in this manner would
be highly acceptable to her most loving husband." A com-
mittee was accordingly appointed to wait upon the Queen,
* 1 Pari. Hist. 550.
s s 2
628
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A.D. 1542.
Execution
of the
Queen.
and a resolution passed to suspend further proceedings on tlie
bill till they had made the report.*
But Henry seems to have considered this proceeding very
presumptuous ; for two days afterwards the Chancellor was
obliged to declare to the Lords openly, that the Privy
Council, on mature deliberation, disliked the message to be
sent to the Queen, and that the parliament might have leave
to proceed to give judgment, and to finish the Queen's cause,
that the event might be no longer in doubt, and that the King
would give his assent to the bill by letters patent under the
Great Seal.
The bill was accordingly rapidly run through both Houses,
and the Commons attending in the House of Lords, the Lord
Chancellor produced it signed with the King's own hand,
with his assent to it signified under the Great Seal, — and
holding it forth in both hands that all the Lords and Com-
mons might see it, he declared that from thenceforth it had
the full force and authority of law. Then, upon the true
principle of " Castigatque auditque dolos subigitque fateri,"
the Duke of Suffolk stated that the Queen had openly con-
fessed and acknowledged the great crime she had been guilty
of against the most high God and a kind Prince, and, lastly,
against the whole English nation, f
On the third day after this ceremony the unhappy
Catherine and her companion, Lady Rochford, were led
to execution, — bidding the spectators take notice that they
suffered justly for " their offences against God from their
youth upward, and also against the King's royal Majesty
very dangerously." It must be observed that, according to
the ideas of the age, — for the sake of surviving relatives, it
was not customary or reckoned becoming for persons, how-
ever unjustly condemned, to say any thing at their exe-
cution which should be offensive to the King, and we
cannot fairly take these words as a confession of more than the
irregularities imputed to Catherine before she had mounted a
throne.
To obviate the difficulties now experienced if a similar case
* 1 Pari. Hist 550.
t Ibid. 553.
shame.
Terror of
young
" LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 629
should again occur, the Chancellor, by the King's special CHAP.
orders, wound up the whole affair by bringing in a bill, which '
quickly passed both Houses, and received the royal assent j^^ 1542.
from the King in person, — whereby it was enacted, that every Act re-
11 • 1 1 T7" p 1 • quiring
woman about to be married to the King, or any 01 his succes- spinster
sors, not being a true maid, should disclose her disgrace to him yho""
' in I^»"g asks
under the penalty of treason ; and that all other persons know- in mar-
ing the fact, and not disclosing it, should be subject to the ^^fj'f"°'
lesser penalty of misprision of treason.* disclose her
This law, which was afterwards repealed, as " trespassing
too strongly as well on natural justice as female modesty," f
remained in force during the remainder of this reign, and so ladies at
much frightened all the spinsters at Henry's Court, that,
instead of trying to attract his notice, like Anne Boleyn,
Jane Seymour, and Catherine Howard, in the hope of wear-
ing a crown, they shunned his approach as if he had been
himself the executioner; and they left the field open for
widows, who could not, by any subtlety of Crown lawyers,
be brought within its operation.^ When the act passed, it King mar-
had been foretold that the King, notwithstanding his passion ^^j^^^
for maids, would be obliged by it to marry a widow, and ac- a.d. 1.543.
cordingly, on the 12th of July, 1543, he did marry, for his
sixth and last wife, Catherine Par, who had been twice be-
fore led to the hymeneal altar, — first by Edward Lord
Borough of Gainsborough, and, secondly, by Neville Lord
Latimer.
She was inclined to the new doctrines, and the marriage Queen
gave great satisfaction to Audley, Cranmer, and others of the p^* ^""^
same way of thinking : while it alarmed the Duke of Norfolk,
Gardyner, and Wriothesley, now considered champions of the
ancient faith.
The standard of orthodoxy, however, for the rest of this
reign, was " The King's Book," which, with the exception of
* Statutes of Realm, iv. 859. f 1 Bl. Com. 222.
X See Lodge, vol. i. Cath. Par. — " In concluding another match he found a
difficulty ; for as it had been declared death for any whom the King should
marry to conceal her incontinency in former time, so few durst hazard to ven-
ture into those bonds with a King who had, as they thought, so much facility in
dissolving them. Therefore they stood off as knowing in what a slippery estate
they were, if the King, after his receiving them to bed, should through any mis-
take declare them no maids. " — Lord Herbert.
s s 3
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
Succession
to Crown.
the Pope's supremacy, rigidly inculcated all tlie doctrines of
the Church of Rome, and it would have been most dangerous
for Queen or Chancellor to question any thing which it
contained.
On the 14th of January, 1544, began the last session of
parliament which Audley ever saw ; for, though not advanced
in years, he was now pressed with infirmities, and he was
threatened by an inexorable King bearing a dart for his sceptre,
whom no prayers or artifice or subserviency could appease.
The Chancellor's opening speech is no where to be found,
so that we have lost his felicitations to the King on this occa-
sion, and we know not to what Saint or Hero he compared
him for the extraordinary proof his Majesty had given of his
love for his people in marrying a sixth time.
After a bill had passed ordaining that the royal style should
be " King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the
Faith, and of the Church of England and Ireland in earth
the Supreme Head," the Chancellor, by the King's orders,
introduced a measure of very great importance to regulate
the succession to the Crown. As the law stood, the Princesses
Mary and Elizabeth were both excluded as illegitimate, and
it was highly penal to say that the mother of either of them
had ever been lawfully married to the King. In default of
his exercising his power of appointing a successor by deed or
will, — after Prince Edward the right would have been in the
issue of the King's eldest sister, Margaret, married to the
King of Scots, and then in the issue of Mary, his younger
sister, married to the Duke of Suffolk. The bill now intro-
duced, without saying any thing expressly of the King's first
two marriages, enacted, that in default of Prince Edward and
the heirs of his body, and of heirs by the King's present
marriage, the Crown should go to the Lady Mary, the King's
eldest daughter, and the heirs of her body ; and then to the
Lady Elizabeth, the King's younger daughter, and the heirs
of her body, the power of appointment by deed or will being
still reserved to the King; — with a proviso that an oath
should be required to maintain the King's supremacy and the
succession according to this act under the penalties of treason,
and that whoever should say or write anything contrary to
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 631
this act, or to the peril or slander of the King's heirs limited CHAP.
. . XXXIV
in the act, should be adjudged a traitor.* It immediately '
passed both houses, and was a suitable conclusion to Lord ^ p_ 1544
Chancellor Audley's performances in the legislative line, as
in one moment he made it high treason to deny that which
the moment before it was high treason to assert, respecting
the legitimacy of the King's children and their right to suc-
ceed to the Crown, — he himself having brought in the bill
which bastardised Mary, and settled the Crown on Elizabeth,
and the bill which bastardised Elizabeth as well as Mary, and
made it treason to assert the legitimacy of either.
On the 20th of March, the day when the session was Audley's
closed t, Audley was on his death-bed, and the closing speech
was made by the Duke of Norfolk, who referred to the Lord
Chancellor's illness, and regretted the necessity imposed upon
himself of dissolving the parliament in the King's name.
Audley's disease gaining upon him, and the business of Resigns the
Easter term in the Court of Chancery requiring despatch,
on Monday the 21st of April, 1544, he (if we may believe
all that is said in the entry in the Close Roll) spontaneously
sent the Great Seal to the King by Sir Edward North and
Sir Thomas Pope, — humbly praying that his Majesty would
deign to accept the resignation of it, as, from bodily infirmity,
he was no longer able to perform the duties of the office
which, by his Majesty's bounty, he had so long held. His re-
signation was graciously accepted, but out of delicacy to him,
and holding out a hope that he might, recover and be rein-
stated in his office, the Great Seal was delivered to Sir Thomas
Wriothesley merely as Lord Keeper and to be held by him
as Lord Keeper only during the illness of Lord Chancellor
Audley. X
* 35 Hen^8. c. L f 1 Pari. Hist, 559. _
J Mem. qd vicisemo primo die Aprilis, &c. Thomas Audley Miles Dns
Audley de Walden tunc Cancellarius Anglie infirmitate corporis debilitatus et
considerans se ipm ex occone non valere excere et facre ea que ad officium suum
tarn in ministrando leges dei Dmni Regis justiceam qm in supervidendo
pcessum per magnum sigillum dcti Dni Regis sigillandum dcum sigillum in
manibus ipsius Thome, Dmni Cancellarii adtunc existens prfto Dno Regi per
Edwardum North Militem et Thomam Pope Miiitem misit. Qui quidem
Edwardus et Thomas Pope sigillum illud in quadam baga de albo corio
inclusum et sigillo dci Dni Cancellarii munitum regie Majestati apud novum
s s 4
632 EEIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP. The followino; letter, which was lately discovered in the
XXXIV. . .. .".
'_ Augmentation Office, exliibits a curious picture of the dying
A.D. 1544. Chancellor's plans and anxieties. It is written by his secre-
Letter pro- taries, who afterwards were his executors, to Sir Anthony
posinj; , . ^ ''
marriage Denny, — who did, as proposed, obtain the wardship of the
Hs dau"h- ^^^7 Margaret after her father's decease, — although the pro-
ter and the jected match did not take place, and she formed much higher
son of Sir „]i:„„p„^ .
Anthony aiuanccs .
^"ny- "After owre righte hartie commendacions we shall like yow
tunderstande the phisicions dispaire very mouche in o*" goode
Lorde Chauncello^ his helthe ; and suerly for o'' parts we thinke
his Lordship to be in greate danger, and that there is small hoope
of his recoverye. Wherfore, forasmouche as before this tyme we
knowing his Lordship's ernest disposition and hartie good wille to
joyne withe yow in mariage betwixte your sonne and his eldest
doughter wherin yt hathe pleased hym oftentymes to use oure
poore advise, — we have therfore thought goode to signifie his state
to yowe to thentente yow may further declare the same unto the
Kings ma*^® ; and therupon to be an humble suter unto his highnes
for the prefermente of his saide eldest doughter, whome we beleve
he coulde be contente right hartilye amongest other his legasies to
bequethe unto yowe, so he mighte dispose her as he maye other his
possessions and moveables. And thus mooste hartily fare yow
well. From Crechurche, this Wedynsdaye.
" Your own, most assuredlye,
" Edward Nobth,
« Tho. Pope."
palacium suum Westtn. in camera sua privata circa horam terciam post meridiem
in presentia Thome Heneage, &c., presentarunt et obtulerunt humiliter sup-
pllantes ex parte dci Thome Dni Cancellarii eandem regiam majestatem quatenus
idem Dns Rex sigillum suum prdm recre et acceptare dignr Qui Dns Rex
sjgillura illud per manus ipsorum Edwardi et Thome Pope recepit et acceptavit
et penes se retinuit usque in diem proxm. videlt, &c. Quo die circa horam
terciam post meridiem prftus Dns Rex sigillum suum prdm apud palacium
suum prdm in cama prta in presentia Antonii Denny, &c. Thome Wriothesley
militi, Dno Wriothesley custodiendum et exercendum durante infirmitate dci
Thome Dni Audley Dni Cancellarii comisit ipsumque Thomam Dn Wriothesley
magni sigilli regii durante infirmitate dci Dni Cancellarii ibidem constituit et
ordinavit cum auctoritate excendi et facdi omnia et singula que Dns Cancellarius
Angle prtextu officii sui prdci facre et exre potuisset et valeret, &c. The cir-
cumstantiality of the Close Roll historiographer of the Great Seal is very amus-
ing, as he not only tells us the day, the hour, the house, the room in the house,
and in whose presence the transfer was made, but the colour of the leathern bag
in which the Great Seal was contained.
LIFE OF LORD CHANCELLOR AUDLEY. 633
On the 30th of April following, Audley expired in the CHAP.
56th year of his age.
He is a singular instance of a statesman, in the reign of ^ j, 1544^
Henry VIII., remaining long in favour and in office, and His death,
dying a natural death. Reckoning from the time when he ^'^ career,
was made Speaker of the House of Commons, he had been
employed by Henry constantly since the fall of Wolsey, —
under six Queens, — avoiding the peril of acknowledging
the Pope on the one hand, or offending against the Six
Articles on the other. He enjoyed great power, amassed
immense wealth, was raised to the highest honours and dig-
nities, and reaped what he considered a full recompense for
his "infamy."
Such a sordid slave does not deserve that we should say His cha-
more of his vices or demerits. It has been observed, that the '''**''^''
best apology for Wolsey was the contrast between the early
and the latter part of Henry's reign ; and Audley's severest
condemnation must be a review of the crimes which, if he
did not prompt, he abetted. He might have been reproached
by his master, in the language of a former tyrannical sove-
reign of England,
" Hadst thou but shook thy head, or made a pause,
Or turn'd an eye of doubt upon my face,
Deep shame had struck me dumb."
But no eunuch in a seraglio was ever a more submissive
tool of the caprice and vengeance of a passionate and re-
morseless master than was Lord Chancellor Audley.
According to a desire expressed in his will he was buried
at Saffron Walden, in the chancel of the parish church which
he had erected. There an altar tomb of black marble was
raised to him with the following inscription, which some sup-
pose that, in imitation of his immediate predecessor, he had
himself composed ; and which Fuller quaintly enough calls
" a lamentable epitaph."
" The stroke of Deathe's inevitable Dart . Hath now alas of lyfe berafi the His epi-
hart . Of Syr Thomas Audeley of the Garter Knight . Late Chanceliour of taph.
England under owr Prince of Might . Henry Tlieight wyrthy high renowne .
And made by Him Lord Audeley of this Town. Obiit ultimo die Aprilis,
Anno Domini 1544, Regni Regis Henrici 8, 36. Cancellariatus sui 13, et suas
iEtatis 56."
The Chancellor espoused Lady Mary Grey, one of the
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXIV.
A.D. 1544.
daughters of Thomas, second Marquis of Dorset. Any one
might have supposed that he would have been sufficiently
proud of such a noble alliance, whereas he actually sued the
King for further recompense, as he expresses himself, "for
reparation of my pour marriage^ wherein his Majeste was the
principall doer." *
Lady Audley, who survived her husband many years, bore
to him two daughters ; Mary, who died in childhood, and
Margaret, who became sole heir to her father's vast pos-
sessions. She married, first, Lord Henry Dudley, who fell
at the battle of St. Quintin's ; and, secondly, Thomas, fourth
Duke of Norfolk, by whom, amongst other issue, she had
Thomas afterwards created Earl of Suffolk, who built Audley
End, in honour of his maternal grandfather f, and from whom
are descended the Earls of SuiFolk and Berkshire, and Carlisle,
the Earls and Marquises of Bristol, and the Lords Howard
de Walden, besides the Earls of Bindon and Lords Howard
of Escrich, whose titles are extinct.
Lord Audley has been always considered as the founder
of Magdalene College, Cambridge, which he endowed with
large estates. He also authorised the society to use his arms ;
and appointed " his heirs, the possessors of the late monastery
of Walden, visitors of the College in perpetuum, with the
right of nominating the masters ; " which privileges are still
exercised by Lord Braybrooke, the present owner of Audley
End.t
* Cottonian MSS.
f " A stately palace," says Dugdale, " not to be equalled, excepting Hampton
Court, by any in this realm. " — Bar. tit. " Audley. "
^ I am exceedingly indebted to this descendant of the illustrious House of
Neville (several members of which held the office of Lord Chancellor), for in-
formation enabling me considerably to improve my memoir of Lord Audley. —
Note to 2d Edition.
LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY. 635
CHAPTER XXXV.
LIFE OP LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY FROM HIS BIRTH TILL
THE DEATH OF HENRY VIU.
The new Chancellor displayed very different qualities from CHAP.
• • • "XXXV
his predecessor, being a man of principle ; but he was, if pos-
descent.
sible, a worse minister ; for, when invested with power, he character
proved narrow-minded, bigoted, and cruel. Fortunately, he of new
was likewise rash and headstrong, so that his objects were
generally defeated, and his political career was short.
Thomas Wriothesley was sprung from a family long dis- His
tinguished in " Arms," for they were Heralds. John, his
grandfather, was Garter King at Arms to Edward IV.
Thomas, his uncle, filled the same office under Henry VII.
William, his father, was Norroy King at Arms to that
Sovereign.
Thomas, the future Peer and Chancellor, early initiated in Renounces
heraldic lore, was not contented with the prospect of wearing a ^^ ^'
tabard, making visitations, examining pedigrees, and marshal-
ling processions. He therefore abjured the Herald's College,
took to the study of the common law, and was called to the is called to
bar. He was a diligent student, and made considerable pro- *^^ '^^'"*
ficiency in his legal studies, but he does not seem ever to have
risen into much practice as an advocate ; and he showed a
preference of politics to law. In 1535, having recommended Obtains
himself to Lord Chancellor Audley, — through his interest an ^^"^ '"
office of considerable emolument was conferred upon him in Pleas
the Court of Common Pleas. Three years after he was made Made Se-
Sccretary of State, a post beginning to be important, but still cret^ry of
very inferior to its present rank, as then the Lord Chancellor
conducted foreign negotiations, and attended to the internal
administration of the country. He was a warm adherent of
the old faith, to which Henry himself was sincerely attached.
636
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXV.
Opposed to
Reforma-
tion.
A.ii. 1538.
Ambas-
sador to
negotiate
the King's
marriage.
Succeeds
Cromwell
as chief
minister
His dismay
on the de-
tection of
the Catho-
lic Queen,
Catherine
Howard ;
except in as far as the " supremacy " was concerned ; and
with the Duke of Norfolk and Gardyner, he formed the party
actually opposed to the Reformation, who procured the pass-
ing of " the Six Articles."
He was now in such high favour, that he was employed in
the embassy sent by Henry during his widowhood, after the
death of Jane Seymour, to negotiate a marriage for him with
Christiana, the Duchess Dowager of Milan, then in Flanders,
at the Viceregal Court. This negotiation failed, and so did
another of the same kind, in which Wriothesley was engaged
for an alliance with Mary of Guise, who preferred the youth-
ful King of Scotland, James V., Henry's nephew. The
negotiator, in consequence, was some time in disgrace : but
luckily for him he had strenuously opposed a match with a
German Princess, from the dread of the introduction of
Lutheranism ; and the sight of Anne of Cleves obtained for
him warm thanks for the advice he had given.
After the fall of Cromwell, Wriothesley might be con-
sidered prime minister; for Audley did not aspire higher than
to remain in office to execute the measures of others. As
the chief in the King's confidence, he went abroad to nego-
tiate in person the treaty with the Emperor Charles V.,
which, to his great delight, led to the restoration of the
Princess Mary to her place in the line of the royal succession,
and opened the prospect of the suppression of Lutheranism.
The bounties of the Crown were now lavished upon him.
On the death of Robert Earl of Sussex, he was made Cham-
berlain of the Exchequer, and Constable of Southampton and
Porchester castles ; the possessions of the dissolved abbey of
Tichfield were granted to him, and he was raised to the
peerage by the title of Baron Wriothesley of Tichfield, in the
County of Hants.
The disgrace of Queen Catherine Howard had been a
heavy affliction to him and to all true Roman Catholics, as
she was an avowed protectress of the old faith ; and very
anxious to have seen another of the same ecclesiastical opinions
succeed her as consort to the sovereign, he from time to
time recommended alliances with reigning houses in Europe
who remained true to Rome. He was exceedingly surprised
LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY. 637
and shocked, therefore, when he was told one morninff by the CHAP.
• XX XV
King that he had resolved to marry the Lady Catherine Par,
a widow of unimpeached private character ; but, in religion, ^^j ^^le
regarded as little better than a Lutheran. He was very King's
much alarmed by apprehension of the influence she might ^ith the
acquire, and the advantage she might give to the cause of the Protestant
• ... o <:j ^ Queen
Reformation, which in spite of frequent executions for heresy, Catherine
was daily gaining ground in England. He did not venture ^^^
upon the idle task of combating the King's inclination ; and
he passively saw the ceremony of the marriage performed by
Gardyner, Bishop of Winchester, in the Queen's Privy Closet
at Hampton Court, although Cranmer, actuated by contrary
feelings, — to hasten and secure the match, had granted a
special licence, dispensing with the publication of banns and
all contrary ordinances.
Wriothesley, nevertheless, under the influence of misguided His plans
zeal, resolved, for the good of the Church, to take the earliest nf w qLeen
opportunity of making the new Queen share the fate of her
predecessors ; — sanguine in the hope that she would be in-
discreet, and that the King would be relentless.
The declining health of Lord Audley showed that a vacancy
in the office of Chancellor was at hand, and Wriothesley,
without hesitation, agreed to accept it ; for its duties were
not considered at all incompatible with those of prime
minister; and the patronage and emoluments peculiarly be-
longing to it, made it always an object of the highest am-
bition.
Audley's resignation taking place on the 22d of April, He is made
1544, we have seen that on the same day the Great Seal was ^^^^
• • Keeper,
delivered to Wriothesley, with the modest title of " Lord
Keeper during the illness of the Chancellor." Having grate-
fully received it from the King at Whitehall, he carried it to
his house in Cannon Kow, and there, the following day, " he
held a Seal."*
On Friday, the 30th of April, the first day of Easter term,
while Audley was breathing his last, the Lord Keeper
publicly took the oaths in the Court of Chancery in West-
* Rot. Cl. 36 Hep. 8.
638 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, minster Hall. His abjuration of the Pope was very ample,
' and must have cost him a severe pang, unless he had a dis-
tion of the
Pope,
A.i). 1544. pensation for taking it : —
Hisabjura- "I, Thomas Wriothcsley, Knyght, Lorde Wriothesley, Lorde
Keeper of the Brode Seale, havynge now the vaile of darkness of
the usurped power, auctoritie, and jurisdiccion of the See and
Bishoppes of Rome clearly taken away from myne eyes, do utterly
testifie and declare in my conscience, that neyther the See, nor the
Bishop of Rome, nor any foraine potestate, hath nor ought to have
any jurisdiccion, power, or auctoritie within this realme, neither
by.Godd's lawe, nor by any other juste lawe or meanes ; and
though by sufferance and abusions in tymes passed, they aforesaide
have usurped and vendicated a fayned and unlawful power and
jurisdiccion within this realme, whiche hath ben supported tyll
fewe yeres passed, therefore, by cause it myght be denied, and
thought thereby that I toke or take it for just and good, I there-
fore nowe do clerely and frankeley renounce, refuse, relinquishe,
and forsake the pretended auctoritie, power, and jurisdiccion both
of the See and Bishop of Rome, and of all other foraine powers ;
and that I shall never consent nor agre that the foresaid See or
Bishop of Rome, or any of their successours, shall practise, ex-
ercise, or have any manner of auctoritie, jurisdiccion, or power
within this realme, or any other the Kynge's realmes or domynions,
nor any foraine potestate, of what estate, degree, or condiccion
soever he be, but that I shall resiste the same at all tymes to the
uttermost of my power, and that I shall accepte, repute, and take
the Kynge's majestic, his heyres, and successors, when they or any
of them shall enjoy his place, to be the only supreme Head in
earth, under God, of the Churche of England and Ireland, and of
all other his Hignesse's dominions ; and in case any other hathe
ben made by me to any person or persons in maintenance, defence,
or favour of the See and Bishop of Rome, or his auctoritie, juris-
diccion, or power, I reporte the same as vague and adnihilate, and
shall holly and trewely observe and kepe this othe. So helpe me
God, all Sainctes, and the Holy Evangelists." *
The old Duke of Norfolk who had so often officiated on
such occasions, attended this installation, but we have no ac-
count of any orations delivered, and probably the ceremony
was made as short and simple as possible, out of delicacy to
the dying Audley.
• Rot. CI. 36 Hen. 8.
LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY. 639
On the third day after his death the Lord Keeper brought chap.
the Great Seal to the King at Whitehall, and resigned it into
his hands. His Majesty, sitting on his throne, having accepted ^j^ g
it, re-delivered it to him, with the title of " Lord Chancellor," 1544.
making a speech very complimentary both to the deceased chancellor,
and the living Chancellor.*
There was then a grand procession from the Palace to iiis instal-
"Westminster Hall ; and in the Court of Chancery the Duke ''*^"'"'
of Norfolk, by the King's command, again administered the
oaths to the new Chancellor, and installed him in his office.
Although bred to the law, he had never been thoroughly His de-
imbued with its principles nor versed in its forms ; and his ja'^^!"*'^ ^"
scanty legal learning had been almost entirely forgotten by
him since he had abandoned professional for political pursuits.
He accordingly found himself very inadequate to the dis- ^ very in-
charge of the judicial duties of his office, and the public com- jud^e.
plained loudly of his delays and mistakes. He continued to
sit during Easter and Trinity terms, pelted by motions which
he knew not how to dispose of, and puzzled by causes the
bearings of which he could hardly be made to understand ;
— perplexed by the conflicting assertions of the opposite coun-
sel as to the doctrine and practice of the Court ; — his chief
solicitude being to conceal his ignorance from the bar and
the by-standers ; — desirous to do what was right both for his
own conscience and his credit, — but with constant apprehen- His unhap-
sions that his decisions were erroneous, and that he was P^"^^^-
ridiculed in private, even by those who flattered him in his
presence. At last the long vacation came to his relief, during
which, in those times, the tranquillity of the Chancellor was
little disturbed by motions for injunctions or summary appli-
cations of any sort.
* " Dms Rex in solio siio regali sedens et sigillum prdiim in baga predicta
inclusum manu sua tenens yost verba ad prftum Thomam Wriothesley et alios
ibidem prestes habita, sigillum illud prefto Tliome Dno Wriothesley tanqm Dno
Cancellario Anglie tradidit et redeliberavit ipsumque Thomam Dmm Wriothesley
Cancellarium suum Anglie constituit." The entry then goes on to specify the
names of the Master of the Rolls, and a large assemblage present, and to state that
the Chancellor having opened the bag and taken out the seal, sealed a writ with
it and restored it to the bag, carried it off with him, and describes the ceremony
of his swearing in ; but instead of again setting out the oath of supremacy,
merely says, " I, Thomas Wriothesley, Knight, Lorde W^riothesley, Lorde Chan-
cellor of England, havynge now tlie vaile of darkness," &c., ut supra.
640
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXV.
A.D. 1544.
He tries to
study
£quity.
Commis-
sion to
assist him
in hearing
(pauses.
His re-
lentless
bigotry.
Anne
Ascue tor-
tured and
burnt by
the Lord
Chancellor.
He now applied himself to the study of the few cases in
the recent Year Books as to where " a subpoena lies," and
tried to gain information from the officers of the Court to
qualify him for a more satisfactory performance of his part in
" the marble chair ; " but as Michaelmas term approached, his
heart failed him, and he resolved not again to expose himself
to the anxieties and indignities he had before suffered.
Nevertheless, he by no means intended to resign the Great
Seal, and with the King's consent, on the 9th of October,
1544*, he issued a commission to Sir Robert Southwell,
Master of the Rolls, and several others, to hear causes in the
Court of Chancery during his absence. He afterwards took
his seat in court occasionally, as a matter of form ; but on
these Commissioners he, in reality, devolved all the judicial
business of his office during the remainder of the reign of
Henry VIII., and he devoted himself entirely to matters of
state and religion.
There was now profound peace with France and the Em-
peror, and the public attention was absorbed by the struggle
between the favourers and opposers of the new doctrines. The
Chancellor was at the head of the latter party, and showed
the qualities of a Grand Inquisitor, rather than of an en-
lightened minister to a constitutional King.
Henry, his pride and peevishness increasing as his health
declined, was disposed to punish with fresh severity all who
presumed to entertain a different speculative notion from him-
self respecting religion, particularly on any point embraced by
the " Six Articles " framed against Lutheranism : and the
Chancellor, instead of restraining and soothing, urged on and
inflamed his persecuting spirit.
In spite of all these efforts the reformed doctrines gained
ground, and were even becoming fashionable at Court under
the secret countenance of the Queen. The alarm was given
by the indiscretion of Anne Ascue, one of her maids, a young
lady of great beauty, of gentle manners, and warm imagination,
who had had the temerity to declare in a large company,
" that in her opinion, after the consecration of the elements
• Rot. Cl. 36 Hen. 8.
LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY. 641
in the sacrament of the Lord's supper, the substance of bread CHAP.
. •• XXXV
and Avine still remains in them." This conversation being
reported to the King and the Chancellor, she was summoned ^ ^^ j^^^
and examined before the Council. Being menaced by Bonner,
who was beginning to show that disposition which proved so
formidable in a succeeding reign, she recanted to a certain
degree, but still under qualifications which were not satis-
factory, and she was committed to prison on a charge of
heresy. This severity only heightened her enthusiasm : she
now saw the crown of martyrdom within her reach, and she
resolved to court it by boldly asserting her religious principles.
A letter which she wrote to the King, saying, " as to the
Lord's Supper, she believed as much as Christ himself had
taught or the Catholic Church required, but that she could
not assent to his Majesty's explication of the doctrine," was
considered a fresh insult, and as it was suspected that
she was countenanced by the leaders of the Lutheran party
at Court, the Loi'd Chancellor went himself in person to
interrogate her in the hope of obtaining some evidence against
Cranmer, or against the Queen herself. Anne freely an-
swered all the Chancellor's questions respecting her own faith,
but she maintained an inviolable fidelity to her friends, and
would give no information as to her instructors or participators
in the heretical opinions she expressed. According to a cus-
tom then common, defended by high authority as necessary
to religion and good government, and not entirely abolished
in England for near a century afterwards, she was thereupon
ordered to be put to the torture. This being applied with
great barbarity without extorting any confession, the Chan-
cellor ordered the Lieutenant of the Tower to stretch the
rack still further. The refractory officer refused compliance,
though repeatedly ordered by the highest Judge in the land,
and menaced with the King's displeasure and the utmost ven-
geance of the law. Thereupon (such are the enormities which
may be prom[)tcd by superstitious zeal !) Wriothesley, — on
ordinary occasions a humane man, — now excited by resistance
and persuading himself that discoveries might be obtained
which would do service to God, — put his own hand to the rack
and drew it so violently, that he almost tore asunder the
VOL. L T T
642
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXV.
A.D. 1545.
The Chan-
cellor's
offer of
pardon to
Anne
Ascue.
His at-
tempt
against the
Queen.
tender limbs of his youthful and delicately formed victim.
Her constancy still surpassed the barbarity of her persecutor,
and he was obliged to withdraw, baffled and discomfited, lest
she should die under his hands without the form of trial.*
When he made complaint, as he had threatened, of the
clemency of the Lieutenant of the Tower, it should be re-
corded that Henry approved of the conduct of this officer,
and refused to dismiss him. It was resolved, however, to pro-
ceed against Anne Ascue, according to the existing statutes ;
and she was brought to trial, with several others, for denying
the real presence. A clear case was proved against them;
and, under the law of the Six Articles, they were duly sen-
tenced to be burnt. Anne was still so much dislocated by
the rack, that she was carried in a chair to the place of
execution.
The Chancellor, in the hope of saving the criminals, or of
aggravating their guilt, made out a conditional pardon to
them, to which, with the King's consent, he affixed the Great
Seal ; and when they had been tied to the stake, — before the
torch was applied to the fagots which were to consume them,
he communicated to them that the pardon which was shown
them should be instantly handed to them if they would de-
serve it by a recantation. Anne and her companions only
considered this oifer a fresh garland to their crown of martyr-
dom ; and continuing their devotions, calmly saw the devour-
ing flames rise around them, f
Wriothesley soon after thought that he had got into his
power a nobler victim, and that he might offer up a still
more acceptable sacrifice. It should be borne in mind that,
during this reign, the situation of Queen was considered an
office at Court to be struggled for by contending factions.
The Catholics were most active in the prosecution of Anne
Boleyn, and the divorce of Anne of Cleves ; the Reformers
had been equally active in the divorce of Catherine of Aragon,
* I am sorry for the honour of the law to say that Griffin, the Solicitor
General, was present at this scene, and, instead of interceding for Anne, recom-
mended himself to the Chancellor by tightening the rope with his own hand to
add to her torture. This is said to be the only instance of a woman being put
to the torture in England. — See Jardine's Reading on Torture, p. 65.
f Fox, vol. ii. p. 578. Speed, p. 780. Baker, p. 299.
LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY. 643
and the prosecution of Catherine Howard. Now the Ca- CHAP.
. . • XXXV.
tholics were eager to pull down Catherine Par, in the hope
that a true Catholic might take her place on the throne. ^ j,, 1545.
What no saint would promise to the supplicating Wriothesley,
and what the rack would not accomplish for him, he thought
that chance, or rather the good providence of God, had un-
expectedly brought to pass.
Gardyner came to him one morning to announce that the
King had been gravely complaining to him of the Queen, for
abetting Lutheran doctrines in their tete-a-tete conversations,
and for secretly sinning against the Six Articles ; and that
his Majesty had favourably listened to the remarks he had
hazarded to make to him, " that such misconduct could not be
winked at by a King anxious for preserving the orthodoxy of
his subjects." The Chancellor flew into the royal presence
to take proper advantage of this disposition, and eagerly
represented, " that the more elevated the individual was who
"was made amenable to the law, and the nearer to his person,
the greater terror would the example strike into every one,
and the more glorious would the sacrifice appear to posterity."
Henry was so much touched by these topics, that he directed Prosecu-
articles of impeachment to be drawn up against his consort, dgred"^'
so that she might forthwith be brought to trial and arraigned; against the
and ordered that the following day she should be arrested by ^"^^"•
the Chancellor himself, and carried to the Tower of London.
Wriothesley joyfully drew the articles, and brought them to
the King for his royal signature ; without which, it was not
deemed regular or safe to take any further step in the prosecu-
tion. Henry signed the paper without hesitation, and the
execution of another Queen seemed inevitable.
By some means, the contents of this paper became known Her terror,
to a friend of Catherine, who instantly warned her of her
danger. She fainted away at the intelligence. On recovering
her senses, she uttered frightful shrieks, and she well might
have anticipated, after a mock trial, a speedy death on Tower
Hill ; for hitherto the King had never relented in any capital
prosecution once commenced against wife or minister. She
was told that her only chance of escape was to seem ignorant
of his intentions, and to try to soothe and to disarm him
644
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXV.
AD. 1545.
Her dis-
cretion.
Kiiijj re-
conciled to
her.
before there should publicly be taken against her any step,
from which he could not recede without risking his reputation
for firmness and courage. She showed much presence of
mind, and went to pay the King her usual visit with a
tranquil and cheerful air. He began, as he had lately done,
to challenge her to an argument on divinity, thinking he
should obtain a still plainer avowal of her heterodoxy. But
she said, " she humbly hoped she might be permitted to de-
cline the conversation, as such profound speculations were
ill-suited to the natural imbecility of women, who, by their
first creation, were made subject to men, the male being
created after the image of God, the female after the image of
the male ; it belonged, therefore, to the husband to choose
principles for his wife, the wife's duty being, in all cases, to
adopt implicitly the sentiments of her husband. As for her-
self, it was doubly her duty, being blest with a husband who
was qualified by his learning and judgment, not only to pre-
scribe articles of faith for his own family, but for the most
wise and knowing of every nation." This speech, so artfully
adapted to his peculiar notions of female submission and his
own fancied superiority, delivered with such apparent sin-
cerity, — for he did not suspect that she was at all aware of
the pending prosecution, — so pleased him, that he exclaimed,
" Not so ! by St. Mary ; you are now become a doctor, Kate,
and better fitted to give, than to receive instruction."
She followed up her success by meekly observing, that she
was little entitled to such praise on the present occasion, as
the sentiments she now expressed she had ever entertained ;
that, though she had been in the habit of joining in any con-
versation proposed by his Majesty, she well knew her concep-
tions on any topics beyond domestic aflPairs could only give
him a little momentary amusement ; that, finding their col-
loquy sometimes apt to languish when not quickened by some
opposition, she had ventured to feign a difference of opinion,
in order to give him the pleasure of refuting her, and that all
she purposed by this artifice, which she trusted he would
deem innocent, was to engage him in discussions, whence
she had herself derived profit and instruction, " And is it
LORD CHANCELLOK WEIOTHESLEY. 645
indeed so, sweetheart?" replied the King; "then are we chap.
perfect friends." ^^^^-
Luckily for her, there was no fair maid of hers on whom ^ ^ ^^^^
he had cast an eye of affection, and whom he had destined for
Queen, — or all Catherine's eloquence would not have saved
her from the penalties of heresy and treason ; — but having
no other inclination, and having been pleased with her as a
companion and a nurse, he sent her away with assurances of
his kindness and protection.
Next day Henry and Catherine were conversing amicably Chancellor
in the garden when the Lord Chancellor, ignorant of the ar™stf,er,
King's change of intention, appeared with forty poursuivants is repri-
to arrest her, and carry her to the Tower. She withdrew to
some distance, saying that she supposed the Chancellor
wished to speak witli his Highness on public business. From
where she stood she could hear the appellations of " Fool,
knave, and beast,^^ bestowed with great emphasis upon the
Chancellor, and an order at last given to him by the King,
in a resentful tone, to depart his presence. When Wriothes-
ley was gone, Catherine ran up to the King, and tried to
soothe him by putting in a good word for the object of his
anger. " Poor soul," cried he, " you little know how ill en-
titled this man is to your kind offices."
The orthodox Chancellor was still on the watch to find an
occasion to do an ill turn to her whom he justly suspected of
being in her heart Lutheran ; but Catherine, cautious after
narrowly escaping so great a peril, never more offended
Plenry's humour by any contradiction, and remained in his
good graces to the end of his life.
Wriothesley was now employed as a Commissioner to con- Chancellor
elude a treaty with Scotland, and conducted the neo;otiation ™*'?*^,
1 TT , ■ / • , , . 11 1 Knight of
so much to Henry s satisiaction, that he was mstalled a the Garter.
Knight of the Garter, being the second Chancellor who had
reached this dignity.
On the 23d of November, 1546, met the only parliament A parlia-
callcd while Wriothesley was Chancellor. We do not find '"^"'^'
any where his speech at the opening of the session ; but if
we may judge from what took place at the prorogation,
T T 3
646 REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP, it had not been much applauded; and certainly it had not
flattered the King to his liking.
^P J54g The first act of the session was to take away from the
Appoint- Chancellor a patronage which, the preamble recites, had been
Custos Ro- greatly abused, of appointing the Gustos Rotulorum in every
tulorum county, and to provide that the appointment thereafter shall
the Great be directly by the King.* But the great object of the King
Seal. yfOQ to have made over to him by parliament certain colleges,
chantries, and hospitals, with very extensive possessions, which
were supposed to be connected with the Pope as their re-
ligious head, and were now dissolved. f The plunder of the
monasteries was all dissipated, and, notwithstanding large
subsidies, the Exchequer was empty. But this new fund,
managed by the Court of Augmentations under the Chan-
cellor's superintendence, brought in a tolerably sufficient
revenue during the remainder of Henry's reign.
King's At the close of the session, after the Speaker of the House
Chancel- ^'^ of Commous had delivered his oration, the King himself made
lor's. the reply, beginning in a manner not quite complimentary to
Lord Chancellor Wriothesley. " Although my Chancellor
for the time being hath before this time used very eloquently
and substantially to make answer to such orations, yet is he
not able to open and set forth my mind and meaning, and
the secrets of my heart, in so plain and ample a manner as I
myself am and can do." His Majesty then, with modest
vanity, disclaims the praises bestowed upon him ; but in such
language as shows that he conceived they were well merited.
*' But of such small qualities as God hath endued me withal,
I render to his goodness my most humble thanks, intending,
with all my art and diligence, to get and acquire to me such
notable virtues and princely qualities as you have alleged to
be incorporate in my person." X
King's This was the last time that Henry ever appeared upon the
1 ness. throne before Parliament. He had now grown immensely
corpulent ; he was soon after unable to stir abroad, and in
his palace he could only be moved from one room to another
by machinery. All began to look forward to a new reign,
* 37 Hen. 8. c. I. f 37 Hen. 8. c. 4. | 1 Pari. Hist. 562.
LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY.
647
and there was intense anxiety as to the manner in which
Henry would exercise the power conferred upon him by
parhament to provide for the government of the country
during the minority of Prince Edward, and to direct the
succession to the Crown ^on the death of his own children
without issue.
Wriothesley, the Chancellor, had the most constant access
to him, and was eager that a settlement should be made the
most favourable to the Catholic faith ; but he was thwarted
by the Seymours, the young Prince's uncles, who were strong
favourers of the Reformation, and determined, upon the
accession of their nephew, to engross the whole royal authority
into their own hands. The King's will, drawn by Wriothesley,
was at last executed, but whether with the forms required by
law is still a matter of controversy.* By this will Wriothesley
himself was appointed one of the sixteen Executors, to whom
was entrusted the government of the realm till the Prince,
then a boy nine years old, should complete his eighteenth
year, and he counted, with absolute certainty, upon the
Great Seal remaining in his hands during the whole of that
interval.
Through the agency of the Chancellor, Henry's reign
had a suitable termination in the unjust prosecution of the
Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Surrey, the greatest
subjects in the kingdom, the father deserving respect for
his devoted services to the Crown, not less than for his
illustrious birth ; and the son, distinguished by every ac-
complishment which became a scholar, a courtier, and a
soldier, refining the language and softening the manners of
the age, — uniting the brilliant qualities of chivalry with the
taste and cultivation of modern times, — celebrating the
CHAP.
XXXV,
A.n. 1546.
Chancellor
makes the
Kind's will.
Prosecu-
tion of
Duke of
Norfolk
and Lord
Surrey.
* On the question, whether the power given to Henry to appoint to the suc-
cession was duly executed, depended in strictness the right of the Stuarts to the
throne ; for he excluded them, preferring the issue of his younger sister, married
to the Duke of Suffolk, whose descendants still exist. The better opinion seems
to be that the signature by the stamp, though affixed by the King's command,
was defective. Wriothesley was not by any means an accurate lawyer, and in the
hurry in which the instrument was executed, there is no improbability in sup-
posing that the conditions of the power were not strictly fulfilled. At all events,
after a lapse of 300 years, and the subsequent acts of settlement, our allegiance
cannot much depend on this nicety. — See HaU. Const. Hiit. vol. i. p. 393.
T T 4
REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
CHAP.
XXXV.
praises of his mistress in the tournament, as well as in the
sonnet and the masque. It can hardly be supposed that
"VVriothesley planned their downfall, for they were of the
same religious faith with himself, unless it may be conjectured
that he himself wished to be the head of the party, and to
guide all its measures in the succeeding reign. But admitting,
what is more probable, that the Seymours, dreading the
influence of the House of Howard, were the original instiga-
tors of this prosecution, Wriothesley, instead of resisting it,
sanctioned and promoted it, — making himself accessory to the
murder of the son, — and not having likewise to answer for that
of the father, only by being suddenly freed from the inhuman
master whose commands he was afraid to disobey or to ques-
tion. He concurred in the commitment of both of them to the
Tower on the same day. Surrey being a commoner, a com-
mission under the Great Seal was issued for his trial before a
jury ; and this hope of his country, a man of undoubted
loyalty and unsullied honour, being convicted of high treason
on no better evidence than that he had quartered the arms of
Edward the Confessor on his scutcheon, — by authority of a
warrant signed by the Chancellor, was immediately executed.*
It was necessary to deal with the Duke of Norfolk as a
Peer. A session of parliament being called on the 14th of
January, 1547, on the 18th a bill was brought into the
House of Lords for his attainder, and passed that House on
the 20th. The overt act of treason was, that he had said
that " the King was sickly and could not hold out long, and
the kingdom was likely to fall into disorders through the
diversity of religious opinions." The bill being returned
passed by the House of Commons on the 24th, the Lord
Chancellor on the 27th having ordered all the Peers to put
on their robes, and the Commons, with their Speaker, to at-
tend at the bar, declared to both Houses that his Majesty
wishing the bill for the attainder of the Duke of Norfolk to
be expedited, that his office of Earl Marshal might be filled
up by another, and being hindered by sickness from coming
to give his royal assent to it in person, he had directed a
* 1 St. Tr. 453.
LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY. 649
commission to pass the Great Seal, authorising him and other CHAP.
• • • XXXV
Peers to give the royal assent to it in the King's name. The
commission being read, the Lord Chancellor commanded the ^ ^ 1547
clerk of parliament to pronoimce the words, Soitfait come il
est desire ; and so it being passed into a law, a warrant was
issued for the execution of Norfolk on the 29th of January.*
But early in the morning of that day news was brought to Death of
the Tower that Henry had expired in the night, and the yjjj^
lieutenant gladly suspended the execution of a sentence so
unjust and tyrannical.
In the reign of Mary the attainder was reversed, on the
ground that the offence of which he was accused was not
treason, and that Henry had not signed the commission, in
virtue of which his pretended assent had been given to the
act of parliament.
On the 31st of January the Lord Chancellor formally Tears of
announced the King's death to both Houses : and, says the *^^, C^*"-
^ ^ ^ , 1 Inti cellor.
Journal, " the mournful news was so affectmg to the Chan-
cellor and all present that they could not refrain from tears ! "f
It is impossible that there should not have been a general joy
at the deliverance of the country from the rule of such a
heartless tyrant. %
A few sentences will be sufficient to notice the state of the .Juridical
equitable jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery, and the rg^^^^of
chano;es in the law during this reign. By the Statute of Henry
. VIII
Uses, 27 H. 8. c. 10., it was proposed to confine all contro-
* 1 St. Tr. 457. 1 Pari. Hist. .561.
f Several of the successors of St. Swithin have been much given to crying, and
-ive shall hereafter see one of them weeping so as to recall " the iron tears which
rolled down the cheeks of Pluto."
J I must express my astonishment and regret to find the character and con-
duct of Henry defended by such an able writer and excellent man as Mr. Sharon
Turner, who thus apologises for his worst acts: — " None of these severities were
inflicted without the due legal authority. The verdict of juries, tlie solemn
judgment of the Peers, or attainders by both Houses of parliament on offences
proved to its satisfaction, pronounced all the convictions, and produced the fatal
sentence. Every one was approved and sanctioned by the cabinet council of the
government. The King is responsible only for adopting the harsh system, for
not interposing his prerogative of mercy, and for signing the death warrants
which ordered the legal sentences to be put in force. He punished no one
tyrannically without trial or legal condemnation." — Turner's Hist. Engl. vol. x,
p. 532. What difference is there between procuring a liouse of parliament
or a jury to convict an innocent man of a capital charge, and hiring an assassin
to take away his life ? The most dangerous sj)ecics of murder is that which is
committed under the forms of law.
650 STATE OF THE LAW.
CHAP, versies respecting land to the Courts of common law, by
preventing a severance between the legal and beneficial
Statutes estate; but the conveyancers and the Judges repealed the
act of parliament by the addition of three words to a deed ;
and " uses " being revived under the name of " trusts," the
jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery over land was confirmed
and extended. The Statute of Wills, 32 H. 8. c. 1., for the
first time gave a general power of devising real property ;
and the Statute of Limitations, 32 H. 8. c. 2., conferred an
indefeasible right to it after an adverse possession of sixty
years.
Commis- The first Special Commission for hearing causes in Chan-
sion to hear ^^^ ^^^^ granted in this reign, while Cardinal Wolsey was
causes. jo o ^ j
sitting on the trial of Catherine's divorce. It was directed
to the Master of the Rolls, four Judges, six Masters, and
ten others, and authorised them, or any four of them, two
being the Masters of the Rolls, Judges, or Masters, to hear,
examine, and finally determine all causes in Chancery com-
mitted to them by the Chancellor, and to order execution
thereon.*
Reports. Although there are some valuable reports of common-law
cases in this reign, there is no trace of any of the decisions
of Chancellors Warham, Wolsey, More, Audley, or Wrio-
thesley ; and the rules by which they guided their discretion
still remained vague or unknown.
In this reign there were several instances of the Court of
Chancery pronouncing decrees for divorces ; and there seemed
a probability that it would assume a jurisdiction to decree
the specific performance of a contract to marry, and a restitu-
tion of conjugal rights ; but it was afterwards held, that the
Ecclesiastical Court alone has cognisance of marriage and
divorce. f
* Rym. xiv. 299. This commission has since been followed as a precedent
for delegations of the judicial authority of the Chancellor.
t See Tothill, 124. De Manniville v. De Mannivilie, 10 Ves. 60. In America
the Court of Chancery still decides in matrimonial suits.
LOED CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY.
651
CHAPTER XXXVI.
CONCLUSION OF THE LIFE OF LOKD CHANCELLOR "WRIOTHESLET.
On the same day that Henry died the young King was
proclaimed ; and the sixteen Executors assembled in the
Tower to commence their government in his name.
Wriothesley thought he had so arranged matters that the
chief power would be in his own hands. Archbishop Cran-
mer was the first on the list ; but he was not expected to mix
much with secular affairs. Next came the Chancellor, who
would naturally be looked up to as the real head, and would
be enabled to guide the deliberations of the body. He there-
fore was most anxious that the King's will should be strictly
observed ; and as soon as they had taken their places at the
board, and the will had been read, he moved " that it be re-
solved not only to stand to and maintain the testament of
their master the late King, and every part and article of the
same to the uttermost of their power, wits, and cunning, but
also that every one of them present should take a corporal
oath for the more assured and effectual accomplishment of
the same." This resolution could not be decently objected
to ; the oath was taken, and the Chancellor thought himself
secure.
But the ceremony of swearing had hardly been concluded,
when the Earl of Hertford, the King's uncle, who, as Lord
Chamberlain, was only fourth in precedence in the Council,
but who was determined to get all power into his own hands,
suggested that, for the despatch of business, for the facility
of communicating with foreign ambassadors, and for the pur-
pose of representing on other occasions the person of the
young Sovereign, it would be necessary to elect one of the
Council to preside, with such title as might be agreed upon ;
and that he himself would willingly submit to any one whom
CHAP.
XXXVL
Jan. 28.
1547,
Edward
VI. pro-
claimed.
Wriothes-
ley expects
to retain
Great Seal
and to have
the chief
power
during
King's
minority.
Somerset
Protector.
A.D. 1547.
652 REIGN OF EDWARD VI.
CHAP.- a majority mi<yht prefer. Thereupon, accorcHn<T to a con-
certed plan, a creature of Hertford's moved that he, as
nearest in blood to the King, and not in the line of succession
to the throne, and eminent for his abilities and virtues, should
be appointed governor of the King's person, and Protector of
the realm.
Wriothesley rose, and with fury opposed a measure which
he saw would reduce himself to insignificance. He insisted
that it would be a direct infringement of the late King's will,
which, being made under a statute, had all the force of an
act of the legislature, and could not be altered but by the
same authority which had established it. By the words and
the spirit of the instrument under which they were there
assembled, all the executors were equal, and were intended
to remain so during the King's minority ; and it would be
monstrous to place one of them over the rest as Protector, — •
an undefined and ill-omened title, which the chronicles showed
was always the forerunner of broils and civil war.
To his astonishment and consternation, however, he found
that he made no impression upon his audience, and that a
majority had been secured by his rival, who had been lavish
in his promises in case he should be elected. Wriothesley
was likewise personally unpopular, and his adherence to the
old religion was strongly against him, — the current now
running very strong in favour of the Reformation. Seeing
that opposition would be vain, he abstained from calling for
a division ; and he pretended to be contented with an assur-
ance, which he knew would prove fallacious, that the new
officer should in no case act without the assent of a majority
of the Council.
Young All the Lords, spiritual and temporal, were now assembled
appe^rancf '^^ *^^® Chamber of Presence, into which the Executors con-
in public, ducted the young Edward. Each in succession having kissed
his hand kneeling, and uttered the words " God save your
Grace ! " the Chancellor explained to the assembly the dis-
positions in the will of their late Sovereign, and the resolu-
tion of the executors to put the Earl of Hertford at their
head, — without hinting at his own disapproval of this step.
All present unanimously signified their assent ; the new Pro-
LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY. 653
tector expressed his gratitude for " the honour which had CHAP
. XXXVI
been so unexpectedly conferred upon him ; " and Edward,
pulling off his cap, said, " We heartily thank you, my Lords ^ j, 5547^
all ; and hereafter, in all that ye shall have to do with us for
any suit or causes, ye shall be heartily welcome."
In the next measure of the new government, there was the Honours
greatest respect professed for the late King, and it had the f°"f^'^'^
unanimous support of all the executors. There was a clause ecutors on
in Henry's will, requiring them " to see that all the promises * '^'"^'^ '^^
he had made in his lifetime should be fulfilled after his death,"
— without any statement in writing what those promises
were. According to the precedent of Anthony, acting as
executor under the will of Cajsar, — they asserted that what
was convenient to themselves had been promised by the tes-
tator. Three gentlemen of his privy chamber, with whom
he had been most familiar, and who knew that their assertion
would not be questioned, being called before the Board of
Regency, declared they had heard Henry say, shortly before
his death, that he intended to make Hertford Duke of
Somerset, Wriothesley Earl of Southampton, — and so to con-
fer on all of them the titles in the peerage which they coveted
— down to Sir Richard Rich, who was to be made Baron
Rich ; — with suitable grants to all of them to support their
new dignities. It should be recorded, to the honour of two Wriothes-
of the Council, St. Leger and Danby, that they declined the ^a^l^^f^^
proposed elevation ; but all the rest accepted it, and our Southamp-
Chancellor became the Earl of Southampton.*
Though he gained his title, he speedily lost his office, intrigues
Notwithstandino; a seeming reconciliation, as often as he and '" *''^.,
. . . . Council.
the Protector met in council, it was evident that there was a
bitter enmity between them. Wriothesley, under pretence
that nothing was to be done by the Protector without the
authority of a majority of the executors, tried to form a party
against him, and thwarted him in all his measures. Somerset,
feeling that he then had a decided majority in the Council,
but doubtful how long with such intrigues it might last, was
* However, he is not known in history by this title, and I shall continue to
call him by his family name.
654 REIGN OF EDWARD VI.
CHAP, resolved, as soon as possible, to get rid of so dangerous a
XXXVI. competitor^
^ ^ , 5^^ The Chancellor soon furnished him with a pretence. We
Charge havc sccn how, in the time of Henry VIII., disliking judicial
Wriothes- busincss, and feeling himself incompetent to it, he issued,
ley for ^yitli thc King's consent, a commission to the Master of the
iliegarcom- HoUs and Others to sit for him in the Court of Chancery.*
mission. Now, that he might enjoy ease, and devote himself to his
ambitious projects, he of his own mere motion, without royal
warrant, or the authority of the Board of Regency, issued a
similar commission to four lawyers, empowering them to hear
all manner of causes in his absence ; and giving to their
decrees the same force as if they had been pronounced by
himself, provided that, before enrolment, they were ratified
by his signature.
Upon the Commissioners taking their seats in the Court
of Chancery, there were murmurs among the barristers ; and
these coming to the ears of the delighted Somerset, he secretly
suggested that a petition upon the subject should be presented
to the Council. This being received as the spontaneous
complaint of " the undersigned, actuated by a great respect
for the constitution, and the due administration of justice,"
a reference was made to the Judges to pronounce upon the
validity of the commission, and the nature of the offence
committed by issuing it, if it were illegal. The Chancellor
did not resist this proceeding, being in hopes that the Judges
would take part with the head of the profession ; but they,
anticipating his .downfall, returned for answer, that " the
Chancellor having affixed the Great Seal without sufficient
warrant to the commission, the commission was void, and
that he had been guilty of an offence against the King,
which, at common law, was punishable with loss of office,
and fine and imprisonment, at the King's pleasure." He
called for a second reference to them, on the ground that
they had not properly considered the question, thinking that
he might procure some of them to retract. They counted
on the firmness of the Protector, and all adhered to their
• Ante, p. 640.
LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY. 655
former opinion. A motion was now made in council to pro- chap.
• • • • • XXXVI
nounce judgment against him, of deprivation of his office of
Chancellor, and to sentence him to fine and imprisonment. ^ „ ^^^j^
He spoke boldly and ably in his defence, treating the opinion His de-
of the Judges with great contempt ; and arguing that the
commission was fully justified by former precedents. But if
it were illegal for want of any form, he contended that the
Council could only revoke it ; and to avoid dispute, he was
willing that it should at once be cancelled. He added, that
if they hesitated to allow him the assistance enjoyed by
former Chancellors, he was himself ready to do all the duties
of the office in person ; but that, holding the office by patent,
— and the late King's will, made under an act of parliament,
having confirmed the grant, he could not be deprived of it
during the minority of Edward. If there were any charge
against him, he appealed to parliament, which alone could
deal with his case.
He found, however, a most determined resolution against He sub-
him in a majority of the Council, and he knew not to what "^^ ^'
extremities they might resort if he continued to defy them.
To avoid going to the Tower, he said he should submit to
their pleasure, and begged permission (which was granted)
that he might return to his house in Ely Place, Holborn,
while they deliberated upon his fate.
It was instantly resolved that he should be removed from March 6.
the office of Chancellor and his seat in the Council. The proved of
same evening the sentence was communicated to liim, with the Great
an intimation that he must remain a prisoner in his house expelled
till, upon further deliberation, the amount of his fine should ^^i" ^^}^
be ascertained. Lord Seymour of Sudeley, the Protector's
brother, Sir Anthony Brown, and Sir Edward North, were
immediately sent to demand the Great Seal from him. He
quietly surrendered it to them, and they carried it to Somer-
set, who, on receiving it into his hands, said to himself, "I
am at last Lord Protector."* But, freed for a time from
* The entry of this transaction in the Close Roll is very curious. " Mem.
qd Die Diiica videlt, &c. Magnum Sigillum ipsius Dni Regis in custodia
Thome Comitis .Southampton tunc Cancellar. Anglie existens per mandatum
cjusdem Dni Regis de avisamento Dni Ducis Somerset psone regie Guberna-
656
REIGN OF EDWARD VI.
CHAP.
XXXVI.
A.D. 1547.
New
powers to
Protector.
Wriothes-
ley two
years in
retirement.'
Sept. 1549.
Unpopu-
larity of
Protector.
VTriothes-
ley restored
to the
Council.
all rivalry, he played such fantastic tricks that he raised up
fresh enemies, disgusted the nation, and, before long, was
himself brought to the block.
No sooner was Wriothesley removed than the Protector
caused the Great Seal to be affixed to letters patent, formally
setting aside the King's will, and conferring on himself the
whole authority of the Crown. A new Council Avas ap-
pointed, from which Wriothesley was excluded, with power
to the Protector to add to their number, and to select from
the whole body such individuals as he should think fit to
form the Cabinet ; but he was not bound to follow their ad-
vice, and he was empowered in every case to decide accord-
ing to his own judgment till the King should have completed
his eighteenth year.
Wriothesley was not further molested, and remained quiet
for two years, till the Protector, by the execution of his bro-
ther Lord Seymour, and the contempt with which he treated
all who approached him, and the imbecility and rashness of
his measures of government, had rendered himself universally
odious, and was tottering to his fall.
The Ex-chancellor now contrived to get himself reinstated
in the Council, and he associated himself with Dudley Earl
of Warwick, a man, from his energy and want of principle,
rising into consequence, and destined soon to fill a great
space in the eyes of mankind. They formed a party, to
which they drew in the Earl of Arundel, Lord St. John, and
toris ac Regn. Protectorls necnon aliorum de consilio suo in manus ejusdem
Dni Regis resumptum est idemque Comes adtunc de officio Cancellarii Angl.
ob offens. et transgress, pr ipsum perpetrat. et alias justas et ronabiles causas
exonatus et amotus fuit. Sup. quo idem Mag. Sigill. in quadam baga de corio
inclusum et coopt. alia baga de velveto rubeo' insigniis regiis ornat. per eumdem
Comitem prtextu mandati prdci apud Hospit. ejusdem Comitis in Holbourn
London vocat. Ely Place in quadam interiori Camera ibidem circa horam
septimam post meridiem ejusdem diei nobil. viris Thome Seymour sacri ordinis
garteri militi Dno. Seymour de Sudley, &c. libaium fuit Rusquidem Thomas
Dns. Seymour, &c. Sigillum prdm. in baga predicta inclusum et sigillo ips.
Comitis munitum de manibus ips Comitis recipiet illud circa horam nonam
post meridiem prci diei in prsencia WoUi Paulet, &c. prnobili viro Edwardo
Duci Somerset Dno Protectori prdco in Camera sua infra nov. Palac. West,
prfto Dno Regi prstand. libaverunt."
' This is the first mention I find of the red velvet lag, with the royal arms, in
which the Great Seal is now inclosed.
LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY. 657
several other members of the Council, and, holding their CHAP:
meetings at Ely House, prepared measures for depriving
Somerset of all his authority.
At last the crisis arrived. The Councillors assembled in October,
Holborn, assumed to themselves the functions of government, ^ ^'^^^
and professed to act under the powers conferred upon them
as executors under the late King's will.
The Protector carried off the King from Hampton Court Proceed-
to Windsor Castle, under an escort of 500 men, and issued thrpfo-"**
orders to the adjoining counties to come in for the guard of tector.
the royal person. A manifesto was issued, prepared by Wrio-
thesley, forbidding obedience to these orders, detailing the
misconduct of the Protector, and accusing him of a design,
after the destruction of the nobility, to substitute himself in
the place of the young Sovereign. The Lord Mayor and
citizens of London took part with the Council ; most of the
executors joined them ; the Protector found himself deserted
at Windsor ; and Secretary Petre, whom he had despatched
with a threatening message to Ely House, instead of return-
ing, sent him word that he adhered to the lawful govern-
ment.
Somerset was as abject in his adverse fortune as he had been He is com-
insolent in prosperity. He submitted unconditionally to all ^ o"*^ r *"
the demands of his adversaries, abdicated the Protectorship,
allowed himself to be quietly committed to the Tower, and
there signed a confession of the articles of charge which his
enemies had drawn up against him.
These proceedings had been chiefly conducted by the ad- Wriothes-
vice of Wriothesley, who was now at the height of exult- \^^ '^"P'^*
. . . , ^'^ enjoy
ation, not only from the prospect of being reinstated in his supreme
oflice of Chancellor, but (what he really valued more, though P"^^'"'"-
a man of great personal ambition) of being now able to check
the Keformation, which Somerset had so much favoured, and
of bringing back the nation to the true faith. Warwick had
hitherto pretended to be of the same religious principles, and
he reckoned, without any misgiving, on his co-operation, —
resolved to retain his own ascendancy. But he suddenly
found that he had been made the tool of a man of deeper
intrigue, who was not embarrassed by any regard to principle
VOL. I. u u
658 REIGN OF EDWARD VI.
CHAP, or consistency. He saw himself at once drop into insig-
■ nificance, and the Reformation received a new impulse. War-
Superseded wick had the great advantage of being a man of the sword,
by Earl of and he had acquired considerable reputation by his military
exploits. He was, besides, of captivating address, while the
manners of the Ex-chancellor were cold and repulsive. The
councillors, the nobility, and the common people, therefore,
did not hesitate, at this juncture, to hail him as leader, and his
power was absolute. He is believed really to have been in
favour of the Romish religion ; but finding that the young
King was deeply imbued with the new doctrines, and that
they were becoming more and more popular, he suddenly
turned round, and professed a determination steadily to sup-
port all the ecclesiastical reforms introduced since the com-
mencement of the present reign.
Feb. 1550. Wriothesley, in anguish, made several bold attempts at
from public resistance ; but meeting with no support, and Warwick, who
''^®- thought he might become a dangerous rival, taking every op-
portunity to affront him, he withdrew from the Council, and
through disappointment and vexation he fell into a dangerous
His death, illness, from which he did not recover. Never again taking
any part in public affairs, he languished till the end of the
year 1550, and then died of a broken heart.
Shortly before his death he made his will, by which he left
his rich collar of the garter to the King, all his garters and
Georges to the Earl of Pembroke, and his large landed
estates to his sons.
Expiring in his town house, where Southampton Buildings
now stand, he was buried in the church of St. Andrew,
Holborn ; but there is no monument or inscription to mark
the spot where his dust reposes.
His ch^- In estimating his character, it would be most unjust to
racter. apply to it the standard of modem times. In his age
toleration was as little sanctioned by the followers of the
Reformation as by the adherents to the Papal supremacy ; and
though we deplore the extremes to which he was carried by
his mistaken zeal, we must honour the sincerity and con-
stancy by which he was distinguished from the great body of
the courtiers of Henry VIII., and the leaders of faction in
LORD CHANCELLOR WRIOTHESLEY. 659
the relarn of Edward VI., who were at all times disposed to chap.
.... • • xxxvr
accommodate their religious faith to their personal interest.
Even Burnet says, that " although he was fiercely zealous for
the old superstition, yet was he otherwise a great person." *
His descendants continued to flourish in the male line for His de^
three generations, and were men of note both under the
Tudors and Stuarts. His great-grandson, the Earl of South-
ampton, the personal friend of Charles I., and Lord Treasurer
to Charles II., having no male issue, the heiress of the family
was married to the unfortunate Lord Russell, and was the
famous Rachel Lady Russell who behaved so heroically on
the trial of her husband, and whose virtues, extolled by
Burnet, are best illustrated by her own simple, sweet, and
touching letters. The present Bedford family thus represent
Lord Chancellor Wriothesley, resembling him in sincerity
and steadiness of purpose, but happily distinguished for mild-
ness and liberality instead of sternness and bigotry.f
* Reform, i, 342.
t Dugd. Barn. tit. « Southampton." Wiffin's « History of the House of
Russell."
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
London :
Spottiswoode and Shaw,
New-street- Square.
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